Chapter 4

They introduced into the report suitable resolutions for accomplishing the object which it proposed, which received the deliberate and careful consideration of the house.Mr.Clay, being in the chair, had little opportunity to engage in the stirring debate that followed, yet he seemed to infuse a portion of his own glowing spirit into the friends of the measure, which caused others to approach it in the most determined resolution of sustaining any feasible and just course calculated to sustain the dignity and honor of the nation. The doctrines of the report were soon known throughout the country, and were hailed by the great mass of the people with every demonstration of approbation, and the echoes of their loud rejoicings rang back through the halls of congress like the tones of the ‘storm stirred deep,’ with most thrilling effect on the hearts of their representatives. The whole nation was kindled into a blaze by that document; it was what the people had been expecting, and impatiently waiting for. This applied the last bundle of fagots to the flame of patriotism that burned in the hearts of millions remote from the neighborhood of the outrages complained of, the extent and enormity of which, vague rumor only had conveyed to them. But this instrument made them acquainted, not only with their number, but also with their turpitude and murderous design. It showed them, on the one hand, the haughty, menacing attitude of England, and on the other, our own crouching, succumbing posture at her feet.It placed in bold relief before them, thebarbaricdepredations of the former on the ocean, her inhuman treatment of our seamen, and the huge paw of her lion tearing and lacerating our commercial interests whenever it could be placed upon them. The exhibition was viewed with feelings of surprise and indignation, causing them to stand aghast, and with difficulty to credit the evidence of their senses—to believe the picture accurately drawn. But the period of their stupified amazement was brief, and then the loud yell of vengeance which succeeded, was such as freemen only can send up when the iron heel of oppression is on their necks, and their precious heritage in his ravenous jaws. Like the earthquake, it shook the whole land, and its burden, repeated from every hill-top and valley, waswar,vindictive war. For this there was great unanimity among the populace, who could not rest, now that the knowledge of the long-inflicted wrongs was brought to their dwellings; but there was not a corresponding unanimity in congress. It was painful toMr.Clay to witness, in some members, a manifestation of awe and reverence even towards Great Britain, and in others, feelings of favor. By the revelations that had been made, his soul was wrought up to the highest point of manly and bold resistance, and he could not conceive it possible, that free legislators, similarly circumstanced with himself, could be affected otherwise. In many he witnessed a disposition to believe that the country was not in a suitable condition to commence and carry successfully on a war with so formidable a power as England. Our small and badly equipped army, our depressed navy, exhaustedtreasury, heavy indebtedness, and general lack of the requisite means, were pleaded by those opposed to the rupture. ButMr.Clay, in the towering majesty and strength of an intellectual giant, took all the obstacles and objections which their combined force could bring forward, in his powerful grasp, and compressed them into a nut-shell, entirely divested of their intimidating power. Among those opposed to war wasMr.Randolph. ‘Mr.Randolph’s intellect was then in its vigor, and the effort which he made in opposition to the report of the committee was perhaps the greatest in his whole congressional life. The extensive resources of his mind, the stately march of his eloquent periods, the startling flashes of his indignation, and the sneering devil that lurked in his tone and look, rendered him an opponent at that day, whom it was by no means safe to encounter.Mr.Clay was the only man in the house, who could dash aside, with unerring certainty, the weapons of this Ishmael.’On the sixth of December the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and took up the report. After a brief speech fromMr.Porter, elucidating and maintaining its positions and resolutions, it was adopted. It furnished ground of discussion in the house for several days, warmly and vigorously sustained by its friends, and violently opposed by its enemies. Among the latter,Mr.Randolph rendered himself the most conspicuous, both by his anti-republican and eccentric views, and the hostility evinced by him towards all who dissented from them, whom he visited with the most bitter personal invective. His fertile imagination conjured up a host of reasons, to deter us from embarking in the offensive war, which the report recommended. He threatened the advocates of it with the total loss of their political power, and magnified the might of England to an overwhelming extent; suggesting that it would be far more appropriate to approach her in a suppliant position, with downcast looks and folded arms, than to rush with shield and buckler and rashly dare her to the conflict. He seemed to sympathize with Great Britain, deprecating that censure heaped upon her as unjust, and advocated the policy of farther negotiations with her. His arguments, and those of his friends, were, however, unavailing, and when the debate ceased, the resolutions were separately adopted by large majorities.On the thirty-first of December, the house again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on a bill from the senate providing for the raising of twenty-five thousand troops.Mr.Breckenridge being in the chair, an opportunity was furnishedMr.Clay to express his views in relation to it, which he embraced. Among those in favor of war in the house, much diversity of opinion prevailed in regard to the number of men it was desirable to raise. Many were in favor of fifteen thousand only—a force in hisestimation by far too small to meet the exigences which had then arisen, and would be likely to arise. The secretary of war, in his report, had stated that at least twelve thousand troops would be wanted for the sole purpose of garrisoning the fortresses on the sea-board. During the progress of the proposed war, it might be deemed important to attack and subjugate Quebec in Canada, in which case it would be necessary, he contended, to post in the various military stations of strength on the route, a considerable number of men, to retain their possession. Allowances he thought should be made for the various contingences probable to occur, always incident to the operations of an army, and calculated to diminish their number. Even if the projected invasion of the British Provinces should be abandoned,Mr.Clay contended that the single circumstance of the immense extent of frontier to be guarded, rendered it obvious that twenty-five thousand men would constitute a force by no means too large. Inasmuch as it was the painful but imperative duty of America to strike the blow, he was in favor of so concentrating her energies, that when it fell, there would remain no necessity for its repetition. Subsequent events have proved his policy both wise and sagacious.Mr.Randolph mingled his erratic and visionary views in the discussion, and exerted himself to the utmost, to foment prejudice against a regular army; the effect of which would be worse than that of the locusts of Egypt, famishing, impoverishing, and deluging the country with blood, and erect a throne, to some idol conqueror. SaidMr.Clay in reply, ‘I am not the advocate of standing armies: but the standing armies which excite most my fears, are those which are kept up in time of peace. I confess I do not perceive any real source of danger in a military force of twenty-five thousand men in the United States, provided only for a state of war, even supposing it to be corrupted, and its arms turned by the ambition of its leaders against the freedom of the country. I see abundant security against any such treasonable attempt. The diffusion of information among the great body of the people, constitutes a powerful safeguard. The American character has been much abused by Europeans, whose tourists, whether on horse or foot, in verse and prose have united in depreciating it. It is true we do not exhibit as many signal instances of scientific acquirement in this country, as are furnished in the old world, but it is undeniable that the great mass of the people possess more intelligence than any other people on the globe. Such a people, consisting of upwards of seven millions, affording a physical power of about a million of men capable of bearing arms, and ardently devoted to liberty, cannot be subdued by an army of twenty-five thousand men. The wide extent of country over which we are spread, is another security. In other countries, France and England for example, the fall of Paris or London isthe fall of the nation. Here are no such dangerous aggregations of people. New York, and Philadelphia, and Boston, and every city on the Atlantic, may be subdued by a usurper, and he will have made but a small advance in the accomplishment of his purpose. Even let the whole country east of the Alleghany, submit to the ambition of some daring chief, and the liberty of the Union will be still unconquered. It will find successful support from the west. A great portion of the militia, nearly the whole, I understand, of Massachusetts, have arms in their hands, and I trust in God that this great object will be persevered in, till every man in the nation can proudly shoulder the musket, which is to defend his country and himself.A people having, besides the benefit of one general government, other local governments in full operation, capable of exerting and commanding great portions of the physical power, all of which must beprostratedbefore our constitution is subverted—such a people have nothing to fear from a petty contemptible force of twenty-five thousand regulars.’Many of the opposition affected to believe that the interests of the country would not be subserved, whether the war eventuated in her favor, or that of her enemy; they could see nothing to be gained by it; to whichMr.Clay said, ‘I will ask what are we not to lose by peace?—commerce, character, a nation’s best treasure and honor! If pecuniary considerations alone are to govern, there are sufficient motives for the war. Our revenue is reduced by the operation of the belligerent edicts, to about six millions of dollars. The year preceding the embargo, it was sixteen. Take away the orders in council, it will again mount up to sixteen millions. By continuing, therefore, in peace—if the mongrel situation in which we are deserves that denomination—we lose annually, in revenue alone, ten millions of dollars. Gentlemen will say, repeal the law of non-importation. If the United States were capable of that perfidy, the revenue would not be restored to its former state, the orders in council continuing. Without an export trade, which these orders prevent, inevitable ruin will ensue if we import as freely as we did prior to the embargo. A nation that carries on an import trade without an export trade to support it, must in the end be as certainly bankrupt, as the individual would be who incurred an annual expenditure without an income.’Mr.Clay contended that England, in assigning the cause of her aggressions to be the punishment of France, with whom she was at war, was practicing a deceptive part; that this was her ostensible and not real course. It was her inordinate desire of supremacy on the seas, which could not brook any appearance of rivalry, that prompted her hostilities. She saw in your numberless ships, which whitened every sea, in your hundred and twenty thousand gallant tars, the seeds of a naval force, which, in thirty years, would rival her on her own element.She therefore commenced the odioussystem of impressment, of which no language can paint my execration! SheDAREDto attempt the subversion of the personal freedom of your mariners!He closed by expressing his decided conviction of the justice of the undertaking, and hoping that unless redress was obtained by peaceable means speedily, war would be resorted to before the close of the session.On the fourth of January following, the bill passed the house, after several ineffectual attempts to introduce amendments, by a vote of ninety-four to thirty-four, several voting for, who at the commencement of the discussion were bitterly opposed to it. This was the initiatory step taken by the government in relation to the war.On the twenty-second of the same month, the committee to whom that portion of the president’s message was referred that contemplated a naval establishment, reported a bill in favor of its increase. To this alsoMr.Clay gave his most vigorous support, advocating the construction of several warlike vessels, combating the many specious objections of those opposed to its increase, and showed clearly their fallacy. He described three degrees of naval power. The first was one of sufficient magnitude and strength as would enable us to go forth and successfully cope with that of any belligerent nation on the globe. But such a force, he contended, it was out of the power of the American nation to raise, neither under her present circumstances was it particularly desirable.The second, was one by which we should be able to beat off any naval force or armament which Great Britain, or any other nation, might be able to send to and permanently station on our coasts. The force requisite would be about one third of that despatched by the foreign nation, according to nautical experience. He estimated that twelve line-of-battle ships and fifteen or twenty frigates would be sufficient to keep at bay the most formidable fleet England could send against us and maintain in American waters, during her conflict with European powers. A naval force like that, however, he admitted could not be raised then, but he urged congress to take such measures as should secure its construction as soon as possible, and estimated that its completion might be confidently expected in a few years. To him there was nothing in the vast extent of Great Britain’s naval resources intimidating. He maintained that her great distance from us, the perils which would environ a squadron on a foreign shore, and the ease with which, from the extent of our sea-coast, we could harass or escape an enemy, furnished proof sufficient to convince any unprejudiced mind, that we should be able very soon to assemble a navy capable of maintaining all our maritime rights and interests. The correctness ofMr.Clay’s views has since been amply verified, and the accuracy with which he foresaw and foretold futureevents shows him to have been gifted with no ordinary degree of prescience.The third degree of naval force,Mr.Clay regarded as entirely in the power of the nation to raise and sustain. It was a force competent to prevent any single vessel, however large, from interrupting our coasting trade, from entering our harbors, and levying contributions from our large cities. This he argued and proved was within the immediate means of the nation, although vigorously opposed by those hostile to the war. He triumphed, however, singularly over them, reprobating with severity the policy that refused to provide against any dangers because it could not guard against all. ‘If,’ said he, ‘we are not able to meet the gathered wolves of the forest, shall we put up with the barking impudence of every petty cur that trips across our way?’It wasMr.Clay’s ardent desire to provide a navy whose power should be commensurate with the interest it was designed to protect. This, our limited means in actual possession, the unavailability of those in our immediate vicinity, but above all, the depressing tendency on our financial department of those measures of inhuman cruelty towards our mariners on the one hand, and of arbitrary commercial exactions on the other by transatlantic powers, forbade us to expect. His remarks at that time in relation to this branch of our national defence, are worthy of the most attentive perusal. They abound with lucid argument, beautiful illustration, and convincing demonstration, with which it would be difficult to find a speech of similar length more replete.It was an invariable rule withMr.Clay, from which we find no instance of his deviation, whenever he investigated a measure of a public nature, to determine first accurately its bearing upon the whole community; how the happiness and prosperity of the nation would be affected by its introduction; and in the second place to graduate his efforts accordingly. Although rich in menial resources, possessing an inexhaustible intellectual mine, and an unfailing fountain of eloquence, he never drew largely on these when a subject of chimerical sectional importance came before him. It was only when one involving the public honor or dishonor arose—one on which the destinies of the republic were suspended—one which aimed at subverting or upholding the liberties of the people—that he made great drafts on them. He never wandered through the interminable wilds of diffuse debate, undetermined and undirected. As a skilful physician ascertains the state of his patient before prescribing for him, soMr.Clay, previous to legislation, carefully scanned the social, civil, and political condition of the whole region for which he was to legislate, and then, without any meandering or circumlocution, procured and applied the appropriate remedy. Though often found amid the dust of debate, it was not of his own raising. The caballers of faction, the moreeasily to accomplish their base designs, often darkened the political atmosphere, which one blast of his eloquence seldom failed to purify. Perhaps at no previous period in our political history were demagogues, both in and out of congress, more busily or violently engaged than at this. Disclosures of the most astounding character had been made, and were making, by which it appeared that there were those who waited only for a suitable occasion to barter away their country’s freedom for foreign gold. The arguments of those who opposed an increase of our navy were of such a nature as to cause their patriotism to be questioned. Notwithstanding it was a fact which could not be concealed, that our sea-coast was entirely defenceless and exposed to the ravages of a hostile nation, and our commerce crippled, many contended that nothing beneficial could be realized from such increase, and even went so far as to say that our foreign commerce was not worth protecting.Mr.Clay was convinced that it was the most provident measure that could under the then existing circumstances be adopted, and advocated it with a zeal and energy that knew no bounds. He demonstrated its necessity, not only to the Atlantic states, but to the vast west. ‘If,’ said he, ‘there be a point more than any other in the United States demanding the aid of naval protection, that point is the mouth of the Mississippi. The population of the whole western country are dependent on this single outlet for their surplus productions. These productions can be transported in no other way. Close the mouth of the Mississippi, and their export trade is annihilated. Abandon all idea of protecting by maratime force the mouth of the Mississippi, and we shall hold the inestimable right of the navigation of that river by the most precarious tenure. The whole commerce of the Mississippi, a commerce that is destined to be the richest that was ever borne by a single stream, is placed at the mercy of a single ship lying off the Balize! Can gentlemen, particularly from the western country, contemplate such possible, nay probable events, without desiring to see at least the commencement of such a naval establishment as will effectually protect the Mississippi?’ He showed the intimate connection of commerce with a navy, by saying that ‘a marine is the natural, the appropriate guardian of foreign commerce. The shepherd and his faithful dog are not more necessary to guard the flocks that browse and gambol on the neighboring mountain. Neglect to provide the one, and you must abandon the other. Suppose the expected war with Great Britain is commenced—you enter and subjugate Canada, and she still refuses to do you justice—what other possible mode will remain to operate on the enemy, but upon that element where alone you can come in contact with her? And if you do not prepare to protect there your own commerce and to assail his, will he not sweep from the ocean every vessel bearing your flag,and destroy even the coasting trade?’ To the argument that foreign trade was not worth protecting, he asked, ‘What is this foreign commerce that has suddenly become so inconsiderable? It has with very trifling aid from other sources, defrayed the expenses of the government ever since the adoption of the present constitution, maintained an expensive and successful war with the Indians, a war with the Barbary powers, aquasiwar with France, sustained the charges of suppressing two insurrections, and extinguishing upwards of forty-six millions of the public debt. In revenue, it has since the year 1789 yielded one hundred and ninety-one millions of dollars.’ Alluding to the eminent danger of our commercial metropolis, he remarked, ‘Is there a reflecting man in the nation who would not charge congress with a culpable neglect of its duty, if for the want of such a force a single ship were to bombard one of our cities? Would not every honorable member of the committee inflict on himself the bitterest reproaches, if by failing to make an inconsiderable addition to our gallant little navy, a single British vessel should place New York under contribution?’Mr.Clay’s arguments went home to the hearts of the members of the house with most convincing energy, dispelling the dense cloud of prejudice which interested faction, strongly controlled by foreign influence, had succeeded in raising, driving his opponents from their strong holds of open opposition, and dragging from their hiding places those who were dealing their blows in secret. He succeeded in causing the congressional pulsations to be in unison with his own—to pass the bill by a handsome majority. Thus an appropriation was secured for repairing and enlarging the shield of our protection, that it might be able to meet and ward off the blow that seemed about to descend upon us, secured mainly by the indefatigable exertions ofMr.Clay. The result was in complete accordance with his far-seeing sagacity. Augmented and equipped according to the provisions of the bill, our navy was sent forth to battle and to victory. With the cry of our impressed and suffering seamen, mingled soon the joyful notes of triumph; release speedily succeeded; aggression ceased, and beneath the ‘star spangled banner,’ respected and honored, our merchantmen pursued their way to traffic where they pleased unmolested.Most of the state legislatures signified their approval of the measures adopted by congress in relation to the war by corresponding resolutions. Kentucky early regarded with just indignation the tyrannical treatment of Great Britain, and evinced a disposition to resort immediately to coercive measures for redress, and guarantied her support to the extent of her ability to any course the general government might think proper to pursue. She declared that ‘should we tamely submit, the world ought to despiseus—we should despise ourselves—England herself would despise us.’ In view of the prospect of immediate rupture, she resolved that ‘the state of Kentucky, to the last mite of her strength and resources, will contribute them to maintain the contest and support the right of their country against such lawless violations, and that the citizens of Kentucky are prepared to take the field when called on.’After the passage of the navy bill, which was on the29thof January, 1812, congress was employed with matters pertaining to our relations with Great Britain, in all of whichMr.Clay exhibited untiring energy and unflagging zeal. In the language of another, ‘in all of themMr.Clay was the champion and the guide of the democratic party. No difficulties could weary or withstand his energies. He moved in majesty, for he moved in strength. Like the Carthaginian chief in the passage of the Alps, he kept his place in front of his comrades, putting aside with a giant effort every obstacle that opposed his progress, applauding the foremost of his followers, and rousing those who lingered by words of encouragement or reproach, until he succeeded in posting them upon a moral eminence from which they could look down upon the region where their prowess was to meet its long expected reward.’On the first day of April ensuing, the following document was transmitted by the president to congress:‘Considering it as expedient under existing circumstances and prospects, that a general embargo be laid on all vessels now in port, or hereafter arriving, for the period of sixty days, I recommend the immediate passage of a law to that effect.’Mr.Porter, the chairman of the committee on foreign relations, to whom the message was referred, reported a bill, and the house went into a committee of the whole to consider it. A warm and protracted discussion ensued, andMr.Clay was among the first to come forward and express his hearty concurrence with the opinion ofMr.Madison relative to the embargo. ‘I approve of it,’ said he, ‘because it is to be viewed as a direct precursor to war. As an American and a member of that house, he felt proud that the executive had recommended the measure.’As a matter in course, those who opposed war opposed the embargo, which was obviously intended as a step preparatory to it, to give sufficient time to place our commercial interests in a secure condition, so that when hostilities should actually commence, our trading vessels should not be in a situation to become an easy prey to British cruisers. Among the most rabid wasMr.Randolph, who denounced the embargo, and in opposition toMr.Clay, declared it a subterfuge—a retreat from battle—and not a step preparatory to war. ‘Sir,’ said he, ‘we are now in secret conclave. The eyes of the world are not upon us, but the eyes of God behold our doings. He knows the spirit of our minds. Shall wedeliberate on this subject in the spirit of sobriety and candor, or with that spirit which has too often characterized our discussions like the present? We ought to realize that we are in the presence of that God who knows our thoughts and motives, and to whom we must render an account for the deeds done in the body. What new cause of war or of an embargo has arisen within the last twelve months? The affair of the Chesapeake is settled; no new principles of blockade have been interpolated in the laws of nations. Every man of candor would ask why we did not then go to war twelve months ago.’ He said that the honorable speaker was laboring under a mistake by declaring that the message was for war; that he (Mr.Randolph) had ‘too much reliance on the wisdom and virtue of the president to believe that he would be guilty of such gross and unparalleled treason.’Mr.Clay replied in a becoming manner, in language that fell upon the house burning with the fire of his patriotic eloquence. ‘The gentleman from Virginia need not have reminded them in the manner he had of that Being who watched over and surrounded them. From this sentiment we should draw very different conclusions from those which occurred to him. It ought to influence them to that patriotism and to a display of those high qualifications, so much more honorable to the human character. The gentleman asks whatnewcause of war has been avowed? The affair of the Chesapeake is settled, to be sure; but only to paralyse the spirit of the country. Has Great Britain abstained from impressing our seamen—from depredating upon our property? We have complete proof in her capture of our ships, in her exciting our frontier Indians to hostility, and in her sending an emissary to our cities to excite civil war, that she will do every thing to destroy us. Our resolution and spirit are our only dependence. Although I feel warm upon this subject, I pride myself upon those feelings, and should despise myself if I were destitute of them.’Mr.Randolph still persisted in his intemperate opposition, averring that public sentiment was not in favor of either the embargo or war, and said that he had ‘known gentlemen not inferior in gallantry, in wisdom, in experience, in the talents of a statesman, to any upon the floor, consigned to oblivion for advocating a war upon the public sentiment.’ That the public mind was averse to these measures,Mr.Clay proved to be not true, by citing the great unanimity in the southern and western states, among both federalists and republicans, and the unequivocal resolutions offourteen state legislaturesin favor of both. If possible,Mr.Randolph was exceeded in the fierceness of his opposition byMr.Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts; at least by the low and scurrilous language in which he expressed it. He condemned the embargo as treasonable to the interests of the nation, as absurd and contrary tocommon sense. He boasted of having sent, in connection with his colleagues, expresses to the eastern cities, in the expectation that an embargo would be laid, that information to that effect might be given to merchants, so that they could obtain clearances for their vessels before it should take effect. Said he, ‘we did it to escape into the jaws of the British lion and of the French tiger, which are places of repose, of joy and delight, when compared with the grasp and fang of this hyena embargo. Look now upon the river below Alexandria, and you will see the sailors towing down their vessels as from a pestilence, against wind and tide, anxious to escape from a country which would destroy instead of preserving them. I object to it because it is no efficient preparation, because it is not a progress towards honorable war, but a subterfuge from the question. If we must perish, let us perish by any hand except our own; any fate is better than self-slaughter.’In meeting the storm of opposition which raged like a tempest around him,Mr.Clay is represented to have been ‘a flame of fire.’ He had now brought congress to the verge of what he conceived to be a war for liberty and honor, and his voice, inspired by the occasion, ran through the capitol like a trumpet-tone sounding for the onset. On the subject of the policy of the embargo, his eloquence, like a Roman phalanx, bore down all opposition, and he put to shame those of his opponents who flouted the government as being unprepared for war. ‘Why is it,’ he exclaimed, indignantly, ‘that we are nobetterprepared? Because the gentlemen themselves have thrown every possible obstacle in our way! They have opposed the raising of an army—the fitting out of a naval armament—the fortification of our frontiers—and now talk of the madness of engaging in a war for which we are notprepared! It is asked what new cause of war? In reply I will ask whatoldcause of war is avenged? Has Great Britain abstained from impressing our seamen? I have no doubt but that the late Indian hostilities on the Wabash were excited by the British. Is not this cause of war?’There was no withstanding his eloquent and patriotic appeals. They made every heart in the house vibrate and glow with intense desire to arouse and avenge the aggravated abuse heaped upon us by our foreign foe.After an ineffectual attempt to procure an amendment to the bill by extending the embargo to ninety days, it passed by a vote of seventy to forty-one. It was then sent to the senate, which introduced the amendment proposed in the house, which was adopted by it, and after receiving the signature of the president, it became the law of the land on the fourth day of April.Now war had become the settled policy of the nation; indeed the first initiatory step was taken. The Rubicon had been approached, and not to cross it would entail disgrace. Congress, therefore,set vigorously about preparing for war. The tardy procedure of government in bringing the subject to a crisis, it was thought would operate prejudicially in its prosecution, by allowing the eagerness and zeal then so prevalent for the conflict to subside. A result of the correspondence then going on between America and England, and which was continued after the embargo had taken effect, was, to render undecided a large and patriotic portion of the people, who were earnest in demanding redress, but as long as there was the slightest prospect of obtaining it by negotiation, chose to delay rather than meet the expenses and horrors of war. Hopes were entertained, from time to time, by the tone of the British minister’s communications, that all differences between the two nations would be pacifically arranged. But it soon appeared obvious, that nothing satisfactory would be proposed by him, that Great Britain had an ulterior object in view, in causing such expectations to be created, and that it would be better to abandon at once, and forever, all reliance upon this mode of procedure, resorted to from motives of the most amicable nature, on the part of the United States, and pursued so long and faithfully, yet ineffectully. Hope finally fled, though reluctantly and with a heavy heart, casting many ‘a lingering look behind,’ and ‘grim visaged war’ assumed her place. The most amicably disposed threw down the olive branch, and seized the sword. Remonstrance, entreaty, argument, and forbearance had been exhausted, and the nation, conscious of the righteousness of her cause, arose, buckled on her armor, and appealed to the God of battles for the maintenance of her rights.Mr.Clay was one of a deputation appointed to wait uponMr.Madison, to urge upon him the pressing necessity of making speedy and efficient preparation for the event which would inevitably occur. The views of congress, and of the country generally, relative to the subject of war, he spread before the president, argued that it was impolitic to waste any more time in fruitless negotiation, and expressed his sincere conviction, that, with their present resources, and those of which they could avail themselves, judiciously employed, as they would be by patriotic and indignant freemen, no alarming apprehensions need be entertained respecting the nature of the result. The muscular and mental energies of a free and united yeomanry of an independent and enlightened nation, arrayed in defence ofhomeand every thing that made it happy, he believed constituted a force invincible—one that could not be crushed by the hireling soldiery of the combined powers of Europe.The president, though inclined to advance with extreme caution, whose trepidation was increased by several members of his cabinet opposed to warlike movements, was nerved with fresh courage and fired with fresh patriotism, by the energetic remarks ofMr.Clay,and induced to hasten the blow from the axe of executive power, which alone could burst the bands which bound and restrained the thunderbolt of war.About this time, while in the exercise of his official prerogative,Mr.Clay became entangled in a disagreeable controversy withMr.Randolph. This gentleman, though possessing talents and eloquence of a high order, employed them in such a manner as to make himself distinguished for the most extravagant eccentricities and wild vagaries. There had existed not the most cordial understanding between him andMr.Clay, during several months previous. Their intercourse was not very uniform; sometimes it would be suspended for weeks, when not a word would be spoken by either to the other. The great difficulty of living on terms of intimacy or common civility even, withMr.Randolph, causedMr.Clay to adopt this course. He did not desire to offend the capricious gentleman, nor to place himself in a situation to receive offence from him. Occasionally, when the milk of human kindness was superabundant in his heart,Mr.Randolph would approach, and in the most honied accents and blandest manner, saluteMr.Clay and inquire after his health, with every demonstration of regard.One ofMr.Randolph’s peculiarities was exceeding uneasiness under restriction; indeed, he seldom quietly submitted to any parliamentary restraint, however necessary and salutary. He regarded the rules of the house as trammels and shackles, more honored by the breach than observance, and struggled violently against their enforcement in his case. During the day previous to that when the controversy mentioned occurred,Mr.Clay, in conversing with a friend ofMr.Randolph, remarked that the president would probably transmit a message to congress, recommending a declaration of war, on the following Monday. This information was communicated toMr.Randolph, who the next morning appeared in his seat, and commenced one of his usual windy harangues, without submitting any motion to the house. After discussing some time the subject of our foreign relations, although he well knew that such discussion was designed to be strictly private, manifesting more than his accustomed hostility to declaring war with Great Britain, and zeal in justifying her cruelties towards the United States, he was called to order, on the ground that there was no resolution before the house.Mr.Bibb, being in the chair, suffered him to proceed. Soon after,Mr.Clay resumed his seat, when he was again called to order, and required to submit his motion in writing to the chair.Mr.Clay observed that a standing rule of the house rendered it incumbent on any member who attempted to address it, after a few pertinent prefatory remarks, to submit his proposition in due form to the house, and then confine his remarks to it. ‘My proposition,’ saidMr.Randolph, ‘is that it is not expedientat this time, to resort to a war with Great Britain.’ He expressed great surprise when it was decided by the speaker that he could not proceed to discuss his proposition unless it was seconded and reduced to writing. ‘Then I appeal from that decision.’ The speaker briefly stated his reasons for his decision, which was sustained by a vote of sixty-seven to forty-two. ‘Then, sir, under the compulsion to submit my motion in writing, I offer it,’ saidMr.Randolph. The speaker replied, ‘there is no compulsion in the case, because the gentleman may or may not offer it, at his option.’ The motion was read from the chair, and the speaker observed that the house must first agree to consider it, before it could be in order to debate it. From this decisionMr.Randolph appealed, but at the suggestion of a friend, withdrew his appeal.Mr.Clay made a brief speech, justifying his decision, and then put the question whether the house would considerMr.Randolph’s resolution. It was rejected by a vote of seventy-two to thirty-seven.Mr.Randolph, thus compelled to take his seat, was greatly chagrined. On the following day he published a vindictive address to his constituents, in which he inveighed in the most bitter terms againstMr.Madison’s administration, declaring that the movements that had been made in reference to war, were not made with the intention of promoting the welfare of the country, and desired those whom he represented not to sanction the proposed declaration. Freedom of speech he declared had been invaded; that for the first time in the person of their representative had it been decided, that silence must be maintained upon the most important subject that could be brought forward for legislative action. He characterized this as ‘usurpation, more flagitious than any which had ever been practiced under the reign of terror by the father of the sedition laws, and the people must interfere and apply a remedy or bid adieu to a free government forever.’Mr.Clay noticed this singular paper in a communication over his own name, which was published in the National Intelligencer reviewing briefly the controversy, stating the grounds of his action in relation to it, and established the two following principles: ‘that the house had a right to know through its organ, the specific motion which a member intends making before he undertakes to argue it at large, and that it reserves to itself the exercise of the power of determining whether it will consider it at the particular time when offered, prior to his thus proceeding to argue it.’ These principles have subsequently formed the rule in the house in similar cases, the operation of which has tended, in no small degree, to promote the interests of the country, by restraining within proper bounds the freedom of debate.On the first of June, the president despatched to the house a message, containing a summary statement of our grievances demanding reparation, narrating the various pacific and often repeatedattempts of the United States to adjust all existing difficulties with Great Britain, remarking the cold indifference or haughty repulse with which the latter had invariably met the amicable advances of the former, and recommending to the early consideration of congress the question whether the United States should ‘continue passive under these progressive usurpations and these accumulating wrongs, or opposing force to force in defence of their natural rights, should commit a just cause into the hands of the almighty disposer of events.’ An ‘immediate appeal toarms’ was recommended in a report of the committee on foreign relations, to whom the message was referred, on the eighteenth, and the act declaring war passed both houses of congress the same day, and on the nineteenthMr.Madison issued his proclamation, declaring hostilities as actually commenced. On the sixth of July congress adjourned, to assemble on the first Monday in November.The crisis towards which so many eyes had long been directed, had at last come—a crisis which, though sought by government, was sought reluctantly. Any measure that would have obviated its necessity, had been embraced with eager joy. Every expedient was resorted to, in order to prevent the waste of treasures and effusion of blood, with which it would be attended. The great master spirits,Messrs.Clay, Lowndes, Cheves and Calhoun, the bold pioneers in paving the way to and hastening on this crisis, did not attempt to shrink from their duty, nor to shake off the solemn responsibility which they assumed to their country in undertaking to conduct the ark of her liberties, now when they had guided it into the roaring vortex of war. They did not prove recreant to the precious trusts committed to their care, by traitorously deserting their posts. Though the billows of fierce conflict dashed against its sides, they did not withdraw the hand that had hitherto supported it. There was no looking back, no cowardly avoiding of danger, but shoulder to shoulder manfully they breasted the dark surges of belligerent strife, until in safety the harbor of success was finally attained.With the view of shortening the conflict and ameliorating the condition of those engaged in it as much as possible, previous and subsequent to the declaration of war, they sought to place the financial department of the nation in a situation to meet the demands that would be made upon it in case of that event. In pursuance of this view, the secretary of the treasury,Mr.Gallatin, whose reputation for financiering stood high, was selected to devise and report a system that should accomplish the desired object. The public disappointment was excessive when his report appeared, which, instead of exhibiting any new feature in finance—instead of deriving revenue from the vast, existing and appropriate national sources—proposed to obtain it in the old obnoxious ways from excise, stamp duties,&c.Although deeply regretting that amore efficient plan was not provided, still, with a spirit that seemed resolved to turn to the best possible account the propositions of the secretary, they commenced levying taxes according to his plan. To this endMr.Cheves, chairman of the committee of ways and means, diligently employed himself in preparing bills, whose object was the raising of revenue. After their completion and presentation, a discovery was made that well nigh proved fatal to this. It was ascertained through the efforts ofMr.Smiley, an intimate friend of the secretary of the treasury, that both he and the president were opposed to levying taxes at the time of the declaration of war, declaring ‘that the people would not take both war and taxes together.’The non-concurrence of the executive in their financial scheme, was a source of bitter though unavailing regret toMr.Clay and his coadjutors. It was, to be sure, defective, but had not this insuperable obstacle been interposed in the way of its being carried out, the treasury would have been to a considerable extent replenished with funds; the early want of which was a serious detriment felt during the whole war. To the influence ofMr.Gallatin, in a great measure, doubtless, the opposition ofMr.Madison to the conjunction of the two measures was owing. He was very susceptible of influence, especially from those in whom he reposed confidence, such as he did in the secretary. The same kind of influence, inducing him to procrastinate a declaration of war,Mr.Clay found him laboring under, when, as one of a deputation, he was sent to wait on and urge him to delay no longer, telling him that farther argument was useless, that theultima thuleof talking had been reached, and that the time for prompt and vigorousactionhad arrived. To illustrate the difference between speaking and writing, andacting, he repeated toMr.Madison an anecdote of two Kentucky judges. ‘One talked incessantly from the bench. He reasoned every body to death. He would deliver an opinion, and first try to convince the party that agreed with him, and then the opposite party. The consequence was that business lagged, the docket accumulated, litigants complained, and the community were dissatisfied. He was succeeded by a judge who never gave any reasons for his opinion, but decided the case simply for the plaintiff or defendant. His decisions were rarely reversed by the appellate court, the docket melted away, litigants were no longer exposed to ruinous delay, and the community were contented.’ This humorous sally ofMr.Clay occasioned the president much mirth, who replied by relating an anecdote which occurred to him, of a French judge, who, said he, after hearing the arguments of the parties, put their papers in opposite scales, and decided the case according to the preponderance of weight.Attempts on the part of the United States to prevent hostilities, did not cease until war had been declared, and even then a dispositionwas manifested to put a speedy termination to them, for in one week after this event,Mr.Jonathan Russell, ourchargé d’affairesat the court ofSt.James, received instructions to agree to an armistice as a preliminary to a treaty, provided the British government should repeal her orders in council, and discontinue the impressment of our seamen, and afterwards without insisting upon any particular agreement. All our pacific efforts, however, were fruitless, our proposals refused with disdain, and accompanied with language of reproach and insult, even conveying the idea that the conduct of the United States was pusillanimous. She refused to treat with us at all, unless as preliminary we would recall our letters of marque and reprisal, and cease all hostile acts towards British property and British subjects. Such degrading conditions could never be submitted to by the United States, although the federal party were willing and even clamorous to comply with them. The virtue and patriotism of the people, however, preponderated over all the vile attempts at causing the nation to accept the disgraceful terms dictated by her haughty foe, to procure the repose she desired. The middle of September found us still endeavoring to procure an adjustment of our difficulties amicably. The proposals ofMr.Russell, though of the most liberal nature, were treated contemptuously, and at an interview on the seventeenth of September, lord Castlereagh expressed great astonishment that American commissioners should still continue to indulge the expectation that the right of impressment should ever be relinquished, and even had the arrogance to say that ‘ourfriends in congress had been so confident in that mistake, that they had ascribed the failure of such an arrangement solely to the misconduct of the American government.’ The demands of the British in insolence seemed to have no limits; asking if the ‘United States would deliver up the native British seamen who might be naturalized in America.’ ‘If,’ said lord Castlereagh, ‘the American government was so anxious to get rid of the war, it would have an opportunity of doing so, on learning the revocation of the orders in council.’It was sufficiently obvious now that nothing remained but to prosecute the war as vigorously as possible. Our arms, in several cases, had been unsuccessful. The circumstances of the delivery of Detroit into the hands of the enemy by general Hull, were such as to render it certain that treason had some agency in it. These disasters tended to dampen the ardor of some, and to render more confident and blustering demagogues and federalists, who went about croaking like birds of ill omen, doing all in their power to infuse a spirit inimical to the course then pursuing, and bring opprobrium on the administration party. They continually referred to those partial failures as the sure prognostics that the whole country would fall an easy prey to the enemy. But these reverses weresubsequently in a measure repaired, by the successful and gallant achievements of a body of western volunteers, led on by general Harrison, over the British and their allies, the barbarous savages. Our brilliant victories on the sea were such as to kindle up the expiring energies in the hearts of the despairing, and to nerve to nobler deeds the intrepid. They evinced what could be accomplished by determination and valor combined. The British frigate Guerriere had been captured by captain Hull, commander of the frigate Constitution; commodore Rodgers had rendered most signal service to our commercial interests; all which tended to impart a fresh impulse to our army and navy.During the interval between the adjournment and re-assembling of congress,Mr.Clay watched the progress of the war with the most intense interest.This was the all-absorbing subject of his soul, engaging its every faculty and principle; and the efforts which he made to secure its successful termination were as strenuous as they were unremitted. In public assemblies, in private circles, it was the theme on which he dwelt continually, and around which he twined the richest wreaths of his oratorical and colloquial skill. He always had a weapon ready to prostrate the opposition of the federalist and demagogue, however speciously presented. The grounds of encouragement to proceed, and the prospect of ultimate success, were so clearly elucidated by him, that the timid gathered confidence, and the bold redoubled their energies. Hope and courage were his constant companions, from which fear and cowardice fled away. These spread their animating influences far and wide, and like a beacon light lit up the whole land. HadMr.Clay been engaged in a personal enterprize in which he had embarked his all, where fortune, fame, reputation, and life itself were at issue, he could not have manifested greater solicitude for the result, or put forth more gigantic efforts to render it favorable, than he did in relation to the war of the nation. If patriotism, undoubted and unadulterated, be not deducible from his agency in originating, prosecuting and consummating the war, on what page of the world’s annals is it chronicled? The history of the Grecian and Roman republics furnish many instances of exalted, self-sacrificing patriotism—of those who under its influence met death as joyfully as they would have met a friend. Inspired by this principle we hear one of their bards exclaim,

They introduced into the report suitable resolutions for accomplishing the object which it proposed, which received the deliberate and careful consideration of the house.

Mr.Clay, being in the chair, had little opportunity to engage in the stirring debate that followed, yet he seemed to infuse a portion of his own glowing spirit into the friends of the measure, which caused others to approach it in the most determined resolution of sustaining any feasible and just course calculated to sustain the dignity and honor of the nation. The doctrines of the report were soon known throughout the country, and were hailed by the great mass of the people with every demonstration of approbation, and the echoes of their loud rejoicings rang back through the halls of congress like the tones of the ‘storm stirred deep,’ with most thrilling effect on the hearts of their representatives. The whole nation was kindled into a blaze by that document; it was what the people had been expecting, and impatiently waiting for. This applied the last bundle of fagots to the flame of patriotism that burned in the hearts of millions remote from the neighborhood of the outrages complained of, the extent and enormity of which, vague rumor only had conveyed to them. But this instrument made them acquainted, not only with their number, but also with their turpitude and murderous design. It showed them, on the one hand, the haughty, menacing attitude of England, and on the other, our own crouching, succumbing posture at her feet.It placed in bold relief before them, thebarbaricdepredations of the former on the ocean, her inhuman treatment of our seamen, and the huge paw of her lion tearing and lacerating our commercial interests whenever it could be placed upon them. The exhibition was viewed with feelings of surprise and indignation, causing them to stand aghast, and with difficulty to credit the evidence of their senses—to believe the picture accurately drawn. But the period of their stupified amazement was brief, and then the loud yell of vengeance which succeeded, was such as freemen only can send up when the iron heel of oppression is on their necks, and their precious heritage in his ravenous jaws. Like the earthquake, it shook the whole land, and its burden, repeated from every hill-top and valley, waswar,vindictive war. For this there was great unanimity among the populace, who could not rest, now that the knowledge of the long-inflicted wrongs was brought to their dwellings; but there was not a corresponding unanimity in congress. It was painful toMr.Clay to witness, in some members, a manifestation of awe and reverence even towards Great Britain, and in others, feelings of favor. By the revelations that had been made, his soul was wrought up to the highest point of manly and bold resistance, and he could not conceive it possible, that free legislators, similarly circumstanced with himself, could be affected otherwise. In many he witnessed a disposition to believe that the country was not in a suitable condition to commence and carry successfully on a war with so formidable a power as England. Our small and badly equipped army, our depressed navy, exhaustedtreasury, heavy indebtedness, and general lack of the requisite means, were pleaded by those opposed to the rupture. ButMr.Clay, in the towering majesty and strength of an intellectual giant, took all the obstacles and objections which their combined force could bring forward, in his powerful grasp, and compressed them into a nut-shell, entirely divested of their intimidating power. Among those opposed to war wasMr.Randolph. ‘Mr.Randolph’s intellect was then in its vigor, and the effort which he made in opposition to the report of the committee was perhaps the greatest in his whole congressional life. The extensive resources of his mind, the stately march of his eloquent periods, the startling flashes of his indignation, and the sneering devil that lurked in his tone and look, rendered him an opponent at that day, whom it was by no means safe to encounter.Mr.Clay was the only man in the house, who could dash aside, with unerring certainty, the weapons of this Ishmael.’

On the sixth of December the house resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and took up the report. After a brief speech fromMr.Porter, elucidating and maintaining its positions and resolutions, it was adopted. It furnished ground of discussion in the house for several days, warmly and vigorously sustained by its friends, and violently opposed by its enemies. Among the latter,Mr.Randolph rendered himself the most conspicuous, both by his anti-republican and eccentric views, and the hostility evinced by him towards all who dissented from them, whom he visited with the most bitter personal invective. His fertile imagination conjured up a host of reasons, to deter us from embarking in the offensive war, which the report recommended. He threatened the advocates of it with the total loss of their political power, and magnified the might of England to an overwhelming extent; suggesting that it would be far more appropriate to approach her in a suppliant position, with downcast looks and folded arms, than to rush with shield and buckler and rashly dare her to the conflict. He seemed to sympathize with Great Britain, deprecating that censure heaped upon her as unjust, and advocated the policy of farther negotiations with her. His arguments, and those of his friends, were, however, unavailing, and when the debate ceased, the resolutions were separately adopted by large majorities.

On the thirty-first of December, the house again resolved itself into a committee of the whole on a bill from the senate providing for the raising of twenty-five thousand troops.Mr.Breckenridge being in the chair, an opportunity was furnishedMr.Clay to express his views in relation to it, which he embraced. Among those in favor of war in the house, much diversity of opinion prevailed in regard to the number of men it was desirable to raise. Many were in favor of fifteen thousand only—a force in hisestimation by far too small to meet the exigences which had then arisen, and would be likely to arise. The secretary of war, in his report, had stated that at least twelve thousand troops would be wanted for the sole purpose of garrisoning the fortresses on the sea-board. During the progress of the proposed war, it might be deemed important to attack and subjugate Quebec in Canada, in which case it would be necessary, he contended, to post in the various military stations of strength on the route, a considerable number of men, to retain their possession. Allowances he thought should be made for the various contingences probable to occur, always incident to the operations of an army, and calculated to diminish their number. Even if the projected invasion of the British Provinces should be abandoned,Mr.Clay contended that the single circumstance of the immense extent of frontier to be guarded, rendered it obvious that twenty-five thousand men would constitute a force by no means too large. Inasmuch as it was the painful but imperative duty of America to strike the blow, he was in favor of so concentrating her energies, that when it fell, there would remain no necessity for its repetition. Subsequent events have proved his policy both wise and sagacious.

Mr.Randolph mingled his erratic and visionary views in the discussion, and exerted himself to the utmost, to foment prejudice against a regular army; the effect of which would be worse than that of the locusts of Egypt, famishing, impoverishing, and deluging the country with blood, and erect a throne, to some idol conqueror. SaidMr.Clay in reply, ‘I am not the advocate of standing armies: but the standing armies which excite most my fears, are those which are kept up in time of peace. I confess I do not perceive any real source of danger in a military force of twenty-five thousand men in the United States, provided only for a state of war, even supposing it to be corrupted, and its arms turned by the ambition of its leaders against the freedom of the country. I see abundant security against any such treasonable attempt. The diffusion of information among the great body of the people, constitutes a powerful safeguard. The American character has been much abused by Europeans, whose tourists, whether on horse or foot, in verse and prose have united in depreciating it. It is true we do not exhibit as many signal instances of scientific acquirement in this country, as are furnished in the old world, but it is undeniable that the great mass of the people possess more intelligence than any other people on the globe. Such a people, consisting of upwards of seven millions, affording a physical power of about a million of men capable of bearing arms, and ardently devoted to liberty, cannot be subdued by an army of twenty-five thousand men. The wide extent of country over which we are spread, is another security. In other countries, France and England for example, the fall of Paris or London isthe fall of the nation. Here are no such dangerous aggregations of people. New York, and Philadelphia, and Boston, and every city on the Atlantic, may be subdued by a usurper, and he will have made but a small advance in the accomplishment of his purpose. Even let the whole country east of the Alleghany, submit to the ambition of some daring chief, and the liberty of the Union will be still unconquered. It will find successful support from the west. A great portion of the militia, nearly the whole, I understand, of Massachusetts, have arms in their hands, and I trust in God that this great object will be persevered in, till every man in the nation can proudly shoulder the musket, which is to defend his country and himself.A people having, besides the benefit of one general government, other local governments in full operation, capable of exerting and commanding great portions of the physical power, all of which must beprostratedbefore our constitution is subverted—such a people have nothing to fear from a petty contemptible force of twenty-five thousand regulars.’

Many of the opposition affected to believe that the interests of the country would not be subserved, whether the war eventuated in her favor, or that of her enemy; they could see nothing to be gained by it; to whichMr.Clay said, ‘I will ask what are we not to lose by peace?—commerce, character, a nation’s best treasure and honor! If pecuniary considerations alone are to govern, there are sufficient motives for the war. Our revenue is reduced by the operation of the belligerent edicts, to about six millions of dollars. The year preceding the embargo, it was sixteen. Take away the orders in council, it will again mount up to sixteen millions. By continuing, therefore, in peace—if the mongrel situation in which we are deserves that denomination—we lose annually, in revenue alone, ten millions of dollars. Gentlemen will say, repeal the law of non-importation. If the United States were capable of that perfidy, the revenue would not be restored to its former state, the orders in council continuing. Without an export trade, which these orders prevent, inevitable ruin will ensue if we import as freely as we did prior to the embargo. A nation that carries on an import trade without an export trade to support it, must in the end be as certainly bankrupt, as the individual would be who incurred an annual expenditure without an income.’

Mr.Clay contended that England, in assigning the cause of her aggressions to be the punishment of France, with whom she was at war, was practicing a deceptive part; that this was her ostensible and not real course. It was her inordinate desire of supremacy on the seas, which could not brook any appearance of rivalry, that prompted her hostilities. She saw in your numberless ships, which whitened every sea, in your hundred and twenty thousand gallant tars, the seeds of a naval force, which, in thirty years, would rival her on her own element.She therefore commenced the odioussystem of impressment, of which no language can paint my execration! SheDAREDto attempt the subversion of the personal freedom of your mariners!

He closed by expressing his decided conviction of the justice of the undertaking, and hoping that unless redress was obtained by peaceable means speedily, war would be resorted to before the close of the session.

On the fourth of January following, the bill passed the house, after several ineffectual attempts to introduce amendments, by a vote of ninety-four to thirty-four, several voting for, who at the commencement of the discussion were bitterly opposed to it. This was the initiatory step taken by the government in relation to the war.

On the twenty-second of the same month, the committee to whom that portion of the president’s message was referred that contemplated a naval establishment, reported a bill in favor of its increase. To this alsoMr.Clay gave his most vigorous support, advocating the construction of several warlike vessels, combating the many specious objections of those opposed to its increase, and showed clearly their fallacy. He described three degrees of naval power. The first was one of sufficient magnitude and strength as would enable us to go forth and successfully cope with that of any belligerent nation on the globe. But such a force, he contended, it was out of the power of the American nation to raise, neither under her present circumstances was it particularly desirable.

The second, was one by which we should be able to beat off any naval force or armament which Great Britain, or any other nation, might be able to send to and permanently station on our coasts. The force requisite would be about one third of that despatched by the foreign nation, according to nautical experience. He estimated that twelve line-of-battle ships and fifteen or twenty frigates would be sufficient to keep at bay the most formidable fleet England could send against us and maintain in American waters, during her conflict with European powers. A naval force like that, however, he admitted could not be raised then, but he urged congress to take such measures as should secure its construction as soon as possible, and estimated that its completion might be confidently expected in a few years. To him there was nothing in the vast extent of Great Britain’s naval resources intimidating. He maintained that her great distance from us, the perils which would environ a squadron on a foreign shore, and the ease with which, from the extent of our sea-coast, we could harass or escape an enemy, furnished proof sufficient to convince any unprejudiced mind, that we should be able very soon to assemble a navy capable of maintaining all our maritime rights and interests. The correctness ofMr.Clay’s views has since been amply verified, and the accuracy with which he foresaw and foretold futureevents shows him to have been gifted with no ordinary degree of prescience.

The third degree of naval force,Mr.Clay regarded as entirely in the power of the nation to raise and sustain. It was a force competent to prevent any single vessel, however large, from interrupting our coasting trade, from entering our harbors, and levying contributions from our large cities. This he argued and proved was within the immediate means of the nation, although vigorously opposed by those hostile to the war. He triumphed, however, singularly over them, reprobating with severity the policy that refused to provide against any dangers because it could not guard against all. ‘If,’ said he, ‘we are not able to meet the gathered wolves of the forest, shall we put up with the barking impudence of every petty cur that trips across our way?’

It wasMr.Clay’s ardent desire to provide a navy whose power should be commensurate with the interest it was designed to protect. This, our limited means in actual possession, the unavailability of those in our immediate vicinity, but above all, the depressing tendency on our financial department of those measures of inhuman cruelty towards our mariners on the one hand, and of arbitrary commercial exactions on the other by transatlantic powers, forbade us to expect. His remarks at that time in relation to this branch of our national defence, are worthy of the most attentive perusal. They abound with lucid argument, beautiful illustration, and convincing demonstration, with which it would be difficult to find a speech of similar length more replete.

It was an invariable rule withMr.Clay, from which we find no instance of his deviation, whenever he investigated a measure of a public nature, to determine first accurately its bearing upon the whole community; how the happiness and prosperity of the nation would be affected by its introduction; and in the second place to graduate his efforts accordingly. Although rich in menial resources, possessing an inexhaustible intellectual mine, and an unfailing fountain of eloquence, he never drew largely on these when a subject of chimerical sectional importance came before him. It was only when one involving the public honor or dishonor arose—one on which the destinies of the republic were suspended—one which aimed at subverting or upholding the liberties of the people—that he made great drafts on them. He never wandered through the interminable wilds of diffuse debate, undetermined and undirected. As a skilful physician ascertains the state of his patient before prescribing for him, soMr.Clay, previous to legislation, carefully scanned the social, civil, and political condition of the whole region for which he was to legislate, and then, without any meandering or circumlocution, procured and applied the appropriate remedy. Though often found amid the dust of debate, it was not of his own raising. The caballers of faction, the moreeasily to accomplish their base designs, often darkened the political atmosphere, which one blast of his eloquence seldom failed to purify. Perhaps at no previous period in our political history were demagogues, both in and out of congress, more busily or violently engaged than at this. Disclosures of the most astounding character had been made, and were making, by which it appeared that there were those who waited only for a suitable occasion to barter away their country’s freedom for foreign gold. The arguments of those who opposed an increase of our navy were of such a nature as to cause their patriotism to be questioned. Notwithstanding it was a fact which could not be concealed, that our sea-coast was entirely defenceless and exposed to the ravages of a hostile nation, and our commerce crippled, many contended that nothing beneficial could be realized from such increase, and even went so far as to say that our foreign commerce was not worth protecting.Mr.Clay was convinced that it was the most provident measure that could under the then existing circumstances be adopted, and advocated it with a zeal and energy that knew no bounds. He demonstrated its necessity, not only to the Atlantic states, but to the vast west. ‘If,’ said he, ‘there be a point more than any other in the United States demanding the aid of naval protection, that point is the mouth of the Mississippi. The population of the whole western country are dependent on this single outlet for their surplus productions. These productions can be transported in no other way. Close the mouth of the Mississippi, and their export trade is annihilated. Abandon all idea of protecting by maratime force the mouth of the Mississippi, and we shall hold the inestimable right of the navigation of that river by the most precarious tenure. The whole commerce of the Mississippi, a commerce that is destined to be the richest that was ever borne by a single stream, is placed at the mercy of a single ship lying off the Balize! Can gentlemen, particularly from the western country, contemplate such possible, nay probable events, without desiring to see at least the commencement of such a naval establishment as will effectually protect the Mississippi?’ He showed the intimate connection of commerce with a navy, by saying that ‘a marine is the natural, the appropriate guardian of foreign commerce. The shepherd and his faithful dog are not more necessary to guard the flocks that browse and gambol on the neighboring mountain. Neglect to provide the one, and you must abandon the other. Suppose the expected war with Great Britain is commenced—you enter and subjugate Canada, and she still refuses to do you justice—what other possible mode will remain to operate on the enemy, but upon that element where alone you can come in contact with her? And if you do not prepare to protect there your own commerce and to assail his, will he not sweep from the ocean every vessel bearing your flag,and destroy even the coasting trade?’ To the argument that foreign trade was not worth protecting, he asked, ‘What is this foreign commerce that has suddenly become so inconsiderable? It has with very trifling aid from other sources, defrayed the expenses of the government ever since the adoption of the present constitution, maintained an expensive and successful war with the Indians, a war with the Barbary powers, aquasiwar with France, sustained the charges of suppressing two insurrections, and extinguishing upwards of forty-six millions of the public debt. In revenue, it has since the year 1789 yielded one hundred and ninety-one millions of dollars.’ Alluding to the eminent danger of our commercial metropolis, he remarked, ‘Is there a reflecting man in the nation who would not charge congress with a culpable neglect of its duty, if for the want of such a force a single ship were to bombard one of our cities? Would not every honorable member of the committee inflict on himself the bitterest reproaches, if by failing to make an inconsiderable addition to our gallant little navy, a single British vessel should place New York under contribution?’

Mr.Clay’s arguments went home to the hearts of the members of the house with most convincing energy, dispelling the dense cloud of prejudice which interested faction, strongly controlled by foreign influence, had succeeded in raising, driving his opponents from their strong holds of open opposition, and dragging from their hiding places those who were dealing their blows in secret. He succeeded in causing the congressional pulsations to be in unison with his own—to pass the bill by a handsome majority. Thus an appropriation was secured for repairing and enlarging the shield of our protection, that it might be able to meet and ward off the blow that seemed about to descend upon us, secured mainly by the indefatigable exertions ofMr.Clay. The result was in complete accordance with his far-seeing sagacity. Augmented and equipped according to the provisions of the bill, our navy was sent forth to battle and to victory. With the cry of our impressed and suffering seamen, mingled soon the joyful notes of triumph; release speedily succeeded; aggression ceased, and beneath the ‘star spangled banner,’ respected and honored, our merchantmen pursued their way to traffic where they pleased unmolested.

Most of the state legislatures signified their approval of the measures adopted by congress in relation to the war by corresponding resolutions. Kentucky early regarded with just indignation the tyrannical treatment of Great Britain, and evinced a disposition to resort immediately to coercive measures for redress, and guarantied her support to the extent of her ability to any course the general government might think proper to pursue. She declared that ‘should we tamely submit, the world ought to despiseus—we should despise ourselves—England herself would despise us.’ In view of the prospect of immediate rupture, she resolved that ‘the state of Kentucky, to the last mite of her strength and resources, will contribute them to maintain the contest and support the right of their country against such lawless violations, and that the citizens of Kentucky are prepared to take the field when called on.’

After the passage of the navy bill, which was on the29thof January, 1812, congress was employed with matters pertaining to our relations with Great Britain, in all of whichMr.Clay exhibited untiring energy and unflagging zeal. In the language of another, ‘in all of themMr.Clay was the champion and the guide of the democratic party. No difficulties could weary or withstand his energies. He moved in majesty, for he moved in strength. Like the Carthaginian chief in the passage of the Alps, he kept his place in front of his comrades, putting aside with a giant effort every obstacle that opposed his progress, applauding the foremost of his followers, and rousing those who lingered by words of encouragement or reproach, until he succeeded in posting them upon a moral eminence from which they could look down upon the region where their prowess was to meet its long expected reward.’

On the first day of April ensuing, the following document was transmitted by the president to congress:

‘Considering it as expedient under existing circumstances and prospects, that a general embargo be laid on all vessels now in port, or hereafter arriving, for the period of sixty days, I recommend the immediate passage of a law to that effect.’

Mr.Porter, the chairman of the committee on foreign relations, to whom the message was referred, reported a bill, and the house went into a committee of the whole to consider it. A warm and protracted discussion ensued, andMr.Clay was among the first to come forward and express his hearty concurrence with the opinion ofMr.Madison relative to the embargo. ‘I approve of it,’ said he, ‘because it is to be viewed as a direct precursor to war. As an American and a member of that house, he felt proud that the executive had recommended the measure.’

As a matter in course, those who opposed war opposed the embargo, which was obviously intended as a step preparatory to it, to give sufficient time to place our commercial interests in a secure condition, so that when hostilities should actually commence, our trading vessels should not be in a situation to become an easy prey to British cruisers. Among the most rabid wasMr.Randolph, who denounced the embargo, and in opposition toMr.Clay, declared it a subterfuge—a retreat from battle—and not a step preparatory to war. ‘Sir,’ said he, ‘we are now in secret conclave. The eyes of the world are not upon us, but the eyes of God behold our doings. He knows the spirit of our minds. Shall wedeliberate on this subject in the spirit of sobriety and candor, or with that spirit which has too often characterized our discussions like the present? We ought to realize that we are in the presence of that God who knows our thoughts and motives, and to whom we must render an account for the deeds done in the body. What new cause of war or of an embargo has arisen within the last twelve months? The affair of the Chesapeake is settled; no new principles of blockade have been interpolated in the laws of nations. Every man of candor would ask why we did not then go to war twelve months ago.’ He said that the honorable speaker was laboring under a mistake by declaring that the message was for war; that he (Mr.Randolph) had ‘too much reliance on the wisdom and virtue of the president to believe that he would be guilty of such gross and unparalleled treason.’

Mr.Clay replied in a becoming manner, in language that fell upon the house burning with the fire of his patriotic eloquence. ‘The gentleman from Virginia need not have reminded them in the manner he had of that Being who watched over and surrounded them. From this sentiment we should draw very different conclusions from those which occurred to him. It ought to influence them to that patriotism and to a display of those high qualifications, so much more honorable to the human character. The gentleman asks whatnewcause of war has been avowed? The affair of the Chesapeake is settled, to be sure; but only to paralyse the spirit of the country. Has Great Britain abstained from impressing our seamen—from depredating upon our property? We have complete proof in her capture of our ships, in her exciting our frontier Indians to hostility, and in her sending an emissary to our cities to excite civil war, that she will do every thing to destroy us. Our resolution and spirit are our only dependence. Although I feel warm upon this subject, I pride myself upon those feelings, and should despise myself if I were destitute of them.’

Mr.Randolph still persisted in his intemperate opposition, averring that public sentiment was not in favor of either the embargo or war, and said that he had ‘known gentlemen not inferior in gallantry, in wisdom, in experience, in the talents of a statesman, to any upon the floor, consigned to oblivion for advocating a war upon the public sentiment.’ That the public mind was averse to these measures,Mr.Clay proved to be not true, by citing the great unanimity in the southern and western states, among both federalists and republicans, and the unequivocal resolutions offourteen state legislaturesin favor of both. If possible,Mr.Randolph was exceeded in the fierceness of his opposition byMr.Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts; at least by the low and scurrilous language in which he expressed it. He condemned the embargo as treasonable to the interests of the nation, as absurd and contrary tocommon sense. He boasted of having sent, in connection with his colleagues, expresses to the eastern cities, in the expectation that an embargo would be laid, that information to that effect might be given to merchants, so that they could obtain clearances for their vessels before it should take effect. Said he, ‘we did it to escape into the jaws of the British lion and of the French tiger, which are places of repose, of joy and delight, when compared with the grasp and fang of this hyena embargo. Look now upon the river below Alexandria, and you will see the sailors towing down their vessels as from a pestilence, against wind and tide, anxious to escape from a country which would destroy instead of preserving them. I object to it because it is no efficient preparation, because it is not a progress towards honorable war, but a subterfuge from the question. If we must perish, let us perish by any hand except our own; any fate is better than self-slaughter.’

In meeting the storm of opposition which raged like a tempest around him,Mr.Clay is represented to have been ‘a flame of fire.’ He had now brought congress to the verge of what he conceived to be a war for liberty and honor, and his voice, inspired by the occasion, ran through the capitol like a trumpet-tone sounding for the onset. On the subject of the policy of the embargo, his eloquence, like a Roman phalanx, bore down all opposition, and he put to shame those of his opponents who flouted the government as being unprepared for war. ‘Why is it,’ he exclaimed, indignantly, ‘that we are nobetterprepared? Because the gentlemen themselves have thrown every possible obstacle in our way! They have opposed the raising of an army—the fitting out of a naval armament—the fortification of our frontiers—and now talk of the madness of engaging in a war for which we are notprepared! It is asked what new cause of war? In reply I will ask whatoldcause of war is avenged? Has Great Britain abstained from impressing our seamen? I have no doubt but that the late Indian hostilities on the Wabash were excited by the British. Is not this cause of war?’

There was no withstanding his eloquent and patriotic appeals. They made every heart in the house vibrate and glow with intense desire to arouse and avenge the aggravated abuse heaped upon us by our foreign foe.

After an ineffectual attempt to procure an amendment to the bill by extending the embargo to ninety days, it passed by a vote of seventy to forty-one. It was then sent to the senate, which introduced the amendment proposed in the house, which was adopted by it, and after receiving the signature of the president, it became the law of the land on the fourth day of April.

Now war had become the settled policy of the nation; indeed the first initiatory step was taken. The Rubicon had been approached, and not to cross it would entail disgrace. Congress, therefore,set vigorously about preparing for war. The tardy procedure of government in bringing the subject to a crisis, it was thought would operate prejudicially in its prosecution, by allowing the eagerness and zeal then so prevalent for the conflict to subside. A result of the correspondence then going on between America and England, and which was continued after the embargo had taken effect, was, to render undecided a large and patriotic portion of the people, who were earnest in demanding redress, but as long as there was the slightest prospect of obtaining it by negotiation, chose to delay rather than meet the expenses and horrors of war. Hopes were entertained, from time to time, by the tone of the British minister’s communications, that all differences between the two nations would be pacifically arranged. But it soon appeared obvious, that nothing satisfactory would be proposed by him, that Great Britain had an ulterior object in view, in causing such expectations to be created, and that it would be better to abandon at once, and forever, all reliance upon this mode of procedure, resorted to from motives of the most amicable nature, on the part of the United States, and pursued so long and faithfully, yet ineffectully. Hope finally fled, though reluctantly and with a heavy heart, casting many ‘a lingering look behind,’ and ‘grim visaged war’ assumed her place. The most amicably disposed threw down the olive branch, and seized the sword. Remonstrance, entreaty, argument, and forbearance had been exhausted, and the nation, conscious of the righteousness of her cause, arose, buckled on her armor, and appealed to the God of battles for the maintenance of her rights.

Mr.Clay was one of a deputation appointed to wait uponMr.Madison, to urge upon him the pressing necessity of making speedy and efficient preparation for the event which would inevitably occur. The views of congress, and of the country generally, relative to the subject of war, he spread before the president, argued that it was impolitic to waste any more time in fruitless negotiation, and expressed his sincere conviction, that, with their present resources, and those of which they could avail themselves, judiciously employed, as they would be by patriotic and indignant freemen, no alarming apprehensions need be entertained respecting the nature of the result. The muscular and mental energies of a free and united yeomanry of an independent and enlightened nation, arrayed in defence ofhomeand every thing that made it happy, he believed constituted a force invincible—one that could not be crushed by the hireling soldiery of the combined powers of Europe.

The president, though inclined to advance with extreme caution, whose trepidation was increased by several members of his cabinet opposed to warlike movements, was nerved with fresh courage and fired with fresh patriotism, by the energetic remarks ofMr.Clay,and induced to hasten the blow from the axe of executive power, which alone could burst the bands which bound and restrained the thunderbolt of war.

About this time, while in the exercise of his official prerogative,Mr.Clay became entangled in a disagreeable controversy withMr.Randolph. This gentleman, though possessing talents and eloquence of a high order, employed them in such a manner as to make himself distinguished for the most extravagant eccentricities and wild vagaries. There had existed not the most cordial understanding between him andMr.Clay, during several months previous. Their intercourse was not very uniform; sometimes it would be suspended for weeks, when not a word would be spoken by either to the other. The great difficulty of living on terms of intimacy or common civility even, withMr.Randolph, causedMr.Clay to adopt this course. He did not desire to offend the capricious gentleman, nor to place himself in a situation to receive offence from him. Occasionally, when the milk of human kindness was superabundant in his heart,Mr.Randolph would approach, and in the most honied accents and blandest manner, saluteMr.Clay and inquire after his health, with every demonstration of regard.

One ofMr.Randolph’s peculiarities was exceeding uneasiness under restriction; indeed, he seldom quietly submitted to any parliamentary restraint, however necessary and salutary. He regarded the rules of the house as trammels and shackles, more honored by the breach than observance, and struggled violently against their enforcement in his case. During the day previous to that when the controversy mentioned occurred,Mr.Clay, in conversing with a friend ofMr.Randolph, remarked that the president would probably transmit a message to congress, recommending a declaration of war, on the following Monday. This information was communicated toMr.Randolph, who the next morning appeared in his seat, and commenced one of his usual windy harangues, without submitting any motion to the house. After discussing some time the subject of our foreign relations, although he well knew that such discussion was designed to be strictly private, manifesting more than his accustomed hostility to declaring war with Great Britain, and zeal in justifying her cruelties towards the United States, he was called to order, on the ground that there was no resolution before the house.Mr.Bibb, being in the chair, suffered him to proceed. Soon after,Mr.Clay resumed his seat, when he was again called to order, and required to submit his motion in writing to the chair.Mr.Clay observed that a standing rule of the house rendered it incumbent on any member who attempted to address it, after a few pertinent prefatory remarks, to submit his proposition in due form to the house, and then confine his remarks to it. ‘My proposition,’ saidMr.Randolph, ‘is that it is not expedientat this time, to resort to a war with Great Britain.’ He expressed great surprise when it was decided by the speaker that he could not proceed to discuss his proposition unless it was seconded and reduced to writing. ‘Then I appeal from that decision.’ The speaker briefly stated his reasons for his decision, which was sustained by a vote of sixty-seven to forty-two. ‘Then, sir, under the compulsion to submit my motion in writing, I offer it,’ saidMr.Randolph. The speaker replied, ‘there is no compulsion in the case, because the gentleman may or may not offer it, at his option.’ The motion was read from the chair, and the speaker observed that the house must first agree to consider it, before it could be in order to debate it. From this decisionMr.Randolph appealed, but at the suggestion of a friend, withdrew his appeal.Mr.Clay made a brief speech, justifying his decision, and then put the question whether the house would considerMr.Randolph’s resolution. It was rejected by a vote of seventy-two to thirty-seven.

Mr.Randolph, thus compelled to take his seat, was greatly chagrined. On the following day he published a vindictive address to his constituents, in which he inveighed in the most bitter terms againstMr.Madison’s administration, declaring that the movements that had been made in reference to war, were not made with the intention of promoting the welfare of the country, and desired those whom he represented not to sanction the proposed declaration. Freedom of speech he declared had been invaded; that for the first time in the person of their representative had it been decided, that silence must be maintained upon the most important subject that could be brought forward for legislative action. He characterized this as ‘usurpation, more flagitious than any which had ever been practiced under the reign of terror by the father of the sedition laws, and the people must interfere and apply a remedy or bid adieu to a free government forever.’

Mr.Clay noticed this singular paper in a communication over his own name, which was published in the National Intelligencer reviewing briefly the controversy, stating the grounds of his action in relation to it, and established the two following principles: ‘that the house had a right to know through its organ, the specific motion which a member intends making before he undertakes to argue it at large, and that it reserves to itself the exercise of the power of determining whether it will consider it at the particular time when offered, prior to his thus proceeding to argue it.’ These principles have subsequently formed the rule in the house in similar cases, the operation of which has tended, in no small degree, to promote the interests of the country, by restraining within proper bounds the freedom of debate.

On the first of June, the president despatched to the house a message, containing a summary statement of our grievances demanding reparation, narrating the various pacific and often repeatedattempts of the United States to adjust all existing difficulties with Great Britain, remarking the cold indifference or haughty repulse with which the latter had invariably met the amicable advances of the former, and recommending to the early consideration of congress the question whether the United States should ‘continue passive under these progressive usurpations and these accumulating wrongs, or opposing force to force in defence of their natural rights, should commit a just cause into the hands of the almighty disposer of events.’ An ‘immediate appeal toarms’ was recommended in a report of the committee on foreign relations, to whom the message was referred, on the eighteenth, and the act declaring war passed both houses of congress the same day, and on the nineteenthMr.Madison issued his proclamation, declaring hostilities as actually commenced. On the sixth of July congress adjourned, to assemble on the first Monday in November.

The crisis towards which so many eyes had long been directed, had at last come—a crisis which, though sought by government, was sought reluctantly. Any measure that would have obviated its necessity, had been embraced with eager joy. Every expedient was resorted to, in order to prevent the waste of treasures and effusion of blood, with which it would be attended. The great master spirits,Messrs.Clay, Lowndes, Cheves and Calhoun, the bold pioneers in paving the way to and hastening on this crisis, did not attempt to shrink from their duty, nor to shake off the solemn responsibility which they assumed to their country in undertaking to conduct the ark of her liberties, now when they had guided it into the roaring vortex of war. They did not prove recreant to the precious trusts committed to their care, by traitorously deserting their posts. Though the billows of fierce conflict dashed against its sides, they did not withdraw the hand that had hitherto supported it. There was no looking back, no cowardly avoiding of danger, but shoulder to shoulder manfully they breasted the dark surges of belligerent strife, until in safety the harbor of success was finally attained.

With the view of shortening the conflict and ameliorating the condition of those engaged in it as much as possible, previous and subsequent to the declaration of war, they sought to place the financial department of the nation in a situation to meet the demands that would be made upon it in case of that event. In pursuance of this view, the secretary of the treasury,Mr.Gallatin, whose reputation for financiering stood high, was selected to devise and report a system that should accomplish the desired object. The public disappointment was excessive when his report appeared, which, instead of exhibiting any new feature in finance—instead of deriving revenue from the vast, existing and appropriate national sources—proposed to obtain it in the old obnoxious ways from excise, stamp duties,&c.Although deeply regretting that amore efficient plan was not provided, still, with a spirit that seemed resolved to turn to the best possible account the propositions of the secretary, they commenced levying taxes according to his plan. To this endMr.Cheves, chairman of the committee of ways and means, diligently employed himself in preparing bills, whose object was the raising of revenue. After their completion and presentation, a discovery was made that well nigh proved fatal to this. It was ascertained through the efforts ofMr.Smiley, an intimate friend of the secretary of the treasury, that both he and the president were opposed to levying taxes at the time of the declaration of war, declaring ‘that the people would not take both war and taxes together.’

The non-concurrence of the executive in their financial scheme, was a source of bitter though unavailing regret toMr.Clay and his coadjutors. It was, to be sure, defective, but had not this insuperable obstacle been interposed in the way of its being carried out, the treasury would have been to a considerable extent replenished with funds; the early want of which was a serious detriment felt during the whole war. To the influence ofMr.Gallatin, in a great measure, doubtless, the opposition ofMr.Madison to the conjunction of the two measures was owing. He was very susceptible of influence, especially from those in whom he reposed confidence, such as he did in the secretary. The same kind of influence, inducing him to procrastinate a declaration of war,Mr.Clay found him laboring under, when, as one of a deputation, he was sent to wait on and urge him to delay no longer, telling him that farther argument was useless, that theultima thuleof talking had been reached, and that the time for prompt and vigorousactionhad arrived. To illustrate the difference between speaking and writing, andacting, he repeated toMr.Madison an anecdote of two Kentucky judges. ‘One talked incessantly from the bench. He reasoned every body to death. He would deliver an opinion, and first try to convince the party that agreed with him, and then the opposite party. The consequence was that business lagged, the docket accumulated, litigants complained, and the community were dissatisfied. He was succeeded by a judge who never gave any reasons for his opinion, but decided the case simply for the plaintiff or defendant. His decisions were rarely reversed by the appellate court, the docket melted away, litigants were no longer exposed to ruinous delay, and the community were contented.’ This humorous sally ofMr.Clay occasioned the president much mirth, who replied by relating an anecdote which occurred to him, of a French judge, who, said he, after hearing the arguments of the parties, put their papers in opposite scales, and decided the case according to the preponderance of weight.

Attempts on the part of the United States to prevent hostilities, did not cease until war had been declared, and even then a dispositionwas manifested to put a speedy termination to them, for in one week after this event,Mr.Jonathan Russell, ourchargé d’affairesat the court ofSt.James, received instructions to agree to an armistice as a preliminary to a treaty, provided the British government should repeal her orders in council, and discontinue the impressment of our seamen, and afterwards without insisting upon any particular agreement. All our pacific efforts, however, were fruitless, our proposals refused with disdain, and accompanied with language of reproach and insult, even conveying the idea that the conduct of the United States was pusillanimous. She refused to treat with us at all, unless as preliminary we would recall our letters of marque and reprisal, and cease all hostile acts towards British property and British subjects. Such degrading conditions could never be submitted to by the United States, although the federal party were willing and even clamorous to comply with them. The virtue and patriotism of the people, however, preponderated over all the vile attempts at causing the nation to accept the disgraceful terms dictated by her haughty foe, to procure the repose she desired. The middle of September found us still endeavoring to procure an adjustment of our difficulties amicably. The proposals ofMr.Russell, though of the most liberal nature, were treated contemptuously, and at an interview on the seventeenth of September, lord Castlereagh expressed great astonishment that American commissioners should still continue to indulge the expectation that the right of impressment should ever be relinquished, and even had the arrogance to say that ‘ourfriends in congress had been so confident in that mistake, that they had ascribed the failure of such an arrangement solely to the misconduct of the American government.’ The demands of the British in insolence seemed to have no limits; asking if the ‘United States would deliver up the native British seamen who might be naturalized in America.’ ‘If,’ said lord Castlereagh, ‘the American government was so anxious to get rid of the war, it would have an opportunity of doing so, on learning the revocation of the orders in council.’

It was sufficiently obvious now that nothing remained but to prosecute the war as vigorously as possible. Our arms, in several cases, had been unsuccessful. The circumstances of the delivery of Detroit into the hands of the enemy by general Hull, were such as to render it certain that treason had some agency in it. These disasters tended to dampen the ardor of some, and to render more confident and blustering demagogues and federalists, who went about croaking like birds of ill omen, doing all in their power to infuse a spirit inimical to the course then pursuing, and bring opprobrium on the administration party. They continually referred to those partial failures as the sure prognostics that the whole country would fall an easy prey to the enemy. But these reverses weresubsequently in a measure repaired, by the successful and gallant achievements of a body of western volunteers, led on by general Harrison, over the British and their allies, the barbarous savages. Our brilliant victories on the sea were such as to kindle up the expiring energies in the hearts of the despairing, and to nerve to nobler deeds the intrepid. They evinced what could be accomplished by determination and valor combined. The British frigate Guerriere had been captured by captain Hull, commander of the frigate Constitution; commodore Rodgers had rendered most signal service to our commercial interests; all which tended to impart a fresh impulse to our army and navy.

During the interval between the adjournment and re-assembling of congress,Mr.Clay watched the progress of the war with the most intense interest.This was the all-absorbing subject of his soul, engaging its every faculty and principle; and the efforts which he made to secure its successful termination were as strenuous as they were unremitted. In public assemblies, in private circles, it was the theme on which he dwelt continually, and around which he twined the richest wreaths of his oratorical and colloquial skill. He always had a weapon ready to prostrate the opposition of the federalist and demagogue, however speciously presented. The grounds of encouragement to proceed, and the prospect of ultimate success, were so clearly elucidated by him, that the timid gathered confidence, and the bold redoubled their energies. Hope and courage were his constant companions, from which fear and cowardice fled away. These spread their animating influences far and wide, and like a beacon light lit up the whole land. HadMr.Clay been engaged in a personal enterprize in which he had embarked his all, where fortune, fame, reputation, and life itself were at issue, he could not have manifested greater solicitude for the result, or put forth more gigantic efforts to render it favorable, than he did in relation to the war of the nation. If patriotism, undoubted and unadulterated, be not deducible from his agency in originating, prosecuting and consummating the war, on what page of the world’s annals is it chronicled? The history of the Grecian and Roman republics furnish many instances of exalted, self-sacrificing patriotism—of those who under its influence met death as joyfully as they would have met a friend. Inspired by this principle we hear one of their bards exclaim,

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