Soon after this meeting,Mr.Clay was successively, and without concert, informed by the late governor Edwards and general C. F. Mercer, the one a senator and the other a member of the house, thatMr.Randolph was present at and witnessed the death scene of the gallant and lamented commodore Decatur, that he remained gazing a long time upon his corpse, agitated with deep emotions,and that he had been heard to express a desire to have, and withMr.Clay, an affair of honor similar to that which brought Decatur to his untimely end. This information naturally putMr.Clay upon his guard, and ever after during the session, whenever he metMr.Randolph, he refrained from addressing him.It is said thatMr.Randolph used all his influence in trying to induce one of the gentlemen above mentioned not to agree to a settlement of the Missouri question, as he (Mr.Randolph) feared that this, if accomplished as it was desired, would secureMr.Clay’s election to the presidency.During the same session, and some time previous to their interview,Mr.Randolph accostedMr.Clay with a look and manner betokening the deepest concern, exhibiting to him a letter couched in very abusive and insulting terms, threatening to cow-hide him, and askedMr.Clay’s advice as to the course he should pursue in relation to it. ‘What caused the writer to send you such an insulting epistle,Mr.Randolph?’ saidMr.Clay. ‘Why, I suppose,’ said he, ‘it was in consequence of what I said to him the other day.’ ‘Whatdidyou say?’ ‘Why, sir, I was standing in the vestibule of the house, when the writer came up and introduced to me a gentleman who accompanied him, and I asked him what right he had to introduce that man to me, and told him that the man had just asgood a rightto introducehimto me, whereat he was very indignant, and said I had treated him scandalously, and turning on his heel went away. I expect that made him write the letter.’ ‘Do you not think that he wasa little out of his head to talk in that way?’ repliedMr.Clay. ‘Why, I have been thinking about that,’ saidMr.Randolph, ‘Ihavemy doubts respecting his sanity.’ ‘Well, that being the case, would it not be the wisest course not to bring the matter before the house? I will direct the sergeant-at-arms to keep a sharp look out for the man, and to cause him to be arrested, should he attempt any thing improper.’Mr.Randolph expressed his acquiescence in the speaker’s opinion, and nothing more was heard of the subject.On another occasion, when the same question was before the house,Mr.Randolph informedMr.Clay that he had come to the conclusion to abandon his invective and caustic irony in debate, and in future to confine himself to pure argument; that he had come to this conclusion in consequence of the advice of chief justice Marshall. He tried pure argument, but was unsuccessful, not awakening any interest in those who listened to him. He finally fell back into his old eccentric, sarcastic track, where he was at home, and crowds flocked to hear him, as usual. InMr.Randolph’s hands ridicule was a powerful weapon, and one which no member knew how to use better than he, but sound reasoning and logical disquisition he wielded awkwardly—they were untempered weapons when used by him, about as effective as a rush inthe hands of a child. One day he came in contact with a very able debater,Mr.Sheffey, one of his colleagues from Virginia, who, in a playful sally, had made some remarks which aroused the irascible temper ofMr.Randolph, who replied to him and concluded by offering him the followingmorceauof advice. ‘My worthy colleague possesses talents of a high order, but they are not very versatile. They qualify him for a particular sphere only, beyond the limits of which nature never designed him to travel. That sphere islogic. In this he can do battle with the boldest, but when he transcends it, he has less power than a pigmy. Therefore, as a friend, I would in the spirit of kindness, advise himnever to leave it for any other; but especially would I caution him, as he values his reputation and safety, never to venture within the unexplored and unsubjugated regions of wit, for whose labyrinths and intricacies he has neither taste nor talent. As no other motive but a tender solicitude for the gentleman’s welfare, has prompted this advice, I hope it will be received and appreciated accordingly.’Mr.Sheffey, in reply, remarked that he did not like to remain inMr.Randolph’s debt, and would therefore cancel the heavy demand which he owed the gentleman, for his exceedingly valuable advice, by returning the compliment. He accordingly advised him never to aspire after logic, as it was an instrument of whose use his ignorance was more than sophomoric, and that inhishand it was like aknife in the hands of a child. ‘In my opinion, from the armory of wit the facetious member may draw weapons every way adapted to his capacity, and I would therefore advise him never to resort to any other.’ When he concluded,Mr.Randolph sprang to his feet, and in his quick, off-hand way, said, ‘I will take back all that I have said, by way of advice, to my colleague, for he has given satisfactory evidence that he is a man both of logic and wit.’ The incident furnished much mirth to the house. The next day,Mr.Randolph recommenced the attack with increased bitterness, and was called to order several times byMr.Clay, who, after repeated trials, succeeded in checking him.Mr.Sheffey was much excited, and was called to order also, whenMr.Clay observed that he would be out of order in replying, as he was, to any other member, exceptMr.Randolph.At one time,Mr.Randolph, in a strain of most scorching irony, had indulged in some personal taunts towardsMr.Clay, commiserating his ignorance and limited education, to whomMr.Clay replied by saying, ‘sir, the gentleman from Virginia was pleased to say, that in one point, at least, he coincided with me—in an humble estimate of my grammatical and philological acquirements. I know my deficiences. I was born to no proud patrimonial estate from my father. I inherited only infancy, ignorance, and indigence; I feel my defects; but so far as my situation in early life is concerned, I may without presumption say, they are more my misfortunethan my fault. But, however I deplore my inability to furnish to the gentleman a better specimen of powers of verbal criticism, I will venture to say my regret is not greater than the disappointment of this committee, as to thestrength of his argument.’The following incident aptly illustratesMr.Clay’s readiness at repartee. At the time of the passage of the tariff bill, April sixteenth, 1824, as the house was about adjourning, a friend of the bill observed toMr.Clay, ‘we have done pretty well to-day.’ ‘Very well, indeed,’ rejoinedMr.Clay, instantly, ‘very well; we made a good stand, considering we lost both our FEET;’ alluding toMr.Foote, of New York, andMr.Foot, of Connecticut, both having opposed the bill, who it was confidently expected but a short time previous would support it.DuringMr.Clay’s absence from congress, which, as has been before stated, was occasioned to furnish him an opportunity to repair pecuniary losses, he was appointed, in connection withMr.Bibb, to attend the Virginia legislature, for the purpose of adjusting certain Kentuckian land claims. The land laws of Kentucky were a source of great perplexity and litigation, subjecting those who had settled there prior to her separation from Virginia, to great inconvenience and loss. In his appeal to the general assembly of Virginia,Mr.Clay manifested unusual anxiety to protect the interests of the occupants of the soil, in the state from which he was a delegate, and succeeded in awakening a corresponding feeling of sympathy in the hearts of those whom he addressed. He drew a vivid picture of the privations and hardships which the settler had to encounter, placed him before them in the attitude of bidding adieu to the ‘tombs and temples of his fathers,’ then followed him to the wilderness, and traced his toilsome progress, step by step, until he brought him to the period when he began to reap the reward of his labors. He exhibited him sitting at twilight in the door of his comfortable tenement, looking out upon his broad enclosures, the happy partner of his cares by his side, and his dear little ones enjoying their innocent pastimes around him, and almost made them see the heavings of his grateful heart, and the moistening of his eye, as he surveyed the abundance of domestic bliss, and peace, and plenty, which his industrious hand had gathered about him. This, saidMr.Clay, is the bright side of the picture; now let us look at the dark; and then, in his solemn, impressive, and inimitably graphic manner, with a quivering lip, and a hand tremulous with emotion, he pointed to the same group, yet he painted no happy look, he caused no shout of sportive joy to ascend, but he rendered audible the deep sigh, the suffocating sob, and piercing groan; he made almost visible the furrowed brow of toil-worn manhood wet with the dew of despair, a broken-hearted wife drowned in grief, surrounded by sorrowing childhood,all fixing a last look upon a home dear to them as their lives, as they were about to depart to rear a new abode in the uninviting wilderness. This is no picture of a heated imagination, saidMr.Clay, it is suggested by scenes of almost every day occurrence, and it is topreventtheir occurrence that prompts us to attempt the adjustment of these conflicting ‘land claims.’ Equity, humanity, and benevolence, all urge this; they all mingle their voices of mercy, and beseech that when the settler has by his honest and industrious efforts acquired the comforts and blessings of social and domestic life, he shall be permitted to enjoy them, and not be in danger of being dispossessed by a prior claim to his domain, and of which he was ignorant. In one of his most pathetic strains, he attempted to quote the affecting lines of sir Walter Scott:‘Lives there a heart so cold and dead,That never to itself hath said—This is my own, my native land!’He commenced, but could not finish them; some words had escaped his memory, but without the least hesitation he pressed his hand upon his forehead a moment, in recalling them. All believed that this momentary hesitation was caused by the recollections of other years, which were swelling in his heart and checking utterance, and when he withdrew his hand from his brow and cast his tearful eyes over the assembly, and in his impassioned manner repeated the lines, there was one general gushing of tears, as if all hearts had been melted beneath his look and tone.In the course of the year,Mr.Clay, in behalf of Kentucky, and B. W. Leigh,Esq., in behalf of Virginia, met at Ashland, and concluded a convention, which was ratified by the legislature of Kentucky, and by the house of delegates of Virginia, but was rejected in her senate, by a small majority.Mr.Clay had now, during his three years absence from congress, realized his wishes in repairing his pecuniary losses, and at the earnest and repeated requests of his fellow citizens, accepted a renomination, and was again elected without opposition a member of the house of representatives.In consequence of intense application to his professional duties,Mr.Clay’s health had become materially impaired; indeed his life was despaired of. During the summer of 1823, he had visited, without receiving much benefit, the Olympian Springs, in Kentucky, and submitted to a thorough course of medicine, but all remedial means failed to arrest what appeared to be a gradual decline, which was conducting him apparently rapidly to the period of his dissolution. He began to think seriously, as a last resort, on going south to spend the ensuing winter, but it was requisite for him to be in Washington in November, and his own feelings inclined him to be there at the commencement of the session, incase it were practicable. He finally, after consulting with his friends, abandoned the prescriptions of his physicians, procured a light carriage and a good saddle-horse, and riding, driving, and walking, leisurely made his way to the seat of government. When he reached Washington, he was nearly well.At the opening of the eighteenth congress, on the first Monday of December, 1823,Mr.Clay was elected speaker to the house, overMr.Barbour, of Virginia, the late speaker, by a vote of one hundred and thirty-nine to forty-two. Shortly after his election, the following beautifuljeu d’espritappeared in the National Intelligencer.“As near the Potomac’s broad stream, t’other day,FairLibertystrolled in solicitous mood,Deep-pondering the future, unheeding her way,She met goddessNaturebeside a green wood.‘Good mother,’ she cried, ‘deign to help me at need!I must make for my guardians aSpeakerto-day;The first in the world I would give them.’ ‘Indeed!When I made the first speaker, I made him ofClay.’”Mr.Clay accepted the appointment in a brief but pertinent speech, in which he gave a succinct view of the duties of the chair, and presented the house his thanks for placing him in it.In the course of the session, the subject of the Greek revolution came before congress.Mr.Webster, of Massachusetts, on the fifth of December, introduced it to the house, in a resolution ‘providing by law for defraying the expenses incident to the appointment of an agent or commissioner to Greece, whenever the president shall deem it expedient to make such appointment.’ This he sustained by a speech of great power.Mr.Clay brought to its support the same feelings, the same warm sympathies, and the same strength of argument that he had arrayed round the subject of South American independence. They both fought hard to procure the adoption of this resolution, but it was lost. The struggling Greek, however,Mr.Clay never lost sight of, and when he became secretary of state, succeeded in accomplishing that for them, in which he was defeated now.While the question of recognition was before the house,Mr.Clay was violently assailed by a member from New Hampshire, recently arrived. It was thought his motive in doing this was to bring himself into notice, by attacking the most distinguished man in the house. He received such a rebuke fromMr.Clay, administered with mingled feelings of indignation and pity, as almost to wither his energies during the remainder of the session.It will be recollected, that during this session, the great tariff measure was passed. An incident grew out ofMr.Clay’s exertions in its behalf, which occasioned no little amusement in Washington, at the time, and throughout Virginia.Mr.William B. Giles, since governor of Virginia, on the appearance ofMr.Clay’s tariff speech, published several articles entitled ‘The Golden Casket,’ in which he introducedMr.Clay’s name pretty often, and in no very courteous connection. The articles were of course perused byMr.Clay, who, aware of the foibles of their author, took no serious offence thereat, but set to work to manufacture amusement from them. He sat down in a comic mood one day, and wroteMr.Giles a long letter, complimenting him on the vigor of his intellect, his great mental ability, and his accurate critical acumen, but praising him especially for those qualities of which he was utterly destitute. When it was completed, he showed it toMr.Archer, of Virginia, and several other friends, all of whom enjoyed it immoderately, and urged him to send it toMr.Giles, and accordingly he sent it. As had been anticipated, the old gentleman devoured it with the greatest gusto and satisfaction. It contained just what he most desired—praise of his weakest traits of character. He read it repeatedly, and at each successive reading his heart relented towards the author, to such a degree as to cause him to observe, that had he received the communication previous to the publication of his ‘Casket,’ he should not have spoken ofMr.Clay as he did in that work. Shortly after, he exhibited this letter to some of his intimate friends, to let them see in what high estimation he was held by the great orator and statesman, but unfortunately nearly the first one who read it, discovered the hoax played on him, and immediately circulated it. Curiosity to see the letter now pervaded the whole community, and some difference of opinion prevailed as to its true character. A few ofMr.Giles’ friends expressed their belief that it had been written in good faith, but most that it was intended for a joke at his expense. Quite a violent dispute grew out of it; one party instigated by angry, and the other by mirthful feelings. At length,Mr.Archer, who resided in the same district withMr.Giles, returned from congress, and the true version of the matter was soon trumpeted through the community, which caused unusual merriment. This was too much forMr.Giles, who sent his son, a lad of sixteen years of age, to demand an explanation ofMr.Clay. He received the boy very civilly, who made known toMr.Clay the nature of his business, saying that he was commissioned by his father to ask if he were the author of that letter, at the same time exhibiting to him the famous epistle, and if he were, to demand his motives in writing it. When he had concluded his interrogations,Mr.Clay coolly replied, ‘tell your father that I shall make no explanation to him through his own son. If he will employ a proper messenger, I will render him another answer.’ The lad departed, and nothing more was heard fromMr.Giles.On the fifteenth of August, 1824, general Lafayette, the nation’s guest, arrived at New York, and on the tenth of December following, was introduced to the house of representatives by a selectcommittee appointed for the purpose, and was received byMr.Clay, in an apposite and beautiful address, of which the following is an extract. ‘The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that providence would allow the patriot after death, to return to his country, and to contemplate the intermediate change that had taken place, to view the forests felled, the cities built, the mountains levelled, the canals cut, the highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the advancement of learning, and the increase of population. General, your present visit to the United States, is a realization of the consoling object of that wish. You are in the midst of posterity. Every where you must have been struck with the great changes, physical and moral, which have occurred since you left us. Even this city, bearing a venerated name, alike endeared to you and to us, has since emerged from the forest which then covered its site. In one respect you find us unaltered, and that is, in the sentiment of continued devotion to liberty, and of ardent affection and profound gratitude to your departed friend, the father of his country, and to you, and to your illustrious associates in the field and the cabinet, for the multiplied blessings which surround us, and for the very privilege of addressing you, which I now exercise. This sentiment, now fondly cherished by more than ten millions of people, will be transmitted with unabated vigor, down the tide of time, through the countless millions who are destined to inhabit this continent, to the latest posterity.’To this address, the general replied in a manner which evinced that he had been most deeply affected by it; indeed, it was calculated to thrill his heart with proud joy, conveying to him as it did a rich tribute of gratitude from a mighty nation, expressed in the full, silvery voice of sincerity and affection, whose every tone sank into his soul with the power of a warm welcome. He contracted a strong attachment forMr.Clay, which existed to the day of his death.At this period,Mr.Clay’s influence had reached a commanding height. His control over the legislation of the United States, was unquestionably greater than that of any other individual, not even excepting the executive himself. AlthoughMr.Clay disagreed with president Monroe on the great measures of national policy, internal improvements, and the tariff, and also respecting the mode of recognizing South American independence, still, the latter, entertaining the most profound regard for his ability, and appreciating the value of his services to his country, repeatedly offered him a seat in his cabinet, and the choice of all the foreign missions. Justice toMr.Clay’s disinterested patriotism demands it to be recorded, that his honest conviction, that he could be more serviceable to his country by remaining in her popular assembly, than in representing her abroad, was one of the most weighty motives which prevented him from planting his foot upon one ofthe many stepping-stones, to place and power, which the hand of executive favor had, unsolicited, laid before him. The differences of opinion existing between him andMr.Monroe, never interrupted for a moment, the amicable relations of social intercourse which they mutually maintained.Towards the close of his second term, which expired in 1825, the question of the next presidency was generally agitated. As candidates for this office,Messrs.J. Q. Adams, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, and William H. Crawford, had been brought forward by their respective friends. As early as November, 1822, in a meeting of the members of the legislature of Kentucky,Mr.Clay had been nominated to it, and a short time after, he was nominated also in meetings of the members of the legislatures of Missouri, Ohio, and Louisiana. Enthusiastic expressions, approbating this nomination, issued from large assemblies throughout the land, and as the period for the election approached, there were many cheering indications that it would be carried in his favor. But efforts were resorted to, not the most creditable to those who employed them, for the purpose of defeating his election. About the commencement of the canvass, reports were industriously circulated, calculated to diminish his support. Among them was one announcing his withdrawal from the contest, for which the unscrupulous exertions of many of his opponents gained extensive credence, notwithstanding our late lamented chief magistrate, and many other friends ofMr.Clay in Ohio, published a counter report, declaring that he ‘would notbe withdrawn from the contest but by the fiat of his Maker.’ The probabilities, however, of his success, continued to increase, until the time of the choice of electors in Louisiana, by the legislature of that state. In that body,Mr.Clay’s popularity was such as to secure him the vote of the state; this was evident from the fact of his nomination by it. The members of the legislature friendly towards the other candidates, endeavored to effect a compromise with those who supportedMr.Clay; but the latter, aware of their strength, rejected it. The compromise proposed to give him four of the five electoral votes to which the state was entitled, which would have carried him into the house of representatives, to the exclusion ofMr.Crawford, as one of the highest three candidates, from which, according to the constitution, it would be obliged to make a selection. Unfortunately, about the time when the state of Louisiana made choice of her electors, three ofMr.Clay’s friends became so seriously indisposed, as to preclude their attendance on the legislature. This event furnished the friends ofMr.Adams and general Jackson an opportunity to form a coälescence, which they eagerly embraced, and divided the five votes so as to give the former three and the latter two. This consequently excludedMr.Clay from the house, into which, had he gone, there is no doubt that his unbounded popularity in thatbody would have secured his election to the office. When, however, it became apparent, that no election of president would be made by the people, with a nobleness and a nice sense of honor, so characteristic of him, he resolved not to go into the house, but to withdraw his name, and at a time too when the prospect was of his being one of the highest three candidates. With great magnanimity, therefore, he put into execution his resolution, assigning to several of his intimate friends his reasons, among which was the belief, that by his doing so, the choice would be more readily and pacifically made. Such generous and self-sacrificing conduct, while it illustrates the purity and strength of his patriotism, is worthy of all admiration and commendation.Near the close of December, 1824, the result of the canvass was ascertained, by which it appeared that the three candidates returned to the house, were Andrew Jackson, John Q. Adams, and W. H. Crawford, by votes of ninety-nine, eighty-four, and forty-one.Mr.Clay’s position now was exceedingly delicate as well as important. He had it in his power, by placing himself at the head of the party who went with him in the house, to control its choice of the three candidates returned to it. This he well knew, as also their friends, who beset him continually and in every possible manner, to secure his influence in behalf of their favorite candidates. His predilection was well known to his personal friends, but he sedulously refrained from making it the basis of any caucusses or intrigues, which, knowing the unhealthy excitement always generated by them, he desired to avoid. During the several weeks immediately pending the election, the warm partisans of the parties supportingMessrs.Jackson and Adams, approached him in the most obsequious manner, expressing the deepest regret that he had not been returned to the house, and lavished on him the most fulsome flatteries and mawkish caresses. After trying these for some time ineffectually, finding the more than Roman firmness of the statesman unmoved by them, they attempted tocoërcehim into a compliance with their wishes, and the most unprincipled attempts were made to accomplish this. He was attacked through the medium of anonymous letters incessantly, filled with abusive and menacing language. These arrived almost hourly, from every part of the country; indeed, the enginery of compulsion discharged their missiles at him from every fortress of his political opponents, in the hope of making him espouse their cause. Vain hope! A foolish waste of power, as they might have known. It were easier for the infant of a day with his puny hand to bow the oak of a thousand years, than for the combined efforts of his enemies to cause him to yield an inch of the high ground he had taken. In writing to a friend, he thus alludes to the blandishments and brow-beatings which he received at this time. Of the former, he said, ‘I am enjoying whilst alive, theposthumous honors which are usually awarded to the illustrious dead;’ and of the latter, he remarked. ‘I bore them, I trust, asyour representativeought to have borne them, and as became me.’ But thebasestattempts which they made, one which capped the climax of their depraved assaults, and which was intended to fix the foul stigma of disgrace indelibly upon their victim, was embraced by a letter published in a Philadelphia newspaper, called the ‘Columbian Observer.’ Without any preamble, this chargedMr.Clay with the deliberate intention ofselling his vote to the highest bidder. This letter purported to have been written by a member of congress from Pennsylvania, and declared that the terms of a contract had been settled, which gaveMr.Clay the secretaryship, for which he was to bring his influence to bear in electingMr.Adams. This allegation, the former lost no time in denying, in a communication published in the National Intelligencer, over his own signature, in which he pronounces the author of the letter ‘a base and infamous calumniator,’ and called upon him, whoever he might be, to come out boldly, avow and sustain the charge. This was answered a few days after, by a member of congress from Pennsylvania,Mr.George Kremer, who admitted himself the author, and also his readiness to substantiate his assertions in relation to the character ofMr.Clay. Subsequent developements have made it more than probable that Kremer didnotwrite the epistle in question, his declaration to the contrary notwithstanding, but that it was written by the individual who sustained the ‘Columbian Observer,’ John H. Eaton, and the latter did not deny the authorship, althoughMr.Clay directly charged him with it. The evidence elicited was such as to showMr.Kremer’s entire passivity in the whole matter—a mere machine, moved by the hands of the vile plotters behind the scene, made to speak and act as they directed, and caused to father the villainous slander, which was generated amid the slime of their hearts, as destitute of honor and patriotism as the icebergs of Greenland of verdure. This supple tool had the frankness (to his credit be it spoken,) to acknowledge afterwards toMr.Crowninshield, a member of congress from Massachusetts, that hewas notthe originator or author of it.The more effectually to vindicate himself,Mr.Clay desired to place the subject before the house. To this he was prompted by his own feelings, and also by the belief that the dignity and honor of the body over which he presided, demanded that a complete investigation should be instituted, of those gross charges which had caused such disreputable imputations to rest upon his character. In accordance, therefore, with his request, a committee was appointed on the fifth of February, 1825, consisting of many leading members in the house, all of whom were his political opponents. Probably the matter had now gone farther thanMr.Kremer wishedor expected it to go, as he began to manifest considerable uneasiness respecting the result, notwithstanding he had but a day or two previous arisen in his place and substantially reiterated the contents of the communication he had acknowledged, stating that ‘if, upon an investigation being instituted, it should appear that he had not sufficient reason to justify the statements he had made, he trusted he should receive the marked reprobation which had been suggested by the speaker.Let it fall where it might, he was willing to meet the inquiry and abide the result.’ And yet, when it was proposed to adopt a course which would establish the truth or falsehood of his statements, which would test this willingness ‘to meet the inquiry,’ he shrank back and shuffled under a mean subterfuge. The committee, in their report, declared thatMr.Kremer refused to appear before, or communicate to them any facts of which he had virtually admitted himself to be in possession, and protested against acting either as an accuser or a witness, although strongly urged thereto by them, and not feeling authorized to use compulsion in procuring evidence, they suffered the subject to drop. While it was in the hands of the house, he was heard to remark toMessrs.Brent and Little, one of whom was a warm friend of general Jackson, that he never intended to chargeMr.Clay with corruption; that he had transferred or could transfer the votes or interests of his friend; and that he was among the last men in the nation to make such a charge againstMr.Clay. To this declaration both these gentlemen certified. AlthoughMr.Kremer was weak enough to allow himself to be made the organ of the abominable conspirators, and, as it appears, a little contrary to his convictions of truth and honor, he could not stifle the compunctious visitations ofconscience, which he experienced on account of the abusive treatment which, through him, had fallen on an unoffending individual, and that individual one of the main pillars of the republic. He often expressed his intention of apologizing toMr.Clay, and even went so far as to prepare an apology, containing a minute explanation of all the circumstances connected with the whole affair, from its inception to its completion, and which fully exoneratedMr.Clay from every charge brought against him in the letter. Information of his repentings and intended reparation soon came to the ears of the grand instigators, which carried panic to their cowardly hearts, and caused them to quake, lest their party-colored covering, composed of the very quintessence of meanness, baseness, and falsehood, should be stripped from them, and their nakedness exposed to the view and the derision of the world. To prevent such dreaded consequences, they began instantly to bestir themselves, at what expense of principle or integrity, they stopped not to consider. Their first efforts were very naturally directed towards the instrument of their machinations, who was seized, the apology taken from, and a muzzlefastened upon him, to prevent the slightest utterance of his repentant emotions. They then drew up a labored statement in his name, and laid it before the house, reeking with duplicity, and infecting the very atmosphere with its nauseating effluvia. Who can contemplate the loathsome picture of depravity, worthy of the arch fiend himself, which those evidently instigated by him, painted and attempted to suspend on the walls of the nation’s dwelling-place—the holy home of Liberty—in desecrating and contaminating proximity to the canvass emblazoning the form and the features of the ‘father of his country,’ and the glorious scenes of his revolutionary valor, without mingled feelings of disgust, indignation, and regret?—what patriotic heart, what lover of liberty and political virtue, in view of the fountain of immaculate purity, on the one hand, whose streams went forth incessantly, to fertilize, and gladden, and bless a mighty nation, and their diabolical attempts, on the other, to pollute and blot it from existence, without sending up the fervent ejaculation, ‘Heaven save my country from falling into such hands’?After the dust and fog created by their unnatural endeavors had passed away, the object of their malice appeared in his proper place, as unmoved and serene as though the clangor of their strife had not saluted his ears, and as unaffected by the showers of their envenomed arrows, as though he had been sitting in his native forests amid the rain-like fall of autumnal leaves. Their loud and discordant clamors did not for a moment interrupt his meditations concerning that important, that solemn duty, which had devolved upon him, in the performance of which he had resolved that no arts of wheedling or coercion should influence him; that no man nor set of men should act as his casuist; and that he would not select from the numerous casuistical proposals, which party zeal had placed before him,onethat should determine themodeof its discharge. No! he chose to settlethatquestion at a tribunal from which there wasno appeal—at the tribunal ofNature, which Nature’s God had erected in his own bosom. Tothathe resorted; indeed, it was one of his most favorite resorts; and spreading out this momentous question before her bar, we hear him exclaim, ‘My position in relation to the presidential contest is highly critical, and such as to leave me no path on which I can move without censure. I have pursued in regard to it the rule which I always observe in the discharge of my public duty.I have interrogated my conscienceas to what I ought to do, and that faithful guide tells me that I ought to vote forMr.Adams. I shall fulfil its injunctions.Mr.Crawford’s state of health, and the circumstances under which he presents himself to the house, appear to me to be conclusive against him. As a friend to liberty, and to the permanence of our institutions, I cannot consent, in this early stage of their existence, by contributing to the election of a military chieftain,to give the strongest guarantee that this republic will march in the fatal road which has conducted every other republic to ruin. I am, and shall continue to be, assailed by all the abuse which partisan zeal, malignity and rivalry can invent. I shall view without emotion these effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in my purpose. What is a public man worth, if he will not expose himself, on fit occasions, for the good of his country?’ Yes! hedidact according to the response which that ‘faithful guide’ gave to his sincere interrogation, and had the anathemas of the world been thundered in his ears, they would not have driven him from thus acting. He deemedherwill paramount to that of his constituents, who had desired him to vote for general Jackson. They afterwards, however, not only justified, but highly approved—as must every good man—his decision. It would be an act of superfluity to specify minutely the grounds ofMr.Clay’s preference. He had obtained occular evidence ofMr.Crawford’s inability to sustain the responsibilities and perform the arduous duties of the chief magistracy. He ascertained it to be a fact, but one carefully concealed from the community, thatMr.Crawford had become almost entirely debilitated by paralysis, both physically and mentally, which itself, aside from the knowledge which he possessed, that his influence could not elect him, was sufficient to induce his rejection. Between general Jackson andMr.Adams, it cannot be supposed thatMr.Clay would long hesitate to choose. His determination had been taken a long time previous to his knowing the result of the election by the people. He had repeatedly given utterance to that determination to friends and foes, at home and at Washington, in public and in private, declaring that nosupposable contingencycould arise to constrain him to vote for general Jackson, and even went so far as to say, that if, in consequence of his well known and often promulged opinion of the character, acquirements, and abilities, of that individual, heshouldsustain him, he would subject himself to the just contempt and reprobation of all parties. Neither did he nor his friends look forMr.Clay’s support, and said that if he did give it, he would beguilty of duplicity. It is very natural to suppose, that a consultation of his experience would be sufficient to causeMr.Clay to preferMr.Adams. He had been associated with the latter in many situations of trust and responsibility, requiring the most consummate skill and statesmanship, and he had invariably found him more than sufficient for them all. He had always found him prepared for any emergency or exigency, however suddenly or unexpectedly it might arise. But in reference to the military chieftain, its consultation elicited evidence just the reverse; he searched in vain for a page recording his diplomatic wisdom, sound expositions of governmental policy, and accurate estimates of presidential qualifications; it was wanting. But on many he found indelibly written, acts of unwarrantable and unjustifiableusurpation, evincing a disposition to trample on law, humanity, and the constitution itself. But general Jackson’s supposed hostility to internal improvements and protection to domestic manufactures, had these enumerated deficiences and defects in his character been wanting, would have been sufficient to exclude him from receivingMr.Clay’s suffrage. These cherished systems, which he regarded as of no subordinate importance to the nation, and to establish which he had expended the prime of his life, he knew, found a firm supporter inMr.Adams. This fact furnished thefundamental reason(if anyonemay be thus denominated) which determined his choice.Mr.Clay therefore gaveMr.Adams his vote, who was elected president. He immediately tendered the former the office of secretary of state, which was accepted with that promptitude and decision which he always manifested in entering upon the discharge of those duties to which he believed his country called him. By this act he proved himself consistent with his advocacy of the claims ofMr.Adams to the presidency, under whom he believed that he could render more efficient service, than in his present position in the house. There can be no other reason assigned, which carries with it even the shadow of validity, inducing him to accept a place in the cabinet of the president. The same place had been tendered him byMessrs.Madison and Monroe, and had been declined, on the ground of his belief that he could make himself more serviceable to the nation, by continuing where he was. The great measures of national policy which were suspended upon his shoulders, at the time they desired to transfer him from that body to their cabinets, he had disposed of, and had also happily removed most of the serious impediments and obstructions which then greatly retarded the wheels of legislation, so that there was a fair prospect that they would roll on smoothly, without requiring his immediate aid. He could, therefore, seek with safety another sphere, and one where he could exert a more extended and salutary influence.In relation to his having bargained for the office of secretary of state,Mr.Adams speaks, in reply to an address from a committee of gentlemen, expressing their confidence in his purity and patriotism, and a hope that the evening of his days would be passed in that tranquillity which is only the lot of the good. He said that uponMr.Clay, ‘the foulest slanders have been showered. Long known and appreciated, as successively a member of both houses of your national legislature, as the unrivalled speaker, and at the same time, most efficient leader of debates in both of them, as an able and successful negotiator for your interests in war and in peace with foreign powers, and as a powerful candidate for the highest of your trusts. The department of state itself was a station, which, by its bestowal, could confer neither profit nor honor upon him,but upon which he has shed unfading honor by themanner in which he has discharged its duties. Prejudice and passion have charged him with obtaining that office by bargain and corruption.Before you, my fellow citizens, in the presence of our country, and of heaven, I pronounce that charge totally unfounded.This tribute of justice is due from me to him, and I seize with pleasure the opportunity, offered me by your letter, of discharging the obligation.‘As to mymotivesfor tendering to him the department of state when I did, let that man who questions them come forward. Let him look around among statesmen and legislators of this nation, and of that day. Let him then select and name the man, whom, by his preëminent talents, by his splendid services, by his ardent patriotism, by his all-embracing public spirit, by his fervid eloquence in behalf of the rights and liberties of mankind, by his long experience in the affairs of the union, foreign and domestic, a president of the United States, intent only upon the honor and welfare of his country, ought to have preferred to Henry Clay. Let him name the man, and then judge you, my fellow citizens, of my motives.’Five years subsequent to his election, in a letter to a friend,Mr.Adams referred to the above testimonial ofMr.Clay’s talents and character, as one from which he could deduct nothing, but to which he could add much. He also said, that such was his opinion ofMr.Clay’s abilities, that he had expressed to him his candid intention, at the time he resigned the speakership, in 1820, if a vacancy should occur in the mission to Great Britain, he should deem it his duty to recommend the nomination of him to that office. He also speaks of the great despatch and facility, with whichMr.Clay transacted business, notwithstanding the feebleness of his health during the whole time. Indeed, he regarded him as aperfect modelof fitness for the office to which he called him, and as having honored and adorned it with the intellectual wealth of his fertile mind. No station in which he was placed, suffered, either through remissness, or deficiency. The fact that his entrance to office was always hailed with general joy, and his departure witnessed with regret, furnished the highest possible compliment to his ability and eminence. Had we space, and felt disposed, we could multiply individual complimentary expressions to almost any extent, but this is not necessary, for his fame and praise are in the mouth of the world. The period ofMr.Clay’s speakership may be adduced as one of the most brilliant of his public life. He illustrated it by all the lofty attainments of one profoundly versed in the arts of government, under the guidance of patriotism, that subordinated every thing to its ardor and devotion. During his occupancy of the chair, from 1811 to 1825, except two years of voluntary absence, his decisions, though prompt, were rarely reversed. Though a warm partisan, he never allowed hisown particular views to influence them in the least, and both friends and foes unite in declaring, that their rendition was far removed from all suspicion of party or venal considerations, in short; that on them all was stampedimpartiality, in everduring characters. ButMr.Clay, besides rendering himself conspicuous for the correctness of his decisions, won also the regard and confidence of the house for the courteously stern manner in which he governed and guided its deliberations. He combined, in a preëminent degree, thesuaviter in modowith thefortiter in re. There was an indescribable something in his look, gesture, and tone of voice, added to his dignity and self-possession, that always restrained and conciliated the turbulent and inimical, and bound to him, with the silken ligaments of love, the peaceable and friendly. At no period of our political history, were subjects so momentous and dangerous in their nature, and so difficult to adjust, brought before congress, as during that of which we are speaking. The political heavens had never been so black, nor the political ocean heaved his surges so high, before, and had nothebeen there to spread the bow of serenity upon the one, and calm the wild fury of the other, it is hardly too much to say, that our liberties, our institutions, and our every thing nationally valuable, would have been swept by the besom of their rage into the tomb of chaos, if not into oblivion. Buthe was there, ruling, tempering, guiding, and blessing. He seemed to act as though he were conscious that his country stood at his side, with her piercing eyes fixed full upon him, reading the secrets of his heart,—as though he heard her voice sounding in his ears, imploring and beseeching him to guard and watch over, faithfully, those interests which she had so unreservedly placed in his hands, and whenever he lifted his arm, or opened his mouth, it seemed to be for the single purpose of executing herrevealed will. No wonder that in view of such unparalleled patriotism and disinterestedness, applause should be extorted from the mouth of enmity itself. No wonder that it should be heard saying, ‘Mr.Clay accomplished what no other man could have performed.’Many incidents occurred during his speakership, highly illustrative of his playfulness, wit, and readiness, of which the following may serve as a specimen.On one occasion, the late general Alexander Smyth, of Virginia, a gentleman of unusual ability and erudition, had been speaking a long time, fatiguing and vexing the house with the length and number of his quotations, and citations of authorities, and justified his unbearable prolixity by saying toMr.Clay, who was seated near him, ‘you, sir, speak for the present generation, butIspeak for posterity.’ ‘Yes,’ he immediately replied, ‘and you seem resolved to speak until the arrival ofyouraudience!’On another, the house was harangued by the late governorLincoln, of Maine, in his usual eloquent, but verbose and declamatory manner. He was considering the revolutionary pension bill, and replying to an argument which opposed it on the ground that those to whom it proposed to extend pecuniary aid, might perhaps live a long time, and thus cause heavy drafts to be made upon the treasury. In one of his elevated flights of patriotic enthusiasm, he burst out with the exclamation, ‘soldiers of the revolution, live forever!’Mr.Clay succeeded him, in favor also of the humane provision, but did not respond to his desire relative to the length of the lives of those worthies for whose benefit it was devised, and when he closed, turned suddenly towardsMr.Lincoln, and, with a smile upon his countenance, observed, ‘I hope my worthy friend will not insist upon the very great duration of these pensions which he has suggested. Will he not consent, by way of a compromise, to a term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years, instead of eternity?’We have seen, that the contest which resulted in placingMr.Adams at the head of the nation, was one of unusual violence, and in waging which, the most unscrupulous means were employed; and that one of its most unredeeming features was the unmitigated calumny and abuse, which they heaped uponMr.Clay. But soon after the combatants had retired from the field of conflict, and resumed their various avocations, the jarring elements of political faction became quiescent, the blood of the ambitious demagogue fell from its fever heat to its ordinary temperature, and the foul slanderer, fearing exposure, had slunk away to his dark retreat, to deplore his discomfiture, and concoct new materials. Every thing gave omen that a season of peace and grateful repose would be enjoyed. It was thought that no lover of these and of good order, much less a patriot, could be found, who would be base and foolhardy enough to stir up the expiring embers of strife, and add fresh fuel to their flames. Those who entertained this belief, however, found themselves mistaken. They saw one coming forth, one who boasted long and loud of patriotism and devotion to country, and, stooping from his supposed lofty eminence of political virtue, pick up the relaxed bow of slander, and discharge the most envenomed arrows of malice and detraction, at one of the fairest ornaments of that very country, to whose interests he professed himself so strongly attached. To their utter astonishment, they beheld, in that individual, thus anomalously engaged, no less a personage than that of ‘the hero of New Orleans.’ General Jackson hadthe distinguished honor of reviving the thousand times refuted reportof ‘bargain and corruption,’ in relation toMr.Clay’s acceptance of the department of state. A letter, dated March eighth, 1825, went the rounds of the newspapers, pretending to give the substance of a conversation which passed between the writer and general Jackson, to the effect thatMr.Clay’s friends incongress had proposed tohisfriends, that if they would agree thatMr.Adams should not be retained in the department of state, that then their (Mr.Clay and his supporters) influence should be immediately used to elect general Jackson, who, it affirmed, rejected the proposal with becoming indignation.Soon after the appearance of this communication, the author,Mr.CarterBeverley, addressed general Jackson, requesting him to confirm it, who replied, June fifth, 1827, by a letter directly charging the friends ofMr.Clay with having proposed to him, through a member of congress, to give him their support in case he (general Jackson) would pledge himself not to retainMr.Adams as aforesaid, and who intimated that the proposition originated withMr.Clay; and, to give the last finishing stroke, and one which should ensure it credence, he went so far in that reply as to state,that immediately after the rejection of the proposition,Mr.Clay came out openly forMr.Adams. He also declared, that, in reply to this proposition, he stated, that before he would reach the presidential chair by such ignoble means, ‘he would see the earth open and swallow bothMr.Clay and his friends, and himself with them!’ The name of the member of congress was demanded byMr.Clay, and that ofMr.Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was given, a warm personal friend of general Jackson’s. His version of the matter proved the assertion of the latter a barefaced falsehood, unsupported by even the semblance of truth.Mr.Buchanan flatly and promptly denied, that such a proposition had been made through him as had been alleged, and entirely exoneratedMr.Clay and his adherents from all connection with it. He stated, that, during the month of December, 1824, hearing it currently reported in Washington, that general Jackson, in case he was elected president, designed to continueMr.Adams as secretary of state, and thinking that such a report, if not properly contradicted, would operate detrimentally to his interests, he called on him, and expressed his opinion in relation thereto, and that the general declared, that he entertained a high opinion ofMr.Adams, but had never said any thing in relation to retaining or rejecting him as secretary of state, and that he (Mr.Buchanan) was authorized to state, that such was the result of the interview.Mr.Buchanan also declared his honest and sincere conviction, that ‘general Jackson did not believe or entertain the most distant idea that he came on behalf ofMr.Clay or of his friends, until the publication of the letter making that accusation.’Thus the burden of proof of the vile calumny, which had been placed upon the shoulders of the calumniator himself, remained unmoved. The united efforts of himself and friends, instead of disengaging it, only rendered its magnitude more visible, and its deformity more gross. The eyes of the nation have been directed to it, and many pure patriots, of all parties, in view of it, with saddenedhearts, have exclaimed, ‘alas, alas, for the all-absorbing prevalence of party spirit—for the frailty of human nature!’Though no substantiating evidence was, or could be, produced, by those who sought to produce it, a mass of refuting testimony was obtained byMr.Clay and his friends, perfectly overwhelming. A circular letter was addressed to the western delegation of 1825, who were the principal individuals implicated in the charges againstMr.Clay, soliciting their views respecting them, whounhesitatingly pronounced them false; and many stated, that their determination to vote forMr.Adams was formedprevious to knowingMr.Clay’s intention. This testimonyMr.Clay embodied in a pamphlet, which he published in January, 1828, containing evidence more than sufficient to convince any unprejudiced mind, that he had repeatedly and unambiguously declared his intention to vote forMr.Adams, long before the alleged proposition was said to have been made. In this he says, ‘I make no appeal to public sympathy. I invoke only stern justice. If truth has not lost its force, reason its sway, and the fountains of justice their purity, the decision must be auspicious. With a firm reliance upon the enlightened judgment of the public, and conscious of the zeal and uprightness with which I have executed every trust committed to my care, I await the event without alarm or apprehension. Whatever it may be, my anxious hopes will continue for the success of the great cause of human liberty, and ofthose high interests of national policy, to the promotion of which, the best exertions of my life have been faithfully dedicated. And my humble, but earnest prayers will be unremitted, that all danger may be averted from our common country, and especially that our union, our liberty, and our institutions, may long survive, a cheering exception from the operations of that fatal decree, which the voice of all history has hitherto uniformly proclaimed.’Though utterly abortive were all the attempts of the enemies ofMr.Clay, to injure him in the estimation of the unprejudiced and the good, still, they managed to make political capital out of the charges of bargain and corruption. Notwithstanding this final appeal to the people, embraced, substantially, the numerous evidences of their falsehood, evidences that had been repeated again and again, still, there were found thousands who believed these charges, and many servile partisan presses to circulate them, and carefully suppress the proofs of their untruth. These labored unremittingly, to make the community believe, that general Jackson was absolutely cheated out of his election byMr.Clay, and multitudes settled down on this belief, and clung to it with an obstinacy, that would not have been moved, had hesealed his protestation of their falsehood with his blood. This belief was so congenial to the feelings of many, as to cause them to turn a deaf ear to any statement calculated to weaken it. A specimen of thisclass of individuals fell under the personal observation ofMr.Clay, while, in 1828, he was travelling in Virginia, accompanied by some friends. ‘We halted,’ said he, ‘at night, at a tavern kept by an aged gentleman, who, after supper, sat down by me, and, without hearing my name, but understanding that I was from Kentucky, remarked, that he had four sons in that state, and that he was very sorry they were divided in politics, two being for Adams, and two for Jackson. He wished they were all for Jackson. Why? I asked him. Because, he said, that fellowClay, and Adams, had cheated Jackson out of the presidency. Have you ever seen any evidence, my old friend, said I, of that? No, he replied,none, and he wanted to see none. But, I observed, looking him directly and steadily in the face, supposeMr.Clay were to come here and assure you, upon his honor, that it was all a vile calumny, and not a word of truth in it, would you believe him? No, replied the old man, promptly and emphatically. I said to him, in conclusion, will you be good enough to show me to bed, and bade him good night. The next morning, having in the interval learnt my name, he came to me full of apologies, but I at once put him at his ease, by assuring him that I did not feel, in the slightest degree, hurt or offended with him.’These calumnious allegations have expended their strength, and are now remembered and denominated only as the vilest fabrication of the most unscrupulous political malice, to destroy the most exalted patriotism and unsullied political virtue, that ever adorned this or any other country. The individual against whom they were directed, not merely outlived them, but also secured the civic wreath of honor, in which flashes, in everduring brilliancy, many a gem of public favor. It was a sublime sight, for a mighty nation to see her most distinguished son, single-handed, holding on his patriotic course, now breasting the ungovernable waves of faction, and now making his way through the serried ranks of vindictive assailants, casting their weapons from him as the lion shakes the dewdrops from his mane, or, seated in the unmoved majesty of his integrity, regarding them as the ocean rock looks down and laughs at the impotency of surge and storm, breaking harmlessly against his feet. Through all, he passed to the chair of state, unshorn of a lock of his might. The duties of that arduous station he discharged with a zeal and fidelity, which may be equalled, but not surpassed. These had become greatly multiplied whenMr.Clay entered upon it, in consequence of the extension of our foreign relations, which required the preparation of many documents that devolved upon it. It would be impracticable to give even a list of these. His health was so feeble, that he intimated to the president his intention of resigning his office in 1828, but, through the persuasion of his friends, consented to remain. It is surprising, that, under such circumstances, the official records, during his term of service, show a greater amount of labor performed than wasaccomplished by any of his predecessors, who enjoyed those collateral aids which it was impracticable for him to obtain. In the single article of treaties, his incumbency was illustrious. The number negotiated and concluded by him, at Washington, is greater than that of all which had ever been previously concluded there, from the first adoption of the constitution. These relate chiefly to commerce, navigation, and neutral rights, and were entered into between the United States, Central America, Prussia, Denmark and the Hanseatic Republic, and Austria, though he vacated his office previous to the ensealing of the treaty with the latter. With foreign ministers at Washington, he was a great favorite, and on terms of salutary intimacy, which enabled him to consult most advantageously the best interests of his country, in negotiating with them. In devising and framing these instruments,Mr.Clay not only found ample scope for the exercise of his mental faculties, but also for those amiable qualities of his character which enhanced the pleasure of his personal intercourse, and which contributed not a little in obtaining liberal terms for his country. He laid the foundation of an arrangement with Russia, for the settlement of certain claims of American citizens. These treaties furnish a full refutation of the charge often preferred against him, of being indifferent to, and unmindful of our foreign commercial interests, and as being willing to sacrifice them in fostering domestic trade and manufactures. A perusal of these is sufficient to convince the most skeptical, that our foreign commercial interests lay as near his heart as any other subject of diplomatic action. He abrogated in them a clause introduced into the London treaty of 1815, by which English and American vessels were restricted, in their commercial intercourse with one another, to articles of the growth or manufacture of each, and inserted one in its place, permitting them to enter their ports, without any regard being had to the place of growth and manufacture of their cargoes. This removed what experience had proved to be a most serious impediment to our navigation, and seemed so just and proper inMr.Clay’s estimation, that, in speaking of it, he says, ‘its reciprocity is perfect; and when it comes to be adopted by all nations, we can scarcely see any thing beyond it, in the way of improvement to the freedom and interests of their mutual navigation. The devices of maritime nations have been various, to augment their marine, at the expense of other powers. When there has been a passive acquiescence in the operation of these devices, without any resort to countervailing regulations, their success has sometimes been very great. But nations are now too enlightened to submit quietly to the selfish efforts of any one power to engross, by its own separate legislation, a disproportionate share of navigation in their mutual intercourse. These efforts are now met by opposite efforts, restriction begets restriction, until the discovery is at last made, after a long train ofvexatious and irritating acts and manœuvres on both sides, that the course of selfish legislation, ultimately, does not effect the distribution of maritime power, whilst it is attended with the certain evil of putting nations into an ill humor with each other. Experience at last teaches, that, in every view, it is better to begin and continue in the career of liberality.’This restriction, however, Great Britain would not abandon, when urged thereto byMr.Gallatin, whomMr.Adams had empowered to treat with that nation, in relation to the trade between the United States and her colonial dependencies. He was particularly instructed byMr.Clay to make the subject of the West India trade a matter of special negotiation. Unsuccessful efforts to effect a mutually advantageous arrangement, had been made several years previous, andMr.Gallatin was despatched to resume them, at the request of the British minister at Washington. The former was told, immediately after presenting his credentials, that the British government would not treat concerning the West India trade, and also that she would not admit the United States to participate in it, because they had not complied with the provision of a certain act of parliament relating to it, of which act they were in utter ignorance. Its passage had never been officially announced to them, at London or at Washington. The act itself was vague, and when the British minister was questioned byMr.Clay respecting its application, the former was unable to explain its ambiguity, or to say whether it was intended to apply to the United States or not, as there was nothing in his instructions relating to it. In connection with refusing to negotiate withMr.Gallatin, Great Britain insulted the United States through him, by declaring thatthey were bound to know and take notice of the acts of parliament! We doubt whether the diplomacy of any other nation ever presented such a flagrant assertion, so arrogantly assumptive, and so palpably unjust. The result, of course, was inevitable; direct intercourse between the United States and the West India ports of Great Britain, in British or American vessels, was mutually prohibited.Mr.Clay’s official correspondence, in relation to this question, is replete with argument and sound reasoning.The expansiveness ofMr.Clay’s love of freedom, again exhibited itself soon after entering upon the duties of his office. Although they were such as to keep him continually and exhaustingly engaged, he nevertheless found time to extend his commiseration and his aid to those nations, the recognition of whose independence, by his country, he had endeavored to procure some time previous. His situation was now such as to give him an opportunity of accomplishing this. From time to time he spread the subject before the executive, and so eloquently pleaded their cause, that a minister was despatched by our government to Greece, which resulted in the recognition of her independence by it. In this theUnited States was first, and through the influence ofMr.Clay did she make this benevolent movement. As he had anticipated, it infused new strength into the hearts of the struggling Greeks, who had begun to sink beneath the Turkish scimetar.Mr.Clay’s official letter toMr.Middleton, our minister at Russia, dated May tenth, 1825, is a paper of great polish and skill.Mr.Clay had witnessed, for seventeen years, the devastating wars which had raged between Spain and her South American colonies, and fervently desired to see them terminated. For this purpose, he projected and prepared the document aforesaid, independent of all suggestion or aid, from any public functionary. He had familiarized himself with the facts connected with these wars, which, in the most striking and beautiful manner, he spread out before the emperor, and urged him to use his influence in bringing about an event which he so ardently desired. This communication was so skilfully and ingeniously framed, as to direct the attention of Alexander to the struggling Greeks, and enlist his influence in their behalf, which was precisely what the writer wished, though he did not say so in so many words.Mr.Clay’s efforts were triumphantly successful. The emperor instructed his minister at the Spanish court, to use every proper exertion to terminate these sanguinary conflicts, which eventuated in the acknowledgement of South American independence, by the parent country. The emperor also took sides with the Greeks, made certain proposals, relative to them, to the grand sultan, and, on their being rejected, instantly set about making preparations to march against him. Before their completion he deceased, but his successor took them up, and struck a blow so decisive as to put an instant period to his barbarities. ThusMr.Clay’s influence, through this instrument, set in motion means that moved both hemispheres, and accomplished results, the sum of whose benefits and blessings, never has been, and never can be, ascertained.If we were to single out one from the multitude of official papers prepared byMr.Clay during his secretaryship, as evincing the most ability and skill, it would be the letter of instructions toMessrs.John Sergeant and Richard C. Anderson, delegates from the United States to the congress at Panama, convened at the request of the republics of Colombia, Mexico, and Central America, whose representatives were also present. The object of this congress was not very definitely stated in the request for it, and, before appointing delegates,Mr.Clay endeavored to ascertain the nature and extent of the subjects upon which they would deliberate, and the powers with which it would be proper to clothe them. This object, though not precisely ascertained, was presumed to be honorable; indeed, the convention was believed to have been suggested by the declaration of president Monroe, that, in case of any interference of any of the allied powers, in the contest betweenSpain and her former colonies, the United States would not remain an indifferent spectator. This declaration very naturally led the republics before mentioned, towards whom the Holy Alliance maintained a hostile attitude, to seek the cultivation of those amicable relations with the United States, which would secure their aid, in case it should be desired. InMr.Clay’s letter of instructions, the delegates were authorized to treat of peace, friendship, commerce, navigation, maritime law, neutral and belligerent rights, and other subjects of mutual interest. Subjoined, is an extract from this able document.Speaking of the regulation respecting private property, which ought to exist on the ocean in time of war, he said: ‘although, in the arrangement of things, security against oppression should be the greatest where it is most likely to be often practiced, it is nevertheless remarkable, that the progress of enlightened civilization has been much more advanced on the land than on the ocean. And, accordingly, personal rights, and especially those of property, have both a safety and protection on the former, which they do not enjoy on the latter element. Scarcely any circumstance would now tend more to exalt the character of America, than that of uniting its endeavors to bring up the arrears of civilization as applied to the ocean, to the same forward point which it has attained on the land, and, thus rendering men and their property secure against all human injustice and violence, leave them exposed only to the action of those storms and disasters, sufficiently perilous, which are comprehended in the dispensations of providence. It is under the influence of these and similar considerations, that you will bring forward, at the contemplated congress, the proposition to abolish war against private property and non-combatants on the ocean. Private property of an enemy is protected, when on land, from seizure and confiscation. Those who do not bear arms there, are not disturbed in their vocations. Why should not the same humane exemption be extended to the sea?’Respecting religious toleration, he remarks, ‘you will avail yourselves of all suitable occasions to press upon the minister of the other American states, the propriety of a free toleration of religion, within their respective limits. In the United States, we experience no inconvenience from the absence of any religious establishment, and the universal toleration which happily prevails. We believe that none would be felt by other nations who should allow equal religious freedom. It would be deemed rash to assert, that civil liberty and an established church cannot exist together in the same state; but it may be safely affirmed, that history affords no example of their union, where the religion of the state has not only been established, but exclusive. If any of the American powers think proper to introduce into their systems an established religion, although we should regret such a determination, we wouldhave no right to make a formal complaint, unless it should beexclusive. As the citizens of any of the American nations have a right, when here, without hindrance, to worship the Deity according to the dictates of their own consciences, our citizens ought to be allowed the same privilege, when, prompted by business or inclination, they visit any of the American states. You are accordingly authorized to propose a joint declaration, to be subscribed by the ministers of all or any of the powers represented, that, within their limits, there shall be free toleration of religious worship. The declaration on this subject in which you are authorized to unite, as well as that directed against European colonization within the territorial limits of any of the American nations herein before mentioned, does no more than announce, in respect to the United States, the existing state of their institutions and laws.’
Soon after this meeting,Mr.Clay was successively, and without concert, informed by the late governor Edwards and general C. F. Mercer, the one a senator and the other a member of the house, thatMr.Randolph was present at and witnessed the death scene of the gallant and lamented commodore Decatur, that he remained gazing a long time upon his corpse, agitated with deep emotions,and that he had been heard to express a desire to have, and withMr.Clay, an affair of honor similar to that which brought Decatur to his untimely end. This information naturally putMr.Clay upon his guard, and ever after during the session, whenever he metMr.Randolph, he refrained from addressing him.
It is said thatMr.Randolph used all his influence in trying to induce one of the gentlemen above mentioned not to agree to a settlement of the Missouri question, as he (Mr.Randolph) feared that this, if accomplished as it was desired, would secureMr.Clay’s election to the presidency.
During the same session, and some time previous to their interview,Mr.Randolph accostedMr.Clay with a look and manner betokening the deepest concern, exhibiting to him a letter couched in very abusive and insulting terms, threatening to cow-hide him, and askedMr.Clay’s advice as to the course he should pursue in relation to it. ‘What caused the writer to send you such an insulting epistle,Mr.Randolph?’ saidMr.Clay. ‘Why, I suppose,’ said he, ‘it was in consequence of what I said to him the other day.’ ‘Whatdidyou say?’ ‘Why, sir, I was standing in the vestibule of the house, when the writer came up and introduced to me a gentleman who accompanied him, and I asked him what right he had to introduce that man to me, and told him that the man had just asgood a rightto introducehimto me, whereat he was very indignant, and said I had treated him scandalously, and turning on his heel went away. I expect that made him write the letter.’ ‘Do you not think that he wasa little out of his head to talk in that way?’ repliedMr.Clay. ‘Why, I have been thinking about that,’ saidMr.Randolph, ‘Ihavemy doubts respecting his sanity.’ ‘Well, that being the case, would it not be the wisest course not to bring the matter before the house? I will direct the sergeant-at-arms to keep a sharp look out for the man, and to cause him to be arrested, should he attempt any thing improper.’Mr.Randolph expressed his acquiescence in the speaker’s opinion, and nothing more was heard of the subject.
On another occasion, when the same question was before the house,Mr.Randolph informedMr.Clay that he had come to the conclusion to abandon his invective and caustic irony in debate, and in future to confine himself to pure argument; that he had come to this conclusion in consequence of the advice of chief justice Marshall. He tried pure argument, but was unsuccessful, not awakening any interest in those who listened to him. He finally fell back into his old eccentric, sarcastic track, where he was at home, and crowds flocked to hear him, as usual. InMr.Randolph’s hands ridicule was a powerful weapon, and one which no member knew how to use better than he, but sound reasoning and logical disquisition he wielded awkwardly—they were untempered weapons when used by him, about as effective as a rush inthe hands of a child. One day he came in contact with a very able debater,Mr.Sheffey, one of his colleagues from Virginia, who, in a playful sally, had made some remarks which aroused the irascible temper ofMr.Randolph, who replied to him and concluded by offering him the followingmorceauof advice. ‘My worthy colleague possesses talents of a high order, but they are not very versatile. They qualify him for a particular sphere only, beyond the limits of which nature never designed him to travel. That sphere islogic. In this he can do battle with the boldest, but when he transcends it, he has less power than a pigmy. Therefore, as a friend, I would in the spirit of kindness, advise himnever to leave it for any other; but especially would I caution him, as he values his reputation and safety, never to venture within the unexplored and unsubjugated regions of wit, for whose labyrinths and intricacies he has neither taste nor talent. As no other motive but a tender solicitude for the gentleman’s welfare, has prompted this advice, I hope it will be received and appreciated accordingly.’Mr.Sheffey, in reply, remarked that he did not like to remain inMr.Randolph’s debt, and would therefore cancel the heavy demand which he owed the gentleman, for his exceedingly valuable advice, by returning the compliment. He accordingly advised him never to aspire after logic, as it was an instrument of whose use his ignorance was more than sophomoric, and that inhishand it was like aknife in the hands of a child. ‘In my opinion, from the armory of wit the facetious member may draw weapons every way adapted to his capacity, and I would therefore advise him never to resort to any other.’ When he concluded,Mr.Randolph sprang to his feet, and in his quick, off-hand way, said, ‘I will take back all that I have said, by way of advice, to my colleague, for he has given satisfactory evidence that he is a man both of logic and wit.’ The incident furnished much mirth to the house. The next day,Mr.Randolph recommenced the attack with increased bitterness, and was called to order several times byMr.Clay, who, after repeated trials, succeeded in checking him.Mr.Sheffey was much excited, and was called to order also, whenMr.Clay observed that he would be out of order in replying, as he was, to any other member, exceptMr.Randolph.
At one time,Mr.Randolph, in a strain of most scorching irony, had indulged in some personal taunts towardsMr.Clay, commiserating his ignorance and limited education, to whomMr.Clay replied by saying, ‘sir, the gentleman from Virginia was pleased to say, that in one point, at least, he coincided with me—in an humble estimate of my grammatical and philological acquirements. I know my deficiences. I was born to no proud patrimonial estate from my father. I inherited only infancy, ignorance, and indigence; I feel my defects; but so far as my situation in early life is concerned, I may without presumption say, they are more my misfortunethan my fault. But, however I deplore my inability to furnish to the gentleman a better specimen of powers of verbal criticism, I will venture to say my regret is not greater than the disappointment of this committee, as to thestrength of his argument.’
The following incident aptly illustratesMr.Clay’s readiness at repartee. At the time of the passage of the tariff bill, April sixteenth, 1824, as the house was about adjourning, a friend of the bill observed toMr.Clay, ‘we have done pretty well to-day.’ ‘Very well, indeed,’ rejoinedMr.Clay, instantly, ‘very well; we made a good stand, considering we lost both our FEET;’ alluding toMr.Foote, of New York, andMr.Foot, of Connecticut, both having opposed the bill, who it was confidently expected but a short time previous would support it.
DuringMr.Clay’s absence from congress, which, as has been before stated, was occasioned to furnish him an opportunity to repair pecuniary losses, he was appointed, in connection withMr.Bibb, to attend the Virginia legislature, for the purpose of adjusting certain Kentuckian land claims. The land laws of Kentucky were a source of great perplexity and litigation, subjecting those who had settled there prior to her separation from Virginia, to great inconvenience and loss. In his appeal to the general assembly of Virginia,Mr.Clay manifested unusual anxiety to protect the interests of the occupants of the soil, in the state from which he was a delegate, and succeeded in awakening a corresponding feeling of sympathy in the hearts of those whom he addressed. He drew a vivid picture of the privations and hardships which the settler had to encounter, placed him before them in the attitude of bidding adieu to the ‘tombs and temples of his fathers,’ then followed him to the wilderness, and traced his toilsome progress, step by step, until he brought him to the period when he began to reap the reward of his labors. He exhibited him sitting at twilight in the door of his comfortable tenement, looking out upon his broad enclosures, the happy partner of his cares by his side, and his dear little ones enjoying their innocent pastimes around him, and almost made them see the heavings of his grateful heart, and the moistening of his eye, as he surveyed the abundance of domestic bliss, and peace, and plenty, which his industrious hand had gathered about him. This, saidMr.Clay, is the bright side of the picture; now let us look at the dark; and then, in his solemn, impressive, and inimitably graphic manner, with a quivering lip, and a hand tremulous with emotion, he pointed to the same group, yet he painted no happy look, he caused no shout of sportive joy to ascend, but he rendered audible the deep sigh, the suffocating sob, and piercing groan; he made almost visible the furrowed brow of toil-worn manhood wet with the dew of despair, a broken-hearted wife drowned in grief, surrounded by sorrowing childhood,all fixing a last look upon a home dear to them as their lives, as they were about to depart to rear a new abode in the uninviting wilderness. This is no picture of a heated imagination, saidMr.Clay, it is suggested by scenes of almost every day occurrence, and it is topreventtheir occurrence that prompts us to attempt the adjustment of these conflicting ‘land claims.’ Equity, humanity, and benevolence, all urge this; they all mingle their voices of mercy, and beseech that when the settler has by his honest and industrious efforts acquired the comforts and blessings of social and domestic life, he shall be permitted to enjoy them, and not be in danger of being dispossessed by a prior claim to his domain, and of which he was ignorant. In one of his most pathetic strains, he attempted to quote the affecting lines of sir Walter Scott:
‘Lives there a heart so cold and dead,That never to itself hath said—This is my own, my native land!’
‘Lives there a heart so cold and dead,That never to itself hath said—This is my own, my native land!’
‘Lives there a heart so cold and dead,
That never to itself hath said—
This is my own, my native land!’
He commenced, but could not finish them; some words had escaped his memory, but without the least hesitation he pressed his hand upon his forehead a moment, in recalling them. All believed that this momentary hesitation was caused by the recollections of other years, which were swelling in his heart and checking utterance, and when he withdrew his hand from his brow and cast his tearful eyes over the assembly, and in his impassioned manner repeated the lines, there was one general gushing of tears, as if all hearts had been melted beneath his look and tone.
In the course of the year,Mr.Clay, in behalf of Kentucky, and B. W. Leigh,Esq., in behalf of Virginia, met at Ashland, and concluded a convention, which was ratified by the legislature of Kentucky, and by the house of delegates of Virginia, but was rejected in her senate, by a small majority.
Mr.Clay had now, during his three years absence from congress, realized his wishes in repairing his pecuniary losses, and at the earnest and repeated requests of his fellow citizens, accepted a renomination, and was again elected without opposition a member of the house of representatives.
In consequence of intense application to his professional duties,Mr.Clay’s health had become materially impaired; indeed his life was despaired of. During the summer of 1823, he had visited, without receiving much benefit, the Olympian Springs, in Kentucky, and submitted to a thorough course of medicine, but all remedial means failed to arrest what appeared to be a gradual decline, which was conducting him apparently rapidly to the period of his dissolution. He began to think seriously, as a last resort, on going south to spend the ensuing winter, but it was requisite for him to be in Washington in November, and his own feelings inclined him to be there at the commencement of the session, incase it were practicable. He finally, after consulting with his friends, abandoned the prescriptions of his physicians, procured a light carriage and a good saddle-horse, and riding, driving, and walking, leisurely made his way to the seat of government. When he reached Washington, he was nearly well.
At the opening of the eighteenth congress, on the first Monday of December, 1823,Mr.Clay was elected speaker to the house, overMr.Barbour, of Virginia, the late speaker, by a vote of one hundred and thirty-nine to forty-two. Shortly after his election, the following beautifuljeu d’espritappeared in the National Intelligencer.
“As near the Potomac’s broad stream, t’other day,FairLibertystrolled in solicitous mood,Deep-pondering the future, unheeding her way,She met goddessNaturebeside a green wood.‘Good mother,’ she cried, ‘deign to help me at need!I must make for my guardians aSpeakerto-day;The first in the world I would give them.’ ‘Indeed!When I made the first speaker, I made him ofClay.’”
“As near the Potomac’s broad stream, t’other day,FairLibertystrolled in solicitous mood,Deep-pondering the future, unheeding her way,She met goddessNaturebeside a green wood.‘Good mother,’ she cried, ‘deign to help me at need!I must make for my guardians aSpeakerto-day;The first in the world I would give them.’ ‘Indeed!When I made the first speaker, I made him ofClay.’”
“As near the Potomac’s broad stream, t’other day,
FairLibertystrolled in solicitous mood,
Deep-pondering the future, unheeding her way,
She met goddessNaturebeside a green wood.
‘Good mother,’ she cried, ‘deign to help me at need!
I must make for my guardians aSpeakerto-day;
The first in the world I would give them.’ ‘Indeed!
When I made the first speaker, I made him ofClay.’”
Mr.Clay accepted the appointment in a brief but pertinent speech, in which he gave a succinct view of the duties of the chair, and presented the house his thanks for placing him in it.
In the course of the session, the subject of the Greek revolution came before congress.Mr.Webster, of Massachusetts, on the fifth of December, introduced it to the house, in a resolution ‘providing by law for defraying the expenses incident to the appointment of an agent or commissioner to Greece, whenever the president shall deem it expedient to make such appointment.’ This he sustained by a speech of great power.Mr.Clay brought to its support the same feelings, the same warm sympathies, and the same strength of argument that he had arrayed round the subject of South American independence. They both fought hard to procure the adoption of this resolution, but it was lost. The struggling Greek, however,Mr.Clay never lost sight of, and when he became secretary of state, succeeded in accomplishing that for them, in which he was defeated now.
While the question of recognition was before the house,Mr.Clay was violently assailed by a member from New Hampshire, recently arrived. It was thought his motive in doing this was to bring himself into notice, by attacking the most distinguished man in the house. He received such a rebuke fromMr.Clay, administered with mingled feelings of indignation and pity, as almost to wither his energies during the remainder of the session.
It will be recollected, that during this session, the great tariff measure was passed. An incident grew out ofMr.Clay’s exertions in its behalf, which occasioned no little amusement in Washington, at the time, and throughout Virginia.Mr.William B. Giles, since governor of Virginia, on the appearance ofMr.Clay’s tariff speech, published several articles entitled ‘The Golden Casket,’ in which he introducedMr.Clay’s name pretty often, and in no very courteous connection. The articles were of course perused byMr.Clay, who, aware of the foibles of their author, took no serious offence thereat, but set to work to manufacture amusement from them. He sat down in a comic mood one day, and wroteMr.Giles a long letter, complimenting him on the vigor of his intellect, his great mental ability, and his accurate critical acumen, but praising him especially for those qualities of which he was utterly destitute. When it was completed, he showed it toMr.Archer, of Virginia, and several other friends, all of whom enjoyed it immoderately, and urged him to send it toMr.Giles, and accordingly he sent it. As had been anticipated, the old gentleman devoured it with the greatest gusto and satisfaction. It contained just what he most desired—praise of his weakest traits of character. He read it repeatedly, and at each successive reading his heart relented towards the author, to such a degree as to cause him to observe, that had he received the communication previous to the publication of his ‘Casket,’ he should not have spoken ofMr.Clay as he did in that work. Shortly after, he exhibited this letter to some of his intimate friends, to let them see in what high estimation he was held by the great orator and statesman, but unfortunately nearly the first one who read it, discovered the hoax played on him, and immediately circulated it. Curiosity to see the letter now pervaded the whole community, and some difference of opinion prevailed as to its true character. A few ofMr.Giles’ friends expressed their belief that it had been written in good faith, but most that it was intended for a joke at his expense. Quite a violent dispute grew out of it; one party instigated by angry, and the other by mirthful feelings. At length,Mr.Archer, who resided in the same district withMr.Giles, returned from congress, and the true version of the matter was soon trumpeted through the community, which caused unusual merriment. This was too much forMr.Giles, who sent his son, a lad of sixteen years of age, to demand an explanation ofMr.Clay. He received the boy very civilly, who made known toMr.Clay the nature of his business, saying that he was commissioned by his father to ask if he were the author of that letter, at the same time exhibiting to him the famous epistle, and if he were, to demand his motives in writing it. When he had concluded his interrogations,Mr.Clay coolly replied, ‘tell your father that I shall make no explanation to him through his own son. If he will employ a proper messenger, I will render him another answer.’ The lad departed, and nothing more was heard fromMr.Giles.
On the fifteenth of August, 1824, general Lafayette, the nation’s guest, arrived at New York, and on the tenth of December following, was introduced to the house of representatives by a selectcommittee appointed for the purpose, and was received byMr.Clay, in an apposite and beautiful address, of which the following is an extract. ‘The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that providence would allow the patriot after death, to return to his country, and to contemplate the intermediate change that had taken place, to view the forests felled, the cities built, the mountains levelled, the canals cut, the highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the advancement of learning, and the increase of population. General, your present visit to the United States, is a realization of the consoling object of that wish. You are in the midst of posterity. Every where you must have been struck with the great changes, physical and moral, which have occurred since you left us. Even this city, bearing a venerated name, alike endeared to you and to us, has since emerged from the forest which then covered its site. In one respect you find us unaltered, and that is, in the sentiment of continued devotion to liberty, and of ardent affection and profound gratitude to your departed friend, the father of his country, and to you, and to your illustrious associates in the field and the cabinet, for the multiplied blessings which surround us, and for the very privilege of addressing you, which I now exercise. This sentiment, now fondly cherished by more than ten millions of people, will be transmitted with unabated vigor, down the tide of time, through the countless millions who are destined to inhabit this continent, to the latest posterity.’
To this address, the general replied in a manner which evinced that he had been most deeply affected by it; indeed, it was calculated to thrill his heart with proud joy, conveying to him as it did a rich tribute of gratitude from a mighty nation, expressed in the full, silvery voice of sincerity and affection, whose every tone sank into his soul with the power of a warm welcome. He contracted a strong attachment forMr.Clay, which existed to the day of his death.
At this period,Mr.Clay’s influence had reached a commanding height. His control over the legislation of the United States, was unquestionably greater than that of any other individual, not even excepting the executive himself. AlthoughMr.Clay disagreed with president Monroe on the great measures of national policy, internal improvements, and the tariff, and also respecting the mode of recognizing South American independence, still, the latter, entertaining the most profound regard for his ability, and appreciating the value of his services to his country, repeatedly offered him a seat in his cabinet, and the choice of all the foreign missions. Justice toMr.Clay’s disinterested patriotism demands it to be recorded, that his honest conviction, that he could be more serviceable to his country by remaining in her popular assembly, than in representing her abroad, was one of the most weighty motives which prevented him from planting his foot upon one ofthe many stepping-stones, to place and power, which the hand of executive favor had, unsolicited, laid before him. The differences of opinion existing between him andMr.Monroe, never interrupted for a moment, the amicable relations of social intercourse which they mutually maintained.
Towards the close of his second term, which expired in 1825, the question of the next presidency was generally agitated. As candidates for this office,Messrs.J. Q. Adams, Andrew Jackson, Henry Clay, and William H. Crawford, had been brought forward by their respective friends. As early as November, 1822, in a meeting of the members of the legislature of Kentucky,Mr.Clay had been nominated to it, and a short time after, he was nominated also in meetings of the members of the legislatures of Missouri, Ohio, and Louisiana. Enthusiastic expressions, approbating this nomination, issued from large assemblies throughout the land, and as the period for the election approached, there were many cheering indications that it would be carried in his favor. But efforts were resorted to, not the most creditable to those who employed them, for the purpose of defeating his election. About the commencement of the canvass, reports were industriously circulated, calculated to diminish his support. Among them was one announcing his withdrawal from the contest, for which the unscrupulous exertions of many of his opponents gained extensive credence, notwithstanding our late lamented chief magistrate, and many other friends ofMr.Clay in Ohio, published a counter report, declaring that he ‘would notbe withdrawn from the contest but by the fiat of his Maker.’ The probabilities, however, of his success, continued to increase, until the time of the choice of electors in Louisiana, by the legislature of that state. In that body,Mr.Clay’s popularity was such as to secure him the vote of the state; this was evident from the fact of his nomination by it. The members of the legislature friendly towards the other candidates, endeavored to effect a compromise with those who supportedMr.Clay; but the latter, aware of their strength, rejected it. The compromise proposed to give him four of the five electoral votes to which the state was entitled, which would have carried him into the house of representatives, to the exclusion ofMr.Crawford, as one of the highest three candidates, from which, according to the constitution, it would be obliged to make a selection. Unfortunately, about the time when the state of Louisiana made choice of her electors, three ofMr.Clay’s friends became so seriously indisposed, as to preclude their attendance on the legislature. This event furnished the friends ofMr.Adams and general Jackson an opportunity to form a coälescence, which they eagerly embraced, and divided the five votes so as to give the former three and the latter two. This consequently excludedMr.Clay from the house, into which, had he gone, there is no doubt that his unbounded popularity in thatbody would have secured his election to the office. When, however, it became apparent, that no election of president would be made by the people, with a nobleness and a nice sense of honor, so characteristic of him, he resolved not to go into the house, but to withdraw his name, and at a time too when the prospect was of his being one of the highest three candidates. With great magnanimity, therefore, he put into execution his resolution, assigning to several of his intimate friends his reasons, among which was the belief, that by his doing so, the choice would be more readily and pacifically made. Such generous and self-sacrificing conduct, while it illustrates the purity and strength of his patriotism, is worthy of all admiration and commendation.
Near the close of December, 1824, the result of the canvass was ascertained, by which it appeared that the three candidates returned to the house, were Andrew Jackson, John Q. Adams, and W. H. Crawford, by votes of ninety-nine, eighty-four, and forty-one.
Mr.Clay’s position now was exceedingly delicate as well as important. He had it in his power, by placing himself at the head of the party who went with him in the house, to control its choice of the three candidates returned to it. This he well knew, as also their friends, who beset him continually and in every possible manner, to secure his influence in behalf of their favorite candidates. His predilection was well known to his personal friends, but he sedulously refrained from making it the basis of any caucusses or intrigues, which, knowing the unhealthy excitement always generated by them, he desired to avoid. During the several weeks immediately pending the election, the warm partisans of the parties supportingMessrs.Jackson and Adams, approached him in the most obsequious manner, expressing the deepest regret that he had not been returned to the house, and lavished on him the most fulsome flatteries and mawkish caresses. After trying these for some time ineffectually, finding the more than Roman firmness of the statesman unmoved by them, they attempted tocoërcehim into a compliance with their wishes, and the most unprincipled attempts were made to accomplish this. He was attacked through the medium of anonymous letters incessantly, filled with abusive and menacing language. These arrived almost hourly, from every part of the country; indeed, the enginery of compulsion discharged their missiles at him from every fortress of his political opponents, in the hope of making him espouse their cause. Vain hope! A foolish waste of power, as they might have known. It were easier for the infant of a day with his puny hand to bow the oak of a thousand years, than for the combined efforts of his enemies to cause him to yield an inch of the high ground he had taken. In writing to a friend, he thus alludes to the blandishments and brow-beatings which he received at this time. Of the former, he said, ‘I am enjoying whilst alive, theposthumous honors which are usually awarded to the illustrious dead;’ and of the latter, he remarked. ‘I bore them, I trust, asyour representativeought to have borne them, and as became me.’ But thebasestattempts which they made, one which capped the climax of their depraved assaults, and which was intended to fix the foul stigma of disgrace indelibly upon their victim, was embraced by a letter published in a Philadelphia newspaper, called the ‘Columbian Observer.’ Without any preamble, this chargedMr.Clay with the deliberate intention ofselling his vote to the highest bidder. This letter purported to have been written by a member of congress from Pennsylvania, and declared that the terms of a contract had been settled, which gaveMr.Clay the secretaryship, for which he was to bring his influence to bear in electingMr.Adams. This allegation, the former lost no time in denying, in a communication published in the National Intelligencer, over his own signature, in which he pronounces the author of the letter ‘a base and infamous calumniator,’ and called upon him, whoever he might be, to come out boldly, avow and sustain the charge. This was answered a few days after, by a member of congress from Pennsylvania,Mr.George Kremer, who admitted himself the author, and also his readiness to substantiate his assertions in relation to the character ofMr.Clay. Subsequent developements have made it more than probable that Kremer didnotwrite the epistle in question, his declaration to the contrary notwithstanding, but that it was written by the individual who sustained the ‘Columbian Observer,’ John H. Eaton, and the latter did not deny the authorship, althoughMr.Clay directly charged him with it. The evidence elicited was such as to showMr.Kremer’s entire passivity in the whole matter—a mere machine, moved by the hands of the vile plotters behind the scene, made to speak and act as they directed, and caused to father the villainous slander, which was generated amid the slime of their hearts, as destitute of honor and patriotism as the icebergs of Greenland of verdure. This supple tool had the frankness (to his credit be it spoken,) to acknowledge afterwards toMr.Crowninshield, a member of congress from Massachusetts, that hewas notthe originator or author of it.
The more effectually to vindicate himself,Mr.Clay desired to place the subject before the house. To this he was prompted by his own feelings, and also by the belief that the dignity and honor of the body over which he presided, demanded that a complete investigation should be instituted, of those gross charges which had caused such disreputable imputations to rest upon his character. In accordance, therefore, with his request, a committee was appointed on the fifth of February, 1825, consisting of many leading members in the house, all of whom were his political opponents. Probably the matter had now gone farther thanMr.Kremer wishedor expected it to go, as he began to manifest considerable uneasiness respecting the result, notwithstanding he had but a day or two previous arisen in his place and substantially reiterated the contents of the communication he had acknowledged, stating that ‘if, upon an investigation being instituted, it should appear that he had not sufficient reason to justify the statements he had made, he trusted he should receive the marked reprobation which had been suggested by the speaker.Let it fall where it might, he was willing to meet the inquiry and abide the result.’ And yet, when it was proposed to adopt a course which would establish the truth or falsehood of his statements, which would test this willingness ‘to meet the inquiry,’ he shrank back and shuffled under a mean subterfuge. The committee, in their report, declared thatMr.Kremer refused to appear before, or communicate to them any facts of which he had virtually admitted himself to be in possession, and protested against acting either as an accuser or a witness, although strongly urged thereto by them, and not feeling authorized to use compulsion in procuring evidence, they suffered the subject to drop. While it was in the hands of the house, he was heard to remark toMessrs.Brent and Little, one of whom was a warm friend of general Jackson, that he never intended to chargeMr.Clay with corruption; that he had transferred or could transfer the votes or interests of his friend; and that he was among the last men in the nation to make such a charge againstMr.Clay. To this declaration both these gentlemen certified. AlthoughMr.Kremer was weak enough to allow himself to be made the organ of the abominable conspirators, and, as it appears, a little contrary to his convictions of truth and honor, he could not stifle the compunctious visitations ofconscience, which he experienced on account of the abusive treatment which, through him, had fallen on an unoffending individual, and that individual one of the main pillars of the republic. He often expressed his intention of apologizing toMr.Clay, and even went so far as to prepare an apology, containing a minute explanation of all the circumstances connected with the whole affair, from its inception to its completion, and which fully exoneratedMr.Clay from every charge brought against him in the letter. Information of his repentings and intended reparation soon came to the ears of the grand instigators, which carried panic to their cowardly hearts, and caused them to quake, lest their party-colored covering, composed of the very quintessence of meanness, baseness, and falsehood, should be stripped from them, and their nakedness exposed to the view and the derision of the world. To prevent such dreaded consequences, they began instantly to bestir themselves, at what expense of principle or integrity, they stopped not to consider. Their first efforts were very naturally directed towards the instrument of their machinations, who was seized, the apology taken from, and a muzzlefastened upon him, to prevent the slightest utterance of his repentant emotions. They then drew up a labored statement in his name, and laid it before the house, reeking with duplicity, and infecting the very atmosphere with its nauseating effluvia. Who can contemplate the loathsome picture of depravity, worthy of the arch fiend himself, which those evidently instigated by him, painted and attempted to suspend on the walls of the nation’s dwelling-place—the holy home of Liberty—in desecrating and contaminating proximity to the canvass emblazoning the form and the features of the ‘father of his country,’ and the glorious scenes of his revolutionary valor, without mingled feelings of disgust, indignation, and regret?—what patriotic heart, what lover of liberty and political virtue, in view of the fountain of immaculate purity, on the one hand, whose streams went forth incessantly, to fertilize, and gladden, and bless a mighty nation, and their diabolical attempts, on the other, to pollute and blot it from existence, without sending up the fervent ejaculation, ‘Heaven save my country from falling into such hands’?
After the dust and fog created by their unnatural endeavors had passed away, the object of their malice appeared in his proper place, as unmoved and serene as though the clangor of their strife had not saluted his ears, and as unaffected by the showers of their envenomed arrows, as though he had been sitting in his native forests amid the rain-like fall of autumnal leaves. Their loud and discordant clamors did not for a moment interrupt his meditations concerning that important, that solemn duty, which had devolved upon him, in the performance of which he had resolved that no arts of wheedling or coercion should influence him; that no man nor set of men should act as his casuist; and that he would not select from the numerous casuistical proposals, which party zeal had placed before him,onethat should determine themodeof its discharge. No! he chose to settlethatquestion at a tribunal from which there wasno appeal—at the tribunal ofNature, which Nature’s God had erected in his own bosom. Tothathe resorted; indeed, it was one of his most favorite resorts; and spreading out this momentous question before her bar, we hear him exclaim, ‘My position in relation to the presidential contest is highly critical, and such as to leave me no path on which I can move without censure. I have pursued in regard to it the rule which I always observe in the discharge of my public duty.I have interrogated my conscienceas to what I ought to do, and that faithful guide tells me that I ought to vote forMr.Adams. I shall fulfil its injunctions.Mr.Crawford’s state of health, and the circumstances under which he presents himself to the house, appear to me to be conclusive against him. As a friend to liberty, and to the permanence of our institutions, I cannot consent, in this early stage of their existence, by contributing to the election of a military chieftain,to give the strongest guarantee that this republic will march in the fatal road which has conducted every other republic to ruin. I am, and shall continue to be, assailed by all the abuse which partisan zeal, malignity and rivalry can invent. I shall view without emotion these effusions of malice, and remain unshaken in my purpose. What is a public man worth, if he will not expose himself, on fit occasions, for the good of his country?’ Yes! hedidact according to the response which that ‘faithful guide’ gave to his sincere interrogation, and had the anathemas of the world been thundered in his ears, they would not have driven him from thus acting. He deemedherwill paramount to that of his constituents, who had desired him to vote for general Jackson. They afterwards, however, not only justified, but highly approved—as must every good man—his decision. It would be an act of superfluity to specify minutely the grounds ofMr.Clay’s preference. He had obtained occular evidence ofMr.Crawford’s inability to sustain the responsibilities and perform the arduous duties of the chief magistracy. He ascertained it to be a fact, but one carefully concealed from the community, thatMr.Crawford had become almost entirely debilitated by paralysis, both physically and mentally, which itself, aside from the knowledge which he possessed, that his influence could not elect him, was sufficient to induce his rejection. Between general Jackson andMr.Adams, it cannot be supposed thatMr.Clay would long hesitate to choose. His determination had been taken a long time previous to his knowing the result of the election by the people. He had repeatedly given utterance to that determination to friends and foes, at home and at Washington, in public and in private, declaring that nosupposable contingencycould arise to constrain him to vote for general Jackson, and even went so far as to say, that if, in consequence of his well known and often promulged opinion of the character, acquirements, and abilities, of that individual, heshouldsustain him, he would subject himself to the just contempt and reprobation of all parties. Neither did he nor his friends look forMr.Clay’s support, and said that if he did give it, he would beguilty of duplicity. It is very natural to suppose, that a consultation of his experience would be sufficient to causeMr.Clay to preferMr.Adams. He had been associated with the latter in many situations of trust and responsibility, requiring the most consummate skill and statesmanship, and he had invariably found him more than sufficient for them all. He had always found him prepared for any emergency or exigency, however suddenly or unexpectedly it might arise. But in reference to the military chieftain, its consultation elicited evidence just the reverse; he searched in vain for a page recording his diplomatic wisdom, sound expositions of governmental policy, and accurate estimates of presidential qualifications; it was wanting. But on many he found indelibly written, acts of unwarrantable and unjustifiableusurpation, evincing a disposition to trample on law, humanity, and the constitution itself. But general Jackson’s supposed hostility to internal improvements and protection to domestic manufactures, had these enumerated deficiences and defects in his character been wanting, would have been sufficient to exclude him from receivingMr.Clay’s suffrage. These cherished systems, which he regarded as of no subordinate importance to the nation, and to establish which he had expended the prime of his life, he knew, found a firm supporter inMr.Adams. This fact furnished thefundamental reason(if anyonemay be thus denominated) which determined his choice.Mr.Clay therefore gaveMr.Adams his vote, who was elected president. He immediately tendered the former the office of secretary of state, which was accepted with that promptitude and decision which he always manifested in entering upon the discharge of those duties to which he believed his country called him. By this act he proved himself consistent with his advocacy of the claims ofMr.Adams to the presidency, under whom he believed that he could render more efficient service, than in his present position in the house. There can be no other reason assigned, which carries with it even the shadow of validity, inducing him to accept a place in the cabinet of the president. The same place had been tendered him byMessrs.Madison and Monroe, and had been declined, on the ground of his belief that he could make himself more serviceable to the nation, by continuing where he was. The great measures of national policy which were suspended upon his shoulders, at the time they desired to transfer him from that body to their cabinets, he had disposed of, and had also happily removed most of the serious impediments and obstructions which then greatly retarded the wheels of legislation, so that there was a fair prospect that they would roll on smoothly, without requiring his immediate aid. He could, therefore, seek with safety another sphere, and one where he could exert a more extended and salutary influence.
In relation to his having bargained for the office of secretary of state,Mr.Adams speaks, in reply to an address from a committee of gentlemen, expressing their confidence in his purity and patriotism, and a hope that the evening of his days would be passed in that tranquillity which is only the lot of the good. He said that uponMr.Clay, ‘the foulest slanders have been showered. Long known and appreciated, as successively a member of both houses of your national legislature, as the unrivalled speaker, and at the same time, most efficient leader of debates in both of them, as an able and successful negotiator for your interests in war and in peace with foreign powers, and as a powerful candidate for the highest of your trusts. The department of state itself was a station, which, by its bestowal, could confer neither profit nor honor upon him,but upon which he has shed unfading honor by themanner in which he has discharged its duties. Prejudice and passion have charged him with obtaining that office by bargain and corruption.Before you, my fellow citizens, in the presence of our country, and of heaven, I pronounce that charge totally unfounded.This tribute of justice is due from me to him, and I seize with pleasure the opportunity, offered me by your letter, of discharging the obligation.
‘As to mymotivesfor tendering to him the department of state when I did, let that man who questions them come forward. Let him look around among statesmen and legislators of this nation, and of that day. Let him then select and name the man, whom, by his preëminent talents, by his splendid services, by his ardent patriotism, by his all-embracing public spirit, by his fervid eloquence in behalf of the rights and liberties of mankind, by his long experience in the affairs of the union, foreign and domestic, a president of the United States, intent only upon the honor and welfare of his country, ought to have preferred to Henry Clay. Let him name the man, and then judge you, my fellow citizens, of my motives.’
Five years subsequent to his election, in a letter to a friend,Mr.Adams referred to the above testimonial ofMr.Clay’s talents and character, as one from which he could deduct nothing, but to which he could add much. He also said, that such was his opinion ofMr.Clay’s abilities, that he had expressed to him his candid intention, at the time he resigned the speakership, in 1820, if a vacancy should occur in the mission to Great Britain, he should deem it his duty to recommend the nomination of him to that office. He also speaks of the great despatch and facility, with whichMr.Clay transacted business, notwithstanding the feebleness of his health during the whole time. Indeed, he regarded him as aperfect modelof fitness for the office to which he called him, and as having honored and adorned it with the intellectual wealth of his fertile mind. No station in which he was placed, suffered, either through remissness, or deficiency. The fact that his entrance to office was always hailed with general joy, and his departure witnessed with regret, furnished the highest possible compliment to his ability and eminence. Had we space, and felt disposed, we could multiply individual complimentary expressions to almost any extent, but this is not necessary, for his fame and praise are in the mouth of the world. The period ofMr.Clay’s speakership may be adduced as one of the most brilliant of his public life. He illustrated it by all the lofty attainments of one profoundly versed in the arts of government, under the guidance of patriotism, that subordinated every thing to its ardor and devotion. During his occupancy of the chair, from 1811 to 1825, except two years of voluntary absence, his decisions, though prompt, were rarely reversed. Though a warm partisan, he never allowed hisown particular views to influence them in the least, and both friends and foes unite in declaring, that their rendition was far removed from all suspicion of party or venal considerations, in short; that on them all was stampedimpartiality, in everduring characters. ButMr.Clay, besides rendering himself conspicuous for the correctness of his decisions, won also the regard and confidence of the house for the courteously stern manner in which he governed and guided its deliberations. He combined, in a preëminent degree, thesuaviter in modowith thefortiter in re. There was an indescribable something in his look, gesture, and tone of voice, added to his dignity and self-possession, that always restrained and conciliated the turbulent and inimical, and bound to him, with the silken ligaments of love, the peaceable and friendly. At no period of our political history, were subjects so momentous and dangerous in their nature, and so difficult to adjust, brought before congress, as during that of which we are speaking. The political heavens had never been so black, nor the political ocean heaved his surges so high, before, and had nothebeen there to spread the bow of serenity upon the one, and calm the wild fury of the other, it is hardly too much to say, that our liberties, our institutions, and our every thing nationally valuable, would have been swept by the besom of their rage into the tomb of chaos, if not into oblivion. Buthe was there, ruling, tempering, guiding, and blessing. He seemed to act as though he were conscious that his country stood at his side, with her piercing eyes fixed full upon him, reading the secrets of his heart,—as though he heard her voice sounding in his ears, imploring and beseeching him to guard and watch over, faithfully, those interests which she had so unreservedly placed in his hands, and whenever he lifted his arm, or opened his mouth, it seemed to be for the single purpose of executing herrevealed will. No wonder that in view of such unparalleled patriotism and disinterestedness, applause should be extorted from the mouth of enmity itself. No wonder that it should be heard saying, ‘Mr.Clay accomplished what no other man could have performed.’
Many incidents occurred during his speakership, highly illustrative of his playfulness, wit, and readiness, of which the following may serve as a specimen.
On one occasion, the late general Alexander Smyth, of Virginia, a gentleman of unusual ability and erudition, had been speaking a long time, fatiguing and vexing the house with the length and number of his quotations, and citations of authorities, and justified his unbearable prolixity by saying toMr.Clay, who was seated near him, ‘you, sir, speak for the present generation, butIspeak for posterity.’ ‘Yes,’ he immediately replied, ‘and you seem resolved to speak until the arrival ofyouraudience!’
On another, the house was harangued by the late governorLincoln, of Maine, in his usual eloquent, but verbose and declamatory manner. He was considering the revolutionary pension bill, and replying to an argument which opposed it on the ground that those to whom it proposed to extend pecuniary aid, might perhaps live a long time, and thus cause heavy drafts to be made upon the treasury. In one of his elevated flights of patriotic enthusiasm, he burst out with the exclamation, ‘soldiers of the revolution, live forever!’Mr.Clay succeeded him, in favor also of the humane provision, but did not respond to his desire relative to the length of the lives of those worthies for whose benefit it was devised, and when he closed, turned suddenly towardsMr.Lincoln, and, with a smile upon his countenance, observed, ‘I hope my worthy friend will not insist upon the very great duration of these pensions which he has suggested. Will he not consent, by way of a compromise, to a term of nine hundred and ninety-nine years, instead of eternity?’
We have seen, that the contest which resulted in placingMr.Adams at the head of the nation, was one of unusual violence, and in waging which, the most unscrupulous means were employed; and that one of its most unredeeming features was the unmitigated calumny and abuse, which they heaped uponMr.Clay. But soon after the combatants had retired from the field of conflict, and resumed their various avocations, the jarring elements of political faction became quiescent, the blood of the ambitious demagogue fell from its fever heat to its ordinary temperature, and the foul slanderer, fearing exposure, had slunk away to his dark retreat, to deplore his discomfiture, and concoct new materials. Every thing gave omen that a season of peace and grateful repose would be enjoyed. It was thought that no lover of these and of good order, much less a patriot, could be found, who would be base and foolhardy enough to stir up the expiring embers of strife, and add fresh fuel to their flames. Those who entertained this belief, however, found themselves mistaken. They saw one coming forth, one who boasted long and loud of patriotism and devotion to country, and, stooping from his supposed lofty eminence of political virtue, pick up the relaxed bow of slander, and discharge the most envenomed arrows of malice and detraction, at one of the fairest ornaments of that very country, to whose interests he professed himself so strongly attached. To their utter astonishment, they beheld, in that individual, thus anomalously engaged, no less a personage than that of ‘the hero of New Orleans.’ General Jackson hadthe distinguished honor of reviving the thousand times refuted reportof ‘bargain and corruption,’ in relation toMr.Clay’s acceptance of the department of state. A letter, dated March eighth, 1825, went the rounds of the newspapers, pretending to give the substance of a conversation which passed between the writer and general Jackson, to the effect thatMr.Clay’s friends incongress had proposed tohisfriends, that if they would agree thatMr.Adams should not be retained in the department of state, that then their (Mr.Clay and his supporters) influence should be immediately used to elect general Jackson, who, it affirmed, rejected the proposal with becoming indignation.Soon after the appearance of this communication, the author,Mr.CarterBeverley, addressed general Jackson, requesting him to confirm it, who replied, June fifth, 1827, by a letter directly charging the friends ofMr.Clay with having proposed to him, through a member of congress, to give him their support in case he (general Jackson) would pledge himself not to retainMr.Adams as aforesaid, and who intimated that the proposition originated withMr.Clay; and, to give the last finishing stroke, and one which should ensure it credence, he went so far in that reply as to state,that immediately after the rejection of the proposition,Mr.Clay came out openly forMr.Adams. He also declared, that, in reply to this proposition, he stated, that before he would reach the presidential chair by such ignoble means, ‘he would see the earth open and swallow bothMr.Clay and his friends, and himself with them!’ The name of the member of congress was demanded byMr.Clay, and that ofMr.Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, was given, a warm personal friend of general Jackson’s. His version of the matter proved the assertion of the latter a barefaced falsehood, unsupported by even the semblance of truth.Mr.Buchanan flatly and promptly denied, that such a proposition had been made through him as had been alleged, and entirely exoneratedMr.Clay and his adherents from all connection with it. He stated, that, during the month of December, 1824, hearing it currently reported in Washington, that general Jackson, in case he was elected president, designed to continueMr.Adams as secretary of state, and thinking that such a report, if not properly contradicted, would operate detrimentally to his interests, he called on him, and expressed his opinion in relation thereto, and that the general declared, that he entertained a high opinion ofMr.Adams, but had never said any thing in relation to retaining or rejecting him as secretary of state, and that he (Mr.Buchanan) was authorized to state, that such was the result of the interview.Mr.Buchanan also declared his honest and sincere conviction, that ‘general Jackson did not believe or entertain the most distant idea that he came on behalf ofMr.Clay or of his friends, until the publication of the letter making that accusation.’
Thus the burden of proof of the vile calumny, which had been placed upon the shoulders of the calumniator himself, remained unmoved. The united efforts of himself and friends, instead of disengaging it, only rendered its magnitude more visible, and its deformity more gross. The eyes of the nation have been directed to it, and many pure patriots, of all parties, in view of it, with saddenedhearts, have exclaimed, ‘alas, alas, for the all-absorbing prevalence of party spirit—for the frailty of human nature!’
Though no substantiating evidence was, or could be, produced, by those who sought to produce it, a mass of refuting testimony was obtained byMr.Clay and his friends, perfectly overwhelming. A circular letter was addressed to the western delegation of 1825, who were the principal individuals implicated in the charges againstMr.Clay, soliciting their views respecting them, whounhesitatingly pronounced them false; and many stated, that their determination to vote forMr.Adams was formedprevious to knowingMr.Clay’s intention. This testimonyMr.Clay embodied in a pamphlet, which he published in January, 1828, containing evidence more than sufficient to convince any unprejudiced mind, that he had repeatedly and unambiguously declared his intention to vote forMr.Adams, long before the alleged proposition was said to have been made. In this he says, ‘I make no appeal to public sympathy. I invoke only stern justice. If truth has not lost its force, reason its sway, and the fountains of justice their purity, the decision must be auspicious. With a firm reliance upon the enlightened judgment of the public, and conscious of the zeal and uprightness with which I have executed every trust committed to my care, I await the event without alarm or apprehension. Whatever it may be, my anxious hopes will continue for the success of the great cause of human liberty, and ofthose high interests of national policy, to the promotion of which, the best exertions of my life have been faithfully dedicated. And my humble, but earnest prayers will be unremitted, that all danger may be averted from our common country, and especially that our union, our liberty, and our institutions, may long survive, a cheering exception from the operations of that fatal decree, which the voice of all history has hitherto uniformly proclaimed.’
Though utterly abortive were all the attempts of the enemies ofMr.Clay, to injure him in the estimation of the unprejudiced and the good, still, they managed to make political capital out of the charges of bargain and corruption. Notwithstanding this final appeal to the people, embraced, substantially, the numerous evidences of their falsehood, evidences that had been repeated again and again, still, there were found thousands who believed these charges, and many servile partisan presses to circulate them, and carefully suppress the proofs of their untruth. These labored unremittingly, to make the community believe, that general Jackson was absolutely cheated out of his election byMr.Clay, and multitudes settled down on this belief, and clung to it with an obstinacy, that would not have been moved, had hesealed his protestation of their falsehood with his blood. This belief was so congenial to the feelings of many, as to cause them to turn a deaf ear to any statement calculated to weaken it. A specimen of thisclass of individuals fell under the personal observation ofMr.Clay, while, in 1828, he was travelling in Virginia, accompanied by some friends. ‘We halted,’ said he, ‘at night, at a tavern kept by an aged gentleman, who, after supper, sat down by me, and, without hearing my name, but understanding that I was from Kentucky, remarked, that he had four sons in that state, and that he was very sorry they were divided in politics, two being for Adams, and two for Jackson. He wished they were all for Jackson. Why? I asked him. Because, he said, that fellowClay, and Adams, had cheated Jackson out of the presidency. Have you ever seen any evidence, my old friend, said I, of that? No, he replied,none, and he wanted to see none. But, I observed, looking him directly and steadily in the face, supposeMr.Clay were to come here and assure you, upon his honor, that it was all a vile calumny, and not a word of truth in it, would you believe him? No, replied the old man, promptly and emphatically. I said to him, in conclusion, will you be good enough to show me to bed, and bade him good night. The next morning, having in the interval learnt my name, he came to me full of apologies, but I at once put him at his ease, by assuring him that I did not feel, in the slightest degree, hurt or offended with him.’
These calumnious allegations have expended their strength, and are now remembered and denominated only as the vilest fabrication of the most unscrupulous political malice, to destroy the most exalted patriotism and unsullied political virtue, that ever adorned this or any other country. The individual against whom they were directed, not merely outlived them, but also secured the civic wreath of honor, in which flashes, in everduring brilliancy, many a gem of public favor. It was a sublime sight, for a mighty nation to see her most distinguished son, single-handed, holding on his patriotic course, now breasting the ungovernable waves of faction, and now making his way through the serried ranks of vindictive assailants, casting their weapons from him as the lion shakes the dewdrops from his mane, or, seated in the unmoved majesty of his integrity, regarding them as the ocean rock looks down and laughs at the impotency of surge and storm, breaking harmlessly against his feet. Through all, he passed to the chair of state, unshorn of a lock of his might. The duties of that arduous station he discharged with a zeal and fidelity, which may be equalled, but not surpassed. These had become greatly multiplied whenMr.Clay entered upon it, in consequence of the extension of our foreign relations, which required the preparation of many documents that devolved upon it. It would be impracticable to give even a list of these. His health was so feeble, that he intimated to the president his intention of resigning his office in 1828, but, through the persuasion of his friends, consented to remain. It is surprising, that, under such circumstances, the official records, during his term of service, show a greater amount of labor performed than wasaccomplished by any of his predecessors, who enjoyed those collateral aids which it was impracticable for him to obtain. In the single article of treaties, his incumbency was illustrious. The number negotiated and concluded by him, at Washington, is greater than that of all which had ever been previously concluded there, from the first adoption of the constitution. These relate chiefly to commerce, navigation, and neutral rights, and were entered into between the United States, Central America, Prussia, Denmark and the Hanseatic Republic, and Austria, though he vacated his office previous to the ensealing of the treaty with the latter. With foreign ministers at Washington, he was a great favorite, and on terms of salutary intimacy, which enabled him to consult most advantageously the best interests of his country, in negotiating with them. In devising and framing these instruments,Mr.Clay not only found ample scope for the exercise of his mental faculties, but also for those amiable qualities of his character which enhanced the pleasure of his personal intercourse, and which contributed not a little in obtaining liberal terms for his country. He laid the foundation of an arrangement with Russia, for the settlement of certain claims of American citizens. These treaties furnish a full refutation of the charge often preferred against him, of being indifferent to, and unmindful of our foreign commercial interests, and as being willing to sacrifice them in fostering domestic trade and manufactures. A perusal of these is sufficient to convince the most skeptical, that our foreign commercial interests lay as near his heart as any other subject of diplomatic action. He abrogated in them a clause introduced into the London treaty of 1815, by which English and American vessels were restricted, in their commercial intercourse with one another, to articles of the growth or manufacture of each, and inserted one in its place, permitting them to enter their ports, without any regard being had to the place of growth and manufacture of their cargoes. This removed what experience had proved to be a most serious impediment to our navigation, and seemed so just and proper inMr.Clay’s estimation, that, in speaking of it, he says, ‘its reciprocity is perfect; and when it comes to be adopted by all nations, we can scarcely see any thing beyond it, in the way of improvement to the freedom and interests of their mutual navigation. The devices of maritime nations have been various, to augment their marine, at the expense of other powers. When there has been a passive acquiescence in the operation of these devices, without any resort to countervailing regulations, their success has sometimes been very great. But nations are now too enlightened to submit quietly to the selfish efforts of any one power to engross, by its own separate legislation, a disproportionate share of navigation in their mutual intercourse. These efforts are now met by opposite efforts, restriction begets restriction, until the discovery is at last made, after a long train ofvexatious and irritating acts and manœuvres on both sides, that the course of selfish legislation, ultimately, does not effect the distribution of maritime power, whilst it is attended with the certain evil of putting nations into an ill humor with each other. Experience at last teaches, that, in every view, it is better to begin and continue in the career of liberality.’
This restriction, however, Great Britain would not abandon, when urged thereto byMr.Gallatin, whomMr.Adams had empowered to treat with that nation, in relation to the trade between the United States and her colonial dependencies. He was particularly instructed byMr.Clay to make the subject of the West India trade a matter of special negotiation. Unsuccessful efforts to effect a mutually advantageous arrangement, had been made several years previous, andMr.Gallatin was despatched to resume them, at the request of the British minister at Washington. The former was told, immediately after presenting his credentials, that the British government would not treat concerning the West India trade, and also that she would not admit the United States to participate in it, because they had not complied with the provision of a certain act of parliament relating to it, of which act they were in utter ignorance. Its passage had never been officially announced to them, at London or at Washington. The act itself was vague, and when the British minister was questioned byMr.Clay respecting its application, the former was unable to explain its ambiguity, or to say whether it was intended to apply to the United States or not, as there was nothing in his instructions relating to it. In connection with refusing to negotiate withMr.Gallatin, Great Britain insulted the United States through him, by declaring thatthey were bound to know and take notice of the acts of parliament! We doubt whether the diplomacy of any other nation ever presented such a flagrant assertion, so arrogantly assumptive, and so palpably unjust. The result, of course, was inevitable; direct intercourse between the United States and the West India ports of Great Britain, in British or American vessels, was mutually prohibited.Mr.Clay’s official correspondence, in relation to this question, is replete with argument and sound reasoning.
The expansiveness ofMr.Clay’s love of freedom, again exhibited itself soon after entering upon the duties of his office. Although they were such as to keep him continually and exhaustingly engaged, he nevertheless found time to extend his commiseration and his aid to those nations, the recognition of whose independence, by his country, he had endeavored to procure some time previous. His situation was now such as to give him an opportunity of accomplishing this. From time to time he spread the subject before the executive, and so eloquently pleaded their cause, that a minister was despatched by our government to Greece, which resulted in the recognition of her independence by it. In this theUnited States was first, and through the influence ofMr.Clay did she make this benevolent movement. As he had anticipated, it infused new strength into the hearts of the struggling Greeks, who had begun to sink beneath the Turkish scimetar.
Mr.Clay’s official letter toMr.Middleton, our minister at Russia, dated May tenth, 1825, is a paper of great polish and skill.Mr.Clay had witnessed, for seventeen years, the devastating wars which had raged between Spain and her South American colonies, and fervently desired to see them terminated. For this purpose, he projected and prepared the document aforesaid, independent of all suggestion or aid, from any public functionary. He had familiarized himself with the facts connected with these wars, which, in the most striking and beautiful manner, he spread out before the emperor, and urged him to use his influence in bringing about an event which he so ardently desired. This communication was so skilfully and ingeniously framed, as to direct the attention of Alexander to the struggling Greeks, and enlist his influence in their behalf, which was precisely what the writer wished, though he did not say so in so many words.Mr.Clay’s efforts were triumphantly successful. The emperor instructed his minister at the Spanish court, to use every proper exertion to terminate these sanguinary conflicts, which eventuated in the acknowledgement of South American independence, by the parent country. The emperor also took sides with the Greeks, made certain proposals, relative to them, to the grand sultan, and, on their being rejected, instantly set about making preparations to march against him. Before their completion he deceased, but his successor took them up, and struck a blow so decisive as to put an instant period to his barbarities. ThusMr.Clay’s influence, through this instrument, set in motion means that moved both hemispheres, and accomplished results, the sum of whose benefits and blessings, never has been, and never can be, ascertained.
If we were to single out one from the multitude of official papers prepared byMr.Clay during his secretaryship, as evincing the most ability and skill, it would be the letter of instructions toMessrs.John Sergeant and Richard C. Anderson, delegates from the United States to the congress at Panama, convened at the request of the republics of Colombia, Mexico, and Central America, whose representatives were also present. The object of this congress was not very definitely stated in the request for it, and, before appointing delegates,Mr.Clay endeavored to ascertain the nature and extent of the subjects upon which they would deliberate, and the powers with which it would be proper to clothe them. This object, though not precisely ascertained, was presumed to be honorable; indeed, the convention was believed to have been suggested by the declaration of president Monroe, that, in case of any interference of any of the allied powers, in the contest betweenSpain and her former colonies, the United States would not remain an indifferent spectator. This declaration very naturally led the republics before mentioned, towards whom the Holy Alliance maintained a hostile attitude, to seek the cultivation of those amicable relations with the United States, which would secure their aid, in case it should be desired. InMr.Clay’s letter of instructions, the delegates were authorized to treat of peace, friendship, commerce, navigation, maritime law, neutral and belligerent rights, and other subjects of mutual interest. Subjoined, is an extract from this able document.
Speaking of the regulation respecting private property, which ought to exist on the ocean in time of war, he said: ‘although, in the arrangement of things, security against oppression should be the greatest where it is most likely to be often practiced, it is nevertheless remarkable, that the progress of enlightened civilization has been much more advanced on the land than on the ocean. And, accordingly, personal rights, and especially those of property, have both a safety and protection on the former, which they do not enjoy on the latter element. Scarcely any circumstance would now tend more to exalt the character of America, than that of uniting its endeavors to bring up the arrears of civilization as applied to the ocean, to the same forward point which it has attained on the land, and, thus rendering men and their property secure against all human injustice and violence, leave them exposed only to the action of those storms and disasters, sufficiently perilous, which are comprehended in the dispensations of providence. It is under the influence of these and similar considerations, that you will bring forward, at the contemplated congress, the proposition to abolish war against private property and non-combatants on the ocean. Private property of an enemy is protected, when on land, from seizure and confiscation. Those who do not bear arms there, are not disturbed in their vocations. Why should not the same humane exemption be extended to the sea?’
Respecting religious toleration, he remarks, ‘you will avail yourselves of all suitable occasions to press upon the minister of the other American states, the propriety of a free toleration of religion, within their respective limits. In the United States, we experience no inconvenience from the absence of any religious establishment, and the universal toleration which happily prevails. We believe that none would be felt by other nations who should allow equal religious freedom. It would be deemed rash to assert, that civil liberty and an established church cannot exist together in the same state; but it may be safely affirmed, that history affords no example of their union, where the religion of the state has not only been established, but exclusive. If any of the American powers think proper to introduce into their systems an established religion, although we should regret such a determination, we wouldhave no right to make a formal complaint, unless it should beexclusive. As the citizens of any of the American nations have a right, when here, without hindrance, to worship the Deity according to the dictates of their own consciences, our citizens ought to be allowed the same privilege, when, prompted by business or inclination, they visit any of the American states. You are accordingly authorized to propose a joint declaration, to be subscribed by the ministers of all or any of the powers represented, that, within their limits, there shall be free toleration of religious worship. The declaration on this subject in which you are authorized to unite, as well as that directed against European colonization within the territorial limits of any of the American nations herein before mentioned, does no more than announce, in respect to the United States, the existing state of their institutions and laws.’