“In order to cover the expenses incident to the plan, it will be authorized to receive moderate premiums for certificates issued on deposits, and on bills bought and sold, and thus, as far as its dealings extend, to furnish facilities to commercial intercourse at the lowest possible rates, and to subduct from the earnings of industry, the least possible sum. It uses the state banks at a distance from the agencies as auxiliaries, without imparting any power to trade in its name. It is subjected to such guards and restraints as appear to be necessary. It is the creature of law, and exists only at the pleasure of the legislature. It is made to rest on an actual specie basis, in order to redeem the notes at the places of issue—produces no dangerous redundancy of circulation—affords no temptation to speculation—is attended by no inflation of prices—is equable in its operation—makes the treasury notes, which it may use along with the certificates of deposit, and the notes of specie paying banks—convertible at the place where collected, receivable in payment of government dues—and, without violating any principle of the Constitution, affords the government and the people such facilities as are called for by the wants of both. Such, it has appeared to me, are its recommendations, and in view of them it will be submitted, whenever you require it, to your consideration.”Among the measures adopted by the second session of the twenty-fifth congress, the first we shall notice was an act for apportioning the representatives, among the several states according to the fourth census. Several different ratios were proposed, but at length the number of one representative for every 50,179 was adopted by the house. This number was changed in the senate for 70,680; and after a long discussion in the house, the amendment was agreed to. A further amendment was also concurred in,viz., that each state having a fraction greater than a moiety of the said ratio should be entitled to an additional representative. This act received the approval and signature of the President on the twenty-fifth of June. But accompanying the message, announcing that approval, was an intimation that he had caused the act to be deposited in the office of the secretary of state, accompanied byan exposition of his reasons for giving it his sanction. Such a course on the part of a president, being unprecedented, a resolution was adopted, calling on the secretary for an authenticated copy of those reasons.When furnished, it appeared that the chief objection which the President had to the bill, was its mandatory requisition upon the states to form districts for the choice of representatives to congress, in single districts. Of the constitutional power of congress in this respect, as well as in regard to the policy of the act, he had serious doubts; but he had signed the bill “from respect to the declared will of the two houses.”The course thus taken by the President, in depositing this act, with his reasons, in the office of the secretary of state, being entirely novel, and in the view of many highly exceptionable, the subject was referred to a committee, who submitted a long report, in which they said, “the committee consider the act of the President, notified by him to the house of representatives, in his message of the23dult., as unauthorized by the constitution and laws of the United States, pernicious in its immediate operation, and imminently dangerous in its tendencies. They believe it to be the duty of the house to protest against it, and to place upon their journal an earnest remonstrance against its ever being again repeated.”On the31stof March, 1842, an interesting scene transpired in the Senate. This was the withdrawal ofMr.Clay from his senatorial office, to private life, after a continuous service of nearly thirty-six years in the public councils, in conformity to a letter of resignation, which, on the16thof February, he had addressed to the general assembly of Kentucky. Previously to retiring,Mr.Clay made use of the occasion of presenting the credentials of his appointed successor, to address to the senate some valedictory remarks, in which he touched briefly and successively on the high constitutional attributes and character of the senate, on his long service in that and other departments of the public service, on the state of public affairs, with some references personal to himself. This address, delivered with unusual earnestness and depth of intonation, was received by the senate, and an immense concourse of auditors, with deep silence and the most profound attention. As it was an event, and a moment calculated to fill the veteran statesman with emotion, it was one which imparted a sympathetic interest to the public; and, in the expectation and hope of hearing again, and for the last time, the manly tones of that voice which had so often thrilled every heart with delight and admiration, the chamber and galleries were early filled with an eager and anxious auditory of both sexes. Seldom have the anticipations of any assemblage in the capitol been more richly realized, or their sensibilities more profoundly excited. The scene was indeed most impressive, and will never be forgotten by any of the thousand individuals who witnessed it. At one moment, when the orator approached the theme of his gratitude to the noble state, which had so long honored and cherished him, when his utterance was choked, and his voice failed, and he paused to wipe the tears from his eyes, it is believed there were few other eyes present which remained dry.In the course of his valedictory, he said: “I go from this place under the hope that we shall mutually consign to perpetual oblivion, whatever personal collisions may at any time unfortunately have occurred between us; and that our recollections shall dwell in future only on those conflicts of mind with mind, those intellectual struggles, those noble exhibitions of the powers of logic, argument, and eloquence, honorable to the senate, and to the nation,in which each has sought and contended for what he deemed the best mode of accomplishing one common object, the interest and the most happiness of our beloved country. To these thrilling and delightful scenes, it will be my pleasure and my pride to look back in my retirement with unmeasured satisfaction.”In conclusion, he added: “In retiring as I am about to do, for ever from the senate, suffer me to express my heartfelt wishes that all the great and patriotic objects of the wise framers of our constitution may be fulfilled; that the high destiny designed for it, may be fully answered; and that its deliberations, now and hereafter, may eventuate in securing the prosperity of our beloved country, in maintaining its rights and honors abroad, and upholding its interests at home. I retire, I know, at a period of infinite distress and embarrassment. I wish I could take my leave of you under more favorable auspices; but, without meaning at this time to say whether on any, or on whom reproaches for the sad condition of the country should fall, I appeal to the senate and to the world to bear testimony to my earnest and continued exertions to avert it, and to the truth that no blame can justly attach to me.“May the most precious blessings of Heaven rest upon the whole senate, and each member of it, and may the labours of every one redound to the benefit of the nation, and the advancement of his own fame and renown. And when you shall return to the bosom of your constituents, may you receive that most cheering and gratifying of all human rewards—their cordial greeting of ‘Well done, good and faithful servant.’“And now,Mr.President, and senators, I bid you a long, a lasting, and a friendly farewell.”During the month of June, 1842, the Exploring Expedition returned to the United States, having been absent three years and ten months, and having sailed nearly 90,000 miles. The vessels attached to this expedition left the Capes of the Chesapeake, August19th, 1838, and sailed for Rio Janeiro, whence, on the6thof January, 1839, they sailed for the north of Patagonia, and thence to Nassau Bay, in Terra del Fuego. The Peacock, Porpoise, and two schooners thence made cruises towards the pole; but as the season was far advanced, they did not quite reach the highest latitude attained by Cook. The Vincennes remained at Nassau Bay to carry on surveys, and magnetic observations. In May, the vessels were again together at Valparaiso, and in July they left the South American coast, and after surveying fourteen or fifteen of the Pawmotee Islands, two of the Society Islands, and all the Navigator’s group, on the28thof November, they reached Sidney, in New South Wales. On their second antarctic cruise, land was first discovered in longitude 160 degrees east, and latitude 66 degrees, 30 minutes south. The Vincennes and Porpoise pursued the barrier of ice to the westward, as far as 97 degrees east longitude, seeing the land at intervals for fifteen hundred miles. They could not land, however, though many specimens of rocks were collected and brought home. On the24thof April, the vessels proceeded to the Feejees, where nearly four months were occupied in surveys and scientific observations. They next visited the Sandwich Islands—the Vincennes spending the winter at the group. The Peacock and Flying Fish were cruising in the equatorial regions of the Pacific, visiting and making charts of the various groups of islands scattered throughout the seas. In the spring of 1841, the Vincennes and Porpoise were on the coast of Oregon, where the former was wrecked. They made several land expeditions into the interior, of fromfive hundred to a thousand miles each, and one of eight hundred miles to San Francisco, in California. The vessels left California in November, 1841; and, after touching at the Sandwich Islands, and visiting Manilla, Singapore, and the Cape of Good Hope, reached New York as above stated.During their absence, they surveyed nearly two hundred and eighty different islands, besides eight hundred miles in Oregon, and one thousand, five hundred miles along the icy barrier of the antarctic continent. The number of sketches of natural scenery brought home, were about five hundred; the number of portraits about two hundred. Of birds about one thousand species, and twice that number of specimens were collected; besides great numbers of fishes, reptiles, insects, shells,&c.This expedition was fitted out at a great expense, and its results have proved highly honorable to the nation which projected, and the officers who executed it. Several volumes containing a history of the expedition, with its discoveries, scientific researches,&c., have been published, at the national expense.On the20thof August, 1842, an important treaty with England, the first it is believed ever negotiated with that power in the United States, was ratified by the senate, by a vote of 39 to 9. By this treaty, the north-eastern boundary between the United States and Great Britain was settled. For nearly half a century, this question had agitated both countries; and while the question had thus remained unsettled, events were frequently occurring to create new difficulties in reference to it, until, at length, such was the sensitiveness of parties interested, it was perceived that the controversy must be settled, and that, too, in a spirit of conciliation and compromise, or the countries might find themselves, ere long, involved in war. But in this state of things, the English ministry resolved to gratify at once their sense of the importance of immediate adjustment, and their respect for the government of the United States, by sending a special and extraordinary mission. For this work of reconciliation, they selected Lord Ashburton, a gentleman fully acquainted, for many years, with affairs between his own country and ours; and who was ready to sit down to existing topics in a business-like way, to treat them frankly and fairly, and to remove all obstacles, as far as he was able. He is reported to have said of himself, “I came not to make difficulty, but to make a treaty.” Fortunately for the country, at this most important juncture,Mr.Webster was still in the cabinet. Perhaps no other citizen in the United States was so competent to negotiate on this confessedly important, but difficult subject. The President also manifested a sincere desire to arrange the questions in difference between the United States and England, in a manner honorable and satisfactory. As the states of Massachusetts and Maine were interested in the divisional or boundary line, which should be agreed upon, commissioners were appointed by the legislature of those states, to protect their respective interests—on the part of Maine,EDWARDKAVANAUGH,EDWARDKENT,N. P.PREBLE,andJOHNOTIS;on the part of Massachusetts,ABBOTLAWRENCE,JOHNMILLS,andCHARLESALLEN.By the first article of this treaty, the north-eastern boundary line is defined and established. “It is hereby agreed and declared, that the line of boundary shall be as follows:—Beginning at the monument at the source of the riverSt.Croix, as designated and agreed to by the commissioners under the5tharticle in the treaty of 1794, between the governments of the United States and Great Britain; thence, north, following the exploring line run and marked by the surveyors of the two governments, in the years 1817 and 1818, underthe5tharticle of the treaty of Ghent, to its intersection with the riverSt.John, and to the middle of the channel thereof; thence, up the middle of the main channel of said riverSt.John, to the mouth of the riverSt.Francis; thence up the middle of the main channel of said riverSt.Francis, and of the lakes through which it flows, to the outlet of the lake Pohenagamook; thence, south-westerly, in a straight line, to a point on the north-west branch of the riverSt.John, which point shall be ten miles distant from the main branch of theSt.John, in a straight line, and in the nearest direction; but if said point shall be found to be less than seven miles from the nearest point of the summit or crest of the highlands that divide those rivers, which empty themselves into the riverSt.Lawrence, from those which fall into the riverSt.John, then the said point shall be made to recede down the said north-west branch of the riverSt.John, to a point seven miles in a straight line from the said summit or crest; thence, in a straight line, in a course about south eight degrees west, to the point where the parallel of latitude of 46 degrees, 25 minutes north, intersects the south-west branch of theSt.John; thence, southerly, by the said branch, to the source thereof in the highlands, at the Metjarmette portage; thence, down along the said highlands which divide the waters which empty themselves into the riverSt.Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic ocean, to the head of Hall’s stream; thence, down the middle of said stream, till the line thus run intersects the old line of boundary surveyed and marked by Valentine and Collins, previously to the year 1774, as the45thdegree of north latitude, and which has been known and understood to be the line of actual division between the states of New York and Vermont on one side, and the British province of Canada on the other; and, from said point of intersection, west along the said dividing line as heretofore known and understood, to the Iroquois orSt.Lawrence river.”It was also stipulated that each country should maintain on the coast of Africa, a naval force of vessels sufficient to carry in all not less than eighty guns, to be independent of each other, but to act in concert and co-operation, for the suppression of the slave trade. By the10tharticle, it was stipulated that fugitives from justice found in either country should be delivered up by the two governments respectively upon complaint and upon what should be deemed sufficient evidence to sustain the charge.On the10thof November, 1842, the President issued his proclamation, announcing the ratification of the treaty, and the exchange of ratifications between the two governments, which was done at London on the13thof October, 1842, byMr.Everett and the Earl of Aberdeen.Thus was settled a controversy, which for half a century had disturbed the harmony of the two governments—which had given birth to frequent disturbances, within and in the neighborhood of the disputed territory, and which as the controversy remained unsettled, was becoming more perplexed and intricate, and every year more likely to engender hostilities between the two nations.Among the measures of a public nature, which occupied the attention of the2dsession of the27thcongress, no one excited more interest than the revision of the tariff. The government was in debt, and its credit in the wane. Authorized loans could not be negotiated. The revenue was falling off. The manufacturing interests were suffering; all branches of industry were drooping. Said the Committee, to whom the subject was referred, in their report, “A well regulated tariff, on a scale sufficient for the wants of the governmentis the only effectual remedy for the evils the government and the people are now suffering. It will inspire confidence throughout the country. It will again set every wheel in motion. It will improve and enlarge the currency. It will send out its life, giving influence to the extremity of the nation, and give vigor and activity to the whole system. It will (and nothing else will) restore credit to the country. The people of this country know that our resources are abundant. Let them but see that congress has provided a proper revenue, and has done it in such a manner, as at the same time to encourage and protect their own protective industry in all its branches, whether it relates to commerce, agriculture, manufactures, or the mechanic arts, throughout the broad extent of our lands, and the credit of the government will commence at once, and receive all the aid it may need.”In accordance with these views, a bill was reported by the above committee, providing,1st, a general ad valorem duty of 30 per cent. with free exceptions, where the duty was on that principle. 2. A discrimination was made for the security of such interests as could not be preserved without it, as well as for revenue, by specific duties on valuations, some higher, and some lower than the general ad valorem duty.This measure was powerfully sustained by the friends of the manufacturing interests in the country. But it met with great opposition. Every inch was contested. Great excitement prevailed, both in and out of congress. Parties were nearly equally balanced on the question; and, for a time, serious apprehensions were entertained as to its fate. But, at length, (July16th,) the bill passed—in the house, by a vote of 116 to 112,—in the senate, (August5th,) by a vote of 25 to 23.Thus was decided, a question, which, in the view of many, was of incalculable importance to the country; one, certainly, which had interested all hearts, and had given birth to debates, as warm and animated, as any which had been listened to for years. All eyes were now turned towards the Executive, upon whom devolved the fearful responsibility of approving or rejecting it.In a few days, the decision of the President was communicated to congress—he hadrejected it—had added anothervetoto those which had already filled his friends with surprise and regret.At the opening of the extra session of congress, the President had himself recommended a distribution of the proceeds of the public lands among the states; and an act was accordingly passed to that effect; but it ordained “that if at any time, during the existence of that act there should be an imposition of duties or imposts, inconsistent with the provision of the act of the2dof March, 1833, and beyond the rate of duties fixed by that act, to wit., 20 per cent. on the value of such imposts, or any of them, then the distribution should be suspended, and should continue so suspended, until the cause should be removed.” The bill now presented to the President for his consideration provided, that notwithstanding the duties were raised beyond 20 per cent., the distribution should be made. On this ground principally the veto was based.The friends of a judicious tariff were thus placed in a most embarrassing situation. It had been their intention to adjourn soon after the passage of this important measure; but, under this unexpected defeat and embarrassment, what should they do? Not a few were for closing the session, and placing the responsibility upon the President. But the country was suffering; the creditof the government was sinking lower and lower. Something must be done. Another effort must be put forth. Sacrifice must be made.While the judicious and patriotic men in congress were thus deliberating as to the path of duty, a committee of the house, at the head of which wasMr.Adams, to whom the veto message of the President had been referred, reported. After reviewing the course which the Executive had pursued—his repeated attempts to frustrate the action of congress by the exercise of the veto—“that regal power of the constitution,” they observed; “the whole legislative power of the Union has been for the last fifteen months, with regard to the action of congress, upon measures of vital importance, in a state of suspended animation, strangled by the five repeated strictures of the executive cord.” “The will of one man has frustrated all the labours of congress, and prostrated all their powers.” “The power of the present congress to enact laws essential to the welfare of the people, has been struck with apoplexy by the Executive hand.” In such terms, did the committee speak of the alarming and unreasonable exercise of the veto power by the President. Two counter reports were made by members of the committee, who dissented from the report.On the17thof August, the house passed upon the tariff bill returned by the President. The vote stood 96 to 87—two thirds not voting in the affirmative, as required by the constitution, the bill was rejected.On the22dof August, the same revenue bill, which had been vetoed by the President, was passed by the house, 105 to 102, with the exception of the section concerning the land fund, and the duties upon the articles of tea and coffee, which were omitted. “We do not remember ever to have witnessed, during thirty-five years attendance at the house of representatives,” said the editor of the Intelligencer, “a more exciting scene, a severer contest, a greater earnestness and self devotion, than characterized the proceedings and votes on this bill.” Many were reluctant to strike out the land clause, and thus yield to what they considered prejudice and obstinacy on the part of the President—but the exigencies of the country demanded the sacrifice at their hands, and in the spirit of patriotism they made it.On the27thof August, the bill with amendments passed the senate by the close vote of 24 to 23, and on the29ththese amendments were concurred in by the house; and the bill, soon after, received the signature of the President, and became a law of the land.The report of the committee on the veto of the President of the revenue bill has already been noticed. Against this report, the President on the30thof August entered his solemn protest, transmitted to the house in a special message. “I protest,” said he, “against this whole proceeding of the house of representatives, asex parteandextra judicial. I protest against it, as subversive of the common right of all citizens to be condemned only upon a fair and impartial trial, according to law and evidence before the country. I protest against it as destructive of all the comity of intercourse between the departments of this government, and destined, sooner or later, to lead to conflict fatal to the peace of the country, and the integrity of the constitution. I protest against it in the name of that constitution, which is not only my own shield of protection and defence, but that of every American citizen. I protest against it in the name of the people, by whose will I stand where I do, and by whose authority I exercise the power which I am charged with having usurped, and to whom I am responsible for a firm and faithful discharge,according to my own convictions of duty, of the high stewardship confided to me by them. I protest against it in the name of all regulated liberty and all limited government, as a proceeding tending to the utter destruction of all checks and balances of the constitution. And I respectfully ask that this, my protest, may be entered upon the journal of the house of representatives, as a solemn and formal declaration, for all time to come, of the injustice and unconstitutionality of such a proceeding.”On receiving this protest, the house passed these resolutions. 1. That the President had no right to make a formal protest against votes and proceedings of this house, declaring such votes and proceedings to be illegal and unconstitutional, and requesting the house to enter such protest on its journal. 2. That the aforesaid protest is a breach of the privileges of the house, and that it be not entered on the journal. 3. That the President of the United States has no right to send a protest to this house against any of its proceedings.On the31stof August, the2dsession of the27thcongress was terminated. It will be memorable in the history of the country for the length and arduousness of its labours, the obstacles which it encountered in the path of its duty, and the variety and importance of the legislation which it accomplished in despite of all the difficulties thrown in its way.It was the longest session ever held under the government; extending through a period of 269 days. The session next to this in length was the second underMr.Van Buren, which lasted 229 days. At this latter session the reports made were 716; bills reported, 524; bills passed by the house, 211. By the former, reports made, 1098; bills reported, 610; bills passed, 299.The third session of the27thcongress commenced on the5thday of December, 1842. In his message transmitted to congress two days after, there being no quorum in the senate earlier, the President represented the foreign relations of the country as in general amicable. The late treaty with Great Britain was cause of congratulation, as thereby it was to be hoped the good understanding existing between the two governments would be preserved for an indefinite period. Some misunderstanding had arisen in regard to the10tharticle, which related to the suppression of the slave trade. A practice had threatened to grow up on the part of British cruisers, of subjecting to visitation ships sailing under the American flag. This was regarded as in fact a right of search, which would not be tolerated, and such had been the representation of the Executive to the British government. The President expressed his regret, that the treaty had not also embraced the Oregon Territory—but he indulged the hope that an early settlement of the question of title to this portion of the continent would remove all grounds of future collision between the two governments.The vexatious, harassing, and expensive war which so long prevailed with the Indian tribes inhabiting the peninsula of Florida, had been terminated; the army was relieved from a service of the most disagreeable character; and the treasury of a large expenditure. Only such a number of troops would be continued there as were necessary to preserve peace.The President again urged upon congress his plan of an exchequer, which at the late session had received no favour. In conclusion, he recommended a reimbursement of a fine imposed on General Jackson at New Orleans, at the time of the attack and defence of that city.On the9thof January, 1843, the committee of ways and means to whom had been referred the plan of the President of an exchequer, reported adversely thereto; and on the27ththis report was accepted, and the resolution accompanying it adopted by the strong vote of 193 to 18. The resolution was, that the plan presented to congress of an exchequer ought not to pass.Among the important acts passed at this session was one for the repeal of the bankrupt law.On the13thof December, 1842, a bill was introduced into the house for the repeal of the bankrupt law passed on the19thof August, 1841. On the16thof January, 1843, the bill passed the house by a vote of 140 to 71. The question on its repeal was taken in the senate February25th, 1843, and the repeal passed by a majority of 32 to 13. It was provided in the bill that the act should not affect any case or proceeding in bankruptcy commenced before the passage of this act, or any pains, penalties, or forfeitures incurred under the said act; but every such proceeding may be continued to its final consummation in like manner, as if this act had not been passed. At the time of the passage of the original act, there existed a strong sentiment in its favour throughout the country. Such a system had been called for for years—such a measure it was supposed would relieve many unfortunate debtors, who, but for such relief, would find no opportunity, and possess no ambition to attempt to retrieve their fortunes. It was urged also for the continuance of the act, that if harm had resulted from it, the harm was not likely to continue. The dishonest had received its benefit—the mass of insolvency had been swept away by the law already in force. A fair field was open for amendments to the law if found objectionable; and amended as it might be, it would operate for the benefit of the creditor more than the debtor. Besides, it was hardly to be hoped that the present generation would see another law in force, should this be repealed. Such were some of the considerations urged in favour of continuing the law. But a great change had been effected in public opinion throughout the country, and not a few of the members of congress, who had originally urged the passage of the act, and were firm in their belief that its operation would be beneficial, now voted for its repeal.On the1stof March,Mr.Forward resigned the office of secretary of the treasury, and John C. Spencer, then secretary of war, was soon after nominated to fill his place. His confirmation passed the senate by a majority of one.On the3dof March, an act was approved by the President for promoting the means of future intercourse between the United States and the government of China. By this act 40,000 dollars were placed at the disposal of the President to enable him to establish commercial relations with China. Under this act, Edward Everett, then minister and envoy extraordinary to England, was nominated and confirmed as commissioner. It may be here added, thatMr.Everett declining this honor, Caleb Cushing, of Newburyport, Massachusetts, was appointed to take his place, and John Tyler, son of the President, was appointed his private and confidential secretary. Fletcher Webster of Boston acted as secretary of the mission.At the above date (March3d) the President approved of another important act,viz., to provide for carrying into effect the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, concluded at Washington, August9th, 1842. By this act, 300,000 dollars were to be paid in equal moieties to Maine and Massachusetts. Also the President was authorized to employ so much ofthe naval force as was requisite to fulfil the8tharticle relating to the suppression of the slave trade.The third session of the27thcongress closed on the3dof March, 1843. Several important bills failed, among which may be mentioned a bill to reduce the postage on letters—a bill to authorize the adoption of measures for the occupation and settlement of the Oregon Territory, and for extending certain laws of the United States over the same—and a bill for the relief of Andrew Jackson.On the8thof May, Daniel Webster having accomplished the great object for which he retained his place in the cabinet, when his associates resigned,viz., the settlement of the north-eastern boundary between the United States and Great Britain, resigned the office of secretary of state, and Hugh S. Legare, attorney-general of the United States, was appointed temporarily to fill that office.On the8thof June, the President, accompanied by the secretary of the treasury and the postmaster-general, left Washington, for a visit to Boston to attend the celebration of the completion of the Bunker Hill Monument. During his progress, he was received with the honors due to the chief magistrate of a great and powerful nation. The celebration took place on the17th. An oration was pronounced by Daniel Webster, commemorative of the great events by which our country had arisen to its exalted station, and of the virtues of those noble men who laid the foundation of our civil and religious institutions. It was a grand and imposing scene. Thousands were gathered to the spot once moistened by the blood of patriots; and grateful homage went up to Him, under whose fostering care the nation enjoyed a measure of prosperity unknown to any other nation on the globe.But scarcely were the festivities of the occasion ended, when the melancholy intelligence was circulated thatMr.Legare, the attorney-general, and acting secretary of state, had suddenly deceased at his lodgings in Boston. He had followed the President to mingle in the joys of the occasion, but sickness fell upon him, and in a brief space he was numbered with the dead. He sustained the reputation of a man of rare endowments—of great requisitions, and exalted character. In consequence of this death, the President and suite soon returned to the seat of government.On the8thof July, 1843, the cabinet of the President was reorganized by the appointment of Abel P. Upshur, secretary of state; John C. Spencer, secretary of the treasury; J. M. Porter, secretary of war; C. A. Wickliffe, postmaster-general, and John Nelson, attorney-general.The1stsession of the28thcongress commenced on the5thof December, 1843. On the organization of the house of representatives, a flagrant violation of law was perpetrated by the majority. On the25thof June, 1842, an act was passed by congress providing for the election of representatives in the several states by districts. This law, some of the states saw fit to set at defiance. New Hampshire, Georgia, Mississippi and Missouri, severally nullified this eminently democratic measure. In Georgia, indeed, the legislature framed and passed a districting bill, but the governor vetoed it, avowing in his message that he did this less from hostility to the district system, than to avoid the appearance of complying with the requisitions of congress.On the organization of the house, the members from those states, twenty-one in number, appeared and claimed the right to vote. A protest from the whig majority was read, but in defiance of that, and the plain and explicit actof congress to the contrary, they were suffered to vote for speaker and clerk, and subsequently they were appointed upon various committees. When these flagrant violations of law had been perpetrated, the house directed the committee on elections to inquire into and report on the matter. That committee, as was foreordained, reported that the second section of the apportionment actwas unconstitutional. The house promptly adopted the report, and thus the whole matter was settled, virtually on the basis that no law is of binding force, which conflicts with the interests or the will of the triumphant democracy. The choice of speaker fell on John W. Jones of Virginia, who had been returned by 33 majority, and whose seat was then contested by his opponent, John M. Botts.In his annual message, the President represented the question between the United States and Great Britain, relating to the title of the Oregon Territory, as still unadjusted. Our minister at London had received instruction to submit to the British government propositions for the final settlement of the question, and the hope was indulged that this controversy of increasing interest might be brought to a speedy and happy termination.But the prominent subject of the message related to Texas. The annexation of that territory to the United States was supposed to be occupying a large share of the executive attention, and intimation had been given in the official organ, that considerable progress had already been made towards the accomplishment of that object. The message was less explicit on the subject than the people had reason to anticipate from what had been semi-officially published; but it was apparent that the interest taken in Texas by the Executive foreshadowed his ultimate purpose in relation to her becoming a part of the Federal Republic.On the8thof January, 1844, an act passed the house of representatives, reimbursing a fine imposed upon General Jackson at New Orleans, at the time of the attack and defence of that city. The repayment of this fine had been recommended by the President in his annual message in December, 1842, but so much opposition to the measure had been manifested, that until now a favorable vote could not be obtained. The history of the imposition of this fine, according to a writer on the spot, is briefly as follows.After the signal defeat of the British on the8thof January, they withdrew on board their ships. News of peace with Great Britain meanwhile reached the city. General Jackson, notwithstanding, persisted in continuing martial law. This created dissatisfaction among the volunteers on the line. One of them, Louallier, a member of the legislature, who had acted in a highly meritorious manner in the defence, setting an example to the native citizens which had a great effect (in fact he had more of the American feeling than any Louisianian I had become acquainted with,) conceived that the unbending military discipline of Jackson towards the citizens and volunteers was oppressive, and wrote an anonymous letter on the subject, which was published in a New Orleans paper. The editor of the paper was ordered to appear before the general, escorted by a military guard, and being threatened withpunishment, gave up the author. The displeasure of the general was now turned against Louallier, who was immediately put under strict arrest, while an order was issued forbidding any further publications on these subjects—thus silencing the press. Louallier was ordered to be triedfor treason by a court martial, and if the court had been sufficiently compliant, there is no doubt that he would have been shot: but, fortunately, General Gaines, whopresided, was the means of preventing so shocking a catastrophe. In the mean time, the friends of Louallier applied for a habeas corpus, which was issued by Judge Hall, after it had been refused by Judge Lewis. Jackson not satisfied with simply disregarding the writ, sent a file of men, who seized the judge, carried him ten or twelve miles out of the city, and left him with orders not to return. It was soon after the official announcement of peace, and the cessation of martial law, that Judge Hall returned to New Orleans and summoned General Jackson to appear before him and answer for his disobedience of the writ of habeas corpus. This General Jackson refused, for which refusal Judge Hall fined him one thousand dollars.This was the fine which the President recommended Congress to reimburse. The payment of it was strenuously resisted, on the ground that it would be reflection upon Judge Hall, who imposed it in the discharge of his official duty, for a violation on the part of General Jackson of the laws of the constitution. The act for reimbursing the fine, however, passed both houses of congress—the vote in the former being taken January8th, 1844, the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans, and standing 158 to 28. The vote in the senate was taken February14th, and stood 30 to 16. The act disclaimed any reflection upon Judge Hall. The original fine was 1000 dollars. This with the interest amounted to 2700 dollars, which was forwarded to the general from the public treasury at Washington by a special messenger.On the2dof March, 1814, a most tragical event occurred on board the United States steamship Princeton, during her return from an excursion down the Potomac. Captain Stockton, the commander of the ship, had invited the President, the secretaries with their families, and several members of congress to an excursion down the river. The day was fine; the company large and brilliant—probably not less than 400 of both sexes. During the passage, one of the large guns on board, called the Peacemaker, carrying a ball of 225 pounds, was fired several times, exhibiting the great power and capacity of that formidable weapon of war. The ladies had partaken of a sumptuous repast; the gentlemen had succeeded them at the table, and some of them had left it. The vessel was on her return up the river, opposite the fort, when Captain Stockton consented to fire another shot from the same gun, around and near which, to observe its effects, many persons had gathered, though by no means so many as had witnessed the previous discharge.The gun was fired.The explosion was followed, before the smoke cleared away so as to observe its effects, by shrieks ofwoewhich announced a dire calamity. The gun had burst three or four feet from the breech, and scattered death and desolation.Mr.Upshur, secretary of state;Mr.Gilmer, recently appointed secretary of the navy; Commodore Kennon, one of its gallant officers; Virgil Maxcy, lately returned from a diplomatic residence at the Hague;Mr.Gardener of New York, formerly a member of the senate of that state were among the slain. Besides these, seventeen seamen were wounded, and several of them mortally. Captain Stockton, Colonel Benton of the senate, Lieutenant Hunt of the Princeton, and W. D. Robinson of Georgetown were stunned by the concussion.The scene baffles description. Wives widowed in an instant by the murderous blast! Daughters smitten with the heart-rending sight of their fathers’ lifeless bodies! The wailings of agonized females! The piteous grief of the unhurt but stricken spectators! The wounded seamen borne down below! The silent tears and quivering lips of their brave and honestcomrades, who tried in vain to conceal their feelings! Whatwordscan adequately depict a scene like this!—A few days after, the funeral ceremonies, which were conducted with appropriate order and solemnity, took place at the presidential mansion, at which were present the surviving officers of government, civil, military and naval; the foreign ministers, members of both houses of congress, and relatives and personal friends of the deceased.Shortly after the above sad event,Mr.Upshur’s place in the department of state was supplied by the appointment of John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, and the vacancy occasioned by the death ofMr.Gilmer was filled by the appointment of John Y. Mason.On the22dof April, a message was transmitted to the senate by the President, announcing to that body the negotiation of a treaty with Texas; the object of which was to annex that territory to the United States. “I transmit herewith,” said he, “for your approval and ratification, a treaty which I have caused to be negotiated between the United States and Texas, whereby the latter, on conditions therein set forth, has conveyed all its rights of separate and independent sovereignty and jurisdiction to the United States. In taking so important a step, I have been influenced by what appeared to me to be the most controlling considerations of public policy, and the general good; and in having accomplished it, should it meet with your approval, the government will have succeeded in reclaiming a territory, which formerly constituted a portion, as it is confidently believed, of its domain under the treaty of cession of 1803, by France to the United States.”By this treaty, the republic of Texas was to be annexed to the United States as one of the territories. Her public lands were ceded and subject to the laws regulating public lands in the other territories of the United States. Her public debt and other liabilities to be assumed by the United States,&c.The annunciation that such a treaty had been negotiated by the President so secretly, excited no small surprise throughout the country, and immediately awakened deep concern and anxiety in the bosoms of those who were opposed to the measure. In the view of this portion of the community, the admission of Texas was a serious calamity, inasmuch as it involved the extension of slavery, if not an open rupture with Mexico, which still laid claim, with what justice we do not here pretend to decide, to the republic, as a part of her rightful domain. On the other hand, these and other objections had no force with a large party, who were in favor of her admission. They saw in such a measure not merely the extension of the great principle of liberty, and the wider diffusion and enjoyment of our inestimable privileges and institutions, but the means of great wealth, inasmuch as her rich lands might be devoted to the production of cotton and other agricultural products, and would furnish a mart for such surplus slave population, as was not needed in contiguous states. It was confidently asserted that it would not increase slavery in the land, but serve to place what was deemed a necessary evil at a farther remove from the non-holding slave states.On the8thof June, a direct vote was taken on the question of ratifying the above treaty, when it appeared that 35 members were against its ratification, and 10 in favor of it. It would have required 34 votes (two thirds) according to the constitution to ratify the treaty, whereas more than two thirds voted against it.On the rejection of this treaty, the President transmitted a message to the house of representatives, informing that body of the action of the senate, andvirtually requesting them to adopt some course, by which his object should be obtained. He said, “While I have regarded the annexation to be accomplished by treaty, as the most suitable form in which it could be effected, should congress deem it proper to resort to any other expedient conformably with the constitution, and likely to accomplish the object, I stand prepared to yield my most prompt and active co-operation. The great question is not as to the manner in which it shall be done, but whether it shall be accomplished or not.”During the progress of these interesting measures in congress, not less interesting events were transpiring in other parts of the country. Another presidential election was approaching, and already the several parties were marshalling their forces for the contest. Within a few days, three conventions were held for the purpose of nominating candidates for the two first offices in the country, to be voted for in November, 1844.The first of these was a whig convention convened on the1stof May, in the city of Baltimore. Over the deliberations of this convention, theHon.Ambrose Spencer of New York presided. By this convention, composed of a large delegation from every state in the Union, Henry Clay of Kentucky was unanimously recommended, as the whig candidate for the presidency of the United States. At the same time Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey was nominated to the office of vice-president.On the following day the foregoing nominations were ratified by a grand national mass convention, composed of young men from all parts of the Union—probably the largest political assemblage ever convened in the United States in a regular convention. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, presided.On the27thof the same month, May, the democratic national convention assembled in the city of Baltimore for a similar object of this convention. H. C. Wright of Pennsylvania was elected president of the convention. Previous to the meeting of this convention, it was generally anticipated that Martin Van Buren, of New York, would be its unanimous choice for the presidency. Not a few of the delegates had been specially instructed to give their votes for him. The popularity ofMr.Van Buren, however, had, from various causes, been for some time diminishing. His letter in opposition to the annexation of Texas had served to cool the friendship of many of his southern political friends. In addition to these considerations, there were probably others which have not yet transpired from the bosoms of some who exercised a paramount influence in the Baltimore convention. Be this, however, as it may, a plan was projected to passMr.Van Buren, and select another candidate. This was accomplished by requiring a majority of two thirds of the delegates present in favor of the candidates elected. To the adoption of such a rule, the friends ofMr.Van Buren, for a time, strenuously objected. They were, however, overruled, and at length it came to pass, that the man, who, it is believed, nearly every state in the Union had in one way or another recommended to the suffrages of the convention, was laid aside, and a candidate in the person of James K. Polk was selected, whose name, previously to the convention, had scarcely ever been heard in connection with the first office in the land. Most remarkable was it, that the man who, during the first seven ballotings of a convention so large, did not receive a single vote, and in the eighth balloting but forty-four, should on the ninth receive every vote of the convention, being 266 in number. At the same time George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for vice-president.On the same day, in another part of the city of Baltimore, a Tyler national convention, as it was called, was assembled for the purpose of nominating John Tyler to the office of President. Of this convention Judge White, of Connecticut, was elected president. The convention was composed of delegates from various parts of the union, without restriction as regards to number from any state or district, or any question as to the manner of their appointment; by this convention John Tyler was nominated for the presidency. It adjourned without nominating a candidate for the vice-presidency, but adopted a resolution recommending the appointment of a committee, who should report a candidate for the vice-presidency through the public papers.The candidates thus nominated by these several conventions, accepted their nominations, and from this time the political campaign opened with all that activity and busy bustle, which of late have characterized our presidential elections. Immense mass meetings of old and young were held in every section of the country, for the purpose of approving of the several nominations, and of stimulating the friends of the respective candidates to every effort to secure their election. It may here be added, that on the30thof August,Mr.Tyler, finding himself without a party adequate either in numbers or zeal to elect him, wisely withdrew from the presidential canvass. The course he had pursued was popular with no party. Yet, on withdrawing his name, he seems, for reasons not well understood, to have aided the election ofMr.Polk, by removing from office those who were friendly to the election ofMr.Clay, and substituting in their place men well known to favor the pretensions of his rival.The28thcongress closed its first session of 196 days, on the17thof June. Little business of importance had been accomplished. Several bills deeply affecting the interests of the country were lost. Fortunately for the manufacturing interests, a bill having for its object an essential alteration of the tariff, and which was urged by its advocates with great force, was laid upon the table of the house by a vote of 105 to 99. A post-office bill, reducing the rates of postage was passed by the senate, but was neglected by the house, as was also its own bill for regulating postage, and the franking privilege of members of congress.On the2dof December congress again assembled—it being the2dsession of the28thcongress. In his message, the President represents the relations of the country with foreign powers as satisfactory. The negotiations with Great Britain in relation to Oregon were in hopeful progress. The condition of the public treasury, and of the public credit were highly gratifying. The annexation of Texas was again brought to the consideration of Congress, and a joint resolution was recommended as the form by which that annexation might be perfected—to be made binding on the two countries when adopted in a like manner by the government of Texas.On the10thof January, 1845, an important treaty between the United States and the Chinese empire, was ratified by the senate by a unanimous vote. This treaty was concluded by Caleb Cushing, United States commissioner to China, and Tsiyeng, governor-general of the Two Kwangs, on the part of the Emperor, at Wang-Hiya, on the3dof July, 1844. By this treaty our relations with China were placed on a new footing eminently favorable to the commerce and other interests of the United States. An abstract of the most important articles are subjoined.Art.1, Provides that there shall be a perfect and universal peace, and asincere and cordial amity between the United States of America and the Ta Tsing Empire.Art.2, Provides that citizens of the United States resorting to China for the purpose of commerce, will pay the duties of import and export prescribed in the tariff annexed to the treaty, and no other duties or charges whatever; and that the United States shall participate in any future concession granted to other nations by China.Art.3, Provides for the provision of citizens of the United States at the five ports of Kwang-chow, Hiyamen, Fa-chow, Ningpo and Shang-hai.Art.4, Provides for citizens of the United States to import and sell, or buy and export, all manner of merchandise at the five ports.Art.16, Provides for the collection of debts due from Chinese to Americans, or from Americans to Chinese through the tribunal of the respective countries.Art.17, Provides for the residence of citizens of the United States; the construction by them of dwellings, storehouses, churches, cemeteries and hospitals, and regulates the limits of residence—and trade permitted to citizens of the United States at the five ports, and the —— appertaining thereto.Art.18, Empowers citizens of the United States freely to employ teachers and other literary assistants, and to purchase books in China.Art.19, Provides the means of assuring the personal security of citizens of the United States in China.Art.21, Provides that subjects of China and citizens of the United States in China, charged with crimes shall be subject only to the exclusive jurisdiction each of the laws and officers of their respective governments.Art.22, Provides that the merchant vessels may freely carry between the five ports and any country with which China may happen to be at war.Art.34, Provides that citizens of the United States engaged in contraband trade, or trading clandestinely with such of the ports of China as are not open to foreign commerce, shall not be countenanced or protected by their government.A treaty similar to the preceding was made by Great Britain with China somewhat earlier. A new era has commenced in the history of that extensive empire. And now that access to her population is comparatively easy, and religious instruction is allowed to be disseminated by means of missionaries, tracts,&c., a happy change may be anticipated in respect to a people where religion, laws and customs have remained without alteration for centuries. Thus good has resulted from evil. The conduct of England in respect to the opium trade a few years since, was reprobated by all civilized nations; but Providence has overruled events so that the light of Christianity will at no distant day enlighten and bless China, with her hundreds of millions of now ignorant and superstitious idolators.The rejection by the senate of the treaty concluded by the President with Texas, noticedpage 824, in no wise abated the ardor of the Executive in respect to her annexation to the United States. In his annual message, as already observed, he proposed to effect her admission into the Union by a joint resolution of congress. Unconstitutional as such a mode of annexation was deemed to be by many sound and patriotic men, the measure found favor with a large party in the United States, and a corresponding party in congress. The resolution was opposed with great force, and by powerful argument. The consequences were clearly set forth—those which were certain, andother consequences which were probable. It was urged as an act of injustice to Mexico, and that hostilities with that government would likely ensue—that our territory was sufficiently extended—that our public debt should not be enlarged by the assumption of hers—and finally, and more than all, that the evils of slavery would be greatly augmented as its theatre would be widely extended. But the President and other friends of the measure regarded it with great favor. General Jackson, now in the decline of life, and even on the verge of the grave, was appealed to, and not in vain, to urge the democratic party to consummate the annexation before his departure. The discussion of the subject in congress, and in the public papers was strong and animated. At length on the23dof January, 1845, the question was taken in the house of representatives, and the resolution adopted by a vote of 118 to 101.The democratic votes in favor of the resolution were 53 from free, and 59 from slave states. Eight whigs, all from slave states, voted in favor. Of the votes in the negative, 28 were democratic from free states; 70 were whig—52 from free states, and 18 from slave states.The resolution from the house underwent important amendments in the senate, in which body it passed by a vote of 27 to 25. In these amendments the house concurred by a vote of 132 to 76.The resolution thus passed was as follows.Resolved,&c., That congress doth consent that the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the republic of Texas, may be created into a new state, to be called the state of Texas, with a republican form of government to be adopted by the people of said republic by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government in order that the same may be admitted under the states of this Union.The consent of congress to this resolution was given upon certain conditions—the first was that a constitution adopted by the people of said republic should be laid before congress on or before the1stday of January, 1846—the second was, that all mines, minerals, fortifications, harbors, arms, navy,&c., should be ceded to the United States—public lands to be retained by Texas for the payment of her debts—a third condition was, that new states might hereafter be formed out of the said territory of Texas.An amendment of the above resolutions proposed byMr.Walker was adopted by a vote of 27 to 25.This amendment allowed the President of the United States, instead of proceeding to submit the foregoing resolutions to the republic of Texas as an overture on the part of the United States for admission, to negotiate with that republic, thenBe it resolved, That a state to be formed out of the present republic of Texas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two representatives in congress until the next apportionment of representation, shall be admitted into the Union by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the existing states, as soon as the terms and condition of such admission and the cession of the remaining Texian territory to the United States shall be agreed upon by the governments of Texas and the United States. This amendment was concurred in by the house by a vote of 132 to 76.As these measures in regard to the admission of Texas were adopted at the close of the session of congress, it was expected thatMr.Tyler would leave it to his successor to consummate the wishes of congress, and it wasalso understood thatMr.Polk had determined to negotiate a treaty with Texas under the alternative offered byMr.Walker’s amendment. President Tyler, however, determined to forestall the action of his successor, and hence despatched an express to communicate to Texas, that he had decided to invite Texas into the Union, under the provisions of the resolutions as they passed the house of representatives, without the exercise of farther treaty making power.During the preceding session of congress, the subject of a change in existing rates of postage had been discussed, and a bill making alterations had passed one branch of the national legislature. At the present session, the subject was revived, and a bill reducing the rates introduced. It was understood to find no favor with the postmaster-general and some others—but a reduction of rates had long been demanded by the public, and, in accordance with the public sentiment, the bill passed the senate February8th, by a vote of 38 to 12: in the house, on the16th, 158 to 74—to go into operation the1stof July, following.On the12thof February, the ceremony of opening and counting the votes of the electors of President and vice-president of the United States took place in the presence of both houses of congress. Tellers were appointed as usual, who, having read and counted the votes, made duplicate lists thereof. These being delivered to the president of the senate, he made declaration of the result;viz., That the whole number of votes given was 275, of which James K. Polk, of Tennessee, had 170, and was duly elected President of the United States for four years from the4thday of March ensuing. Henry Clay had 105 for the same office. The vote for vice-president stood 170 for George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania; for Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New York, 105.On the4thof March, at half past two in the morning, the second session of the28thcongress was brought to a close, and at the same time was terminated the presidential career of John Tyler, who soon after retired to his farm in Virginia.In reviewing the presidential career ofMr.Tyler, it is impossible to free him from the charge of inconsistency. In the Harrisburg convention, he was a member, a vice-president, and an ardent supporter ofMr.Clay—and when, after some three days’ deliberation, it was decided to place General Harrison in nomination, few, if any, appeared more deeply aggrieved thanMr.Tyler, that the claims ofMr.Clay were set aside.The selection of a candidate for vice-president, next became an object of deep solicitude. The friends of General Harrison were naturally anxious that the choice should fall upon a known and ardent Clay man. To this end, the name of John J. Crittenden was brought forward, but his friends felt unauthorized to pledge his assent. Others were named—Governor Dudley—ex-Governor Owen, and Benjamin Watkins Leigh; but for various reasons their names were withdrawn. At length the name of John Tyler was introduced, and under a belief that he was an uncompromising whig, he received the unanimous vote of the convention.On the death of General Harrison,Mr.Tyler succeeded to the presidency. Thereupon he issued an address to the people, which was plainly and generally understood to indicate his resolution to unite in such measures with regard to the currency, as the new whig congress (which General Harrison had called to meet in extra session at an early day) should deem advisable. Avariety of circumstances concurred to evince that such was at that time his intention. But the tenor and language of his conduct were soon changed. He differed from the party which elevated him to office—repeatedly vetoed their most important and most valued measures—removed from office nearly all who had contributed to his election, and threw his entire influence into the hands of the opposite political party.The retirement ofMr.Tyler, is, perhaps, too recent to justify a decided opinion as to the merits of his administration. During the heat of party strife, an impartial judgment is seldom apt to be exercised. We look at men and measures, at such times, through a false medium.In order to[give]a fair and full estimate of the measures of a government, it is necessary that years should pass by, and with them the political pride and party prejudice of the principal actors at the time of their adoption and influence. But whatever may be the ultimate decision of posterity in regard to the administration ofMr.Tyler, as a whole, it is certain, that nothing can rescue him from the charge of a vacillating policy, by which he alienated from his society and friendship nearly every man, who aided in elevating him to office; and that without securing the esteem of the party whose cause he espoused, and the members of which he honored with office. Measures beneficial to the country, were indeed adopted during his administration; but it is also true that, through his exercise of the veto power beyond all former precedent, other measures of no less importance in the view of his former friends, and which had been perfected at the expense of much time and labor, were frustrated. In short, during nearly the whole of his administration,Mr.Tyler went counter, in the opinion of his friends, to those principles which he had avowed prior to, and early after, his accession to the presidency. And in so doing, he sadly disappointed his early political friends and associates, while he secured to himself, it is well known, neither the respect nor support of the democratic party.ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK.On the4thof March, 1845, James K. Polk was duly inaugurated as President of the United States. The ceremonies at the Capitol on the occasion were witnessed by a large concourse of citizens, both from the vicinity and a distance. As is usual, the President elect, on taking the oath of office, delivered an address explanatory of his political sentiments, or those fundamental principles, by which he designed to administer the government during his presidential term.After expressing his thanks to his countrymen for the unsolicited confidence reposed in him, and invoking the aid of the Almighty Ruler of the universe, he said: “It will be my first care to administer the government in the true spirit of the constitution, and to assume no powers not expressly granted or clearly implied in its terms.” It would also be his aim to see that the general government did not trench on the rights of the states, nor the states overstep the limits of power reserved to them. He should steadily aim to perpetuate the blessings enjoyed under the constitution, and especially to preserve the Federal Union in its integrity, and in all that pertains to its honor and prosperity. He expressed himself opposed, to a national bank, and all other extraneous institutions planted around the government to control or strengthen it, in opposition to the will of its authors. In respect to the expenditure of the public money, he should feel it to be his duty to recommend the strictest economy compatible with the public interest. In regard to the adjustment of our revenue laws, and the levying of taxes necessary to the support of the government, he considered it a cardinal principle, that no more money should be collected than the necessities of an economical administration required. He was in favor of a tariff for revenue, and such as would afford incidental protection to our home industry, but was opposed to a tariff for protection merely. He was in favor of the annexation of Texas, and congratulated the country that measures were in progress for herreunion. In respect to Oregon, he claimed our title to it to be “clear and unquestionable.” In the management of foreign relations, he would aim to preserve a careful respect for the rights of other nations, while our own would be the subject of constant watchfulness. Public officers would be held to a strict performance of their duties, especially those charged with the collection and disbursement of the public revenues. Although chosen by a party, in his official actions he would not be the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. In conclusion he said, “I enter upon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me by the people, humbly supplicating that Divine Being, who has watched over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour, to continue his gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue a prosperous and happy people.”The President immediately after his induction into office, proceeded to the formation of his cabinet. The new senate being in session, he nominatedJames Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, as secretary of state; Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, secretary of the treasury; William L. Marcy, of New York, secretary of war; George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, secretary of the navy; Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, postmaster-general, and John Y. Mason, of Virginia, attorney-general.On the evening of the8thof June, an event occurred calculated to make a deep impression upon the whole people of the United States. This was the death of General Jackson, who breathed his last, at his residence at the Hermitage, Tennessee, in the79thyear of his age. His funeral solemnities took place on Tuesday, the10th, theRev.Dr.Edgar preaching a most impressive and eloquent sermon on the occasion. After the religious services were ended, the body was conveyed to the vault prepared many years since for its reception. Several thousands of persons were present at the solemn ceremonies, which were closed by the discharge of three volleys over the grave.
“In order to cover the expenses incident to the plan, it will be authorized to receive moderate premiums for certificates issued on deposits, and on bills bought and sold, and thus, as far as its dealings extend, to furnish facilities to commercial intercourse at the lowest possible rates, and to subduct from the earnings of industry, the least possible sum. It uses the state banks at a distance from the agencies as auxiliaries, without imparting any power to trade in its name. It is subjected to such guards and restraints as appear to be necessary. It is the creature of law, and exists only at the pleasure of the legislature. It is made to rest on an actual specie basis, in order to redeem the notes at the places of issue—produces no dangerous redundancy of circulation—affords no temptation to speculation—is attended by no inflation of prices—is equable in its operation—makes the treasury notes, which it may use along with the certificates of deposit, and the notes of specie paying banks—convertible at the place where collected, receivable in payment of government dues—and, without violating any principle of the Constitution, affords the government and the people such facilities as are called for by the wants of both. Such, it has appeared to me, are its recommendations, and in view of them it will be submitted, whenever you require it, to your consideration.”
Among the measures adopted by the second session of the twenty-fifth congress, the first we shall notice was an act for apportioning the representatives, among the several states according to the fourth census. Several different ratios were proposed, but at length the number of one representative for every 50,179 was adopted by the house. This number was changed in the senate for 70,680; and after a long discussion in the house, the amendment was agreed to. A further amendment was also concurred in,viz., that each state having a fraction greater than a moiety of the said ratio should be entitled to an additional representative. This act received the approval and signature of the President on the twenty-fifth of June. But accompanying the message, announcing that approval, was an intimation that he had caused the act to be deposited in the office of the secretary of state, accompanied byan exposition of his reasons for giving it his sanction. Such a course on the part of a president, being unprecedented, a resolution was adopted, calling on the secretary for an authenticated copy of those reasons.
When furnished, it appeared that the chief objection which the President had to the bill, was its mandatory requisition upon the states to form districts for the choice of representatives to congress, in single districts. Of the constitutional power of congress in this respect, as well as in regard to the policy of the act, he had serious doubts; but he had signed the bill “from respect to the declared will of the two houses.”
The course thus taken by the President, in depositing this act, with his reasons, in the office of the secretary of state, being entirely novel, and in the view of many highly exceptionable, the subject was referred to a committee, who submitted a long report, in which they said, “the committee consider the act of the President, notified by him to the house of representatives, in his message of the23dult., as unauthorized by the constitution and laws of the United States, pernicious in its immediate operation, and imminently dangerous in its tendencies. They believe it to be the duty of the house to protest against it, and to place upon their journal an earnest remonstrance against its ever being again repeated.”
On the31stof March, 1842, an interesting scene transpired in the Senate. This was the withdrawal ofMr.Clay from his senatorial office, to private life, after a continuous service of nearly thirty-six years in the public councils, in conformity to a letter of resignation, which, on the16thof February, he had addressed to the general assembly of Kentucky. Previously to retiring,Mr.Clay made use of the occasion of presenting the credentials of his appointed successor, to address to the senate some valedictory remarks, in which he touched briefly and successively on the high constitutional attributes and character of the senate, on his long service in that and other departments of the public service, on the state of public affairs, with some references personal to himself. This address, delivered with unusual earnestness and depth of intonation, was received by the senate, and an immense concourse of auditors, with deep silence and the most profound attention. As it was an event, and a moment calculated to fill the veteran statesman with emotion, it was one which imparted a sympathetic interest to the public; and, in the expectation and hope of hearing again, and for the last time, the manly tones of that voice which had so often thrilled every heart with delight and admiration, the chamber and galleries were early filled with an eager and anxious auditory of both sexes. Seldom have the anticipations of any assemblage in the capitol been more richly realized, or their sensibilities more profoundly excited. The scene was indeed most impressive, and will never be forgotten by any of the thousand individuals who witnessed it. At one moment, when the orator approached the theme of his gratitude to the noble state, which had so long honored and cherished him, when his utterance was choked, and his voice failed, and he paused to wipe the tears from his eyes, it is believed there were few other eyes present which remained dry.
In the course of his valedictory, he said: “I go from this place under the hope that we shall mutually consign to perpetual oblivion, whatever personal collisions may at any time unfortunately have occurred between us; and that our recollections shall dwell in future only on those conflicts of mind with mind, those intellectual struggles, those noble exhibitions of the powers of logic, argument, and eloquence, honorable to the senate, and to the nation,in which each has sought and contended for what he deemed the best mode of accomplishing one common object, the interest and the most happiness of our beloved country. To these thrilling and delightful scenes, it will be my pleasure and my pride to look back in my retirement with unmeasured satisfaction.”
In conclusion, he added: “In retiring as I am about to do, for ever from the senate, suffer me to express my heartfelt wishes that all the great and patriotic objects of the wise framers of our constitution may be fulfilled; that the high destiny designed for it, may be fully answered; and that its deliberations, now and hereafter, may eventuate in securing the prosperity of our beloved country, in maintaining its rights and honors abroad, and upholding its interests at home. I retire, I know, at a period of infinite distress and embarrassment. I wish I could take my leave of you under more favorable auspices; but, without meaning at this time to say whether on any, or on whom reproaches for the sad condition of the country should fall, I appeal to the senate and to the world to bear testimony to my earnest and continued exertions to avert it, and to the truth that no blame can justly attach to me.
“May the most precious blessings of Heaven rest upon the whole senate, and each member of it, and may the labours of every one redound to the benefit of the nation, and the advancement of his own fame and renown. And when you shall return to the bosom of your constituents, may you receive that most cheering and gratifying of all human rewards—their cordial greeting of ‘Well done, good and faithful servant.’
“And now,Mr.President, and senators, I bid you a long, a lasting, and a friendly farewell.”
During the month of June, 1842, the Exploring Expedition returned to the United States, having been absent three years and ten months, and having sailed nearly 90,000 miles. The vessels attached to this expedition left the Capes of the Chesapeake, August19th, 1838, and sailed for Rio Janeiro, whence, on the6thof January, 1839, they sailed for the north of Patagonia, and thence to Nassau Bay, in Terra del Fuego. The Peacock, Porpoise, and two schooners thence made cruises towards the pole; but as the season was far advanced, they did not quite reach the highest latitude attained by Cook. The Vincennes remained at Nassau Bay to carry on surveys, and magnetic observations. In May, the vessels were again together at Valparaiso, and in July they left the South American coast, and after surveying fourteen or fifteen of the Pawmotee Islands, two of the Society Islands, and all the Navigator’s group, on the28thof November, they reached Sidney, in New South Wales. On their second antarctic cruise, land was first discovered in longitude 160 degrees east, and latitude 66 degrees, 30 minutes south. The Vincennes and Porpoise pursued the barrier of ice to the westward, as far as 97 degrees east longitude, seeing the land at intervals for fifteen hundred miles. They could not land, however, though many specimens of rocks were collected and brought home. On the24thof April, the vessels proceeded to the Feejees, where nearly four months were occupied in surveys and scientific observations. They next visited the Sandwich Islands—the Vincennes spending the winter at the group. The Peacock and Flying Fish were cruising in the equatorial regions of the Pacific, visiting and making charts of the various groups of islands scattered throughout the seas. In the spring of 1841, the Vincennes and Porpoise were on the coast of Oregon, where the former was wrecked. They made several land expeditions into the interior, of fromfive hundred to a thousand miles each, and one of eight hundred miles to San Francisco, in California. The vessels left California in November, 1841; and, after touching at the Sandwich Islands, and visiting Manilla, Singapore, and the Cape of Good Hope, reached New York as above stated.
During their absence, they surveyed nearly two hundred and eighty different islands, besides eight hundred miles in Oregon, and one thousand, five hundred miles along the icy barrier of the antarctic continent. The number of sketches of natural scenery brought home, were about five hundred; the number of portraits about two hundred. Of birds about one thousand species, and twice that number of specimens were collected; besides great numbers of fishes, reptiles, insects, shells,&c.This expedition was fitted out at a great expense, and its results have proved highly honorable to the nation which projected, and the officers who executed it. Several volumes containing a history of the expedition, with its discoveries, scientific researches,&c., have been published, at the national expense.
On the20thof August, 1842, an important treaty with England, the first it is believed ever negotiated with that power in the United States, was ratified by the senate, by a vote of 39 to 9. By this treaty, the north-eastern boundary between the United States and Great Britain was settled. For nearly half a century, this question had agitated both countries; and while the question had thus remained unsettled, events were frequently occurring to create new difficulties in reference to it, until, at length, such was the sensitiveness of parties interested, it was perceived that the controversy must be settled, and that, too, in a spirit of conciliation and compromise, or the countries might find themselves, ere long, involved in war. But in this state of things, the English ministry resolved to gratify at once their sense of the importance of immediate adjustment, and their respect for the government of the United States, by sending a special and extraordinary mission. For this work of reconciliation, they selected Lord Ashburton, a gentleman fully acquainted, for many years, with affairs between his own country and ours; and who was ready to sit down to existing topics in a business-like way, to treat them frankly and fairly, and to remove all obstacles, as far as he was able. He is reported to have said of himself, “I came not to make difficulty, but to make a treaty.” Fortunately for the country, at this most important juncture,Mr.Webster was still in the cabinet. Perhaps no other citizen in the United States was so competent to negotiate on this confessedly important, but difficult subject. The President also manifested a sincere desire to arrange the questions in difference between the United States and England, in a manner honorable and satisfactory. As the states of Massachusetts and Maine were interested in the divisional or boundary line, which should be agreed upon, commissioners were appointed by the legislature of those states, to protect their respective interests—on the part of Maine,EDWARDKAVANAUGH,EDWARDKENT,N. P.PREBLE,andJOHNOTIS;on the part of Massachusetts,ABBOTLAWRENCE,JOHNMILLS,andCHARLESALLEN.
By the first article of this treaty, the north-eastern boundary line is defined and established. “It is hereby agreed and declared, that the line of boundary shall be as follows:—Beginning at the monument at the source of the riverSt.Croix, as designated and agreed to by the commissioners under the5tharticle in the treaty of 1794, between the governments of the United States and Great Britain; thence, north, following the exploring line run and marked by the surveyors of the two governments, in the years 1817 and 1818, underthe5tharticle of the treaty of Ghent, to its intersection with the riverSt.John, and to the middle of the channel thereof; thence, up the middle of the main channel of said riverSt.John, to the mouth of the riverSt.Francis; thence up the middle of the main channel of said riverSt.Francis, and of the lakes through which it flows, to the outlet of the lake Pohenagamook; thence, south-westerly, in a straight line, to a point on the north-west branch of the riverSt.John, which point shall be ten miles distant from the main branch of theSt.John, in a straight line, and in the nearest direction; but if said point shall be found to be less than seven miles from the nearest point of the summit or crest of the highlands that divide those rivers, which empty themselves into the riverSt.Lawrence, from those which fall into the riverSt.John, then the said point shall be made to recede down the said north-west branch of the riverSt.John, to a point seven miles in a straight line from the said summit or crest; thence, in a straight line, in a course about south eight degrees west, to the point where the parallel of latitude of 46 degrees, 25 minutes north, intersects the south-west branch of theSt.John; thence, southerly, by the said branch, to the source thereof in the highlands, at the Metjarmette portage; thence, down along the said highlands which divide the waters which empty themselves into the riverSt.Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic ocean, to the head of Hall’s stream; thence, down the middle of said stream, till the line thus run intersects the old line of boundary surveyed and marked by Valentine and Collins, previously to the year 1774, as the45thdegree of north latitude, and which has been known and understood to be the line of actual division between the states of New York and Vermont on one side, and the British province of Canada on the other; and, from said point of intersection, west along the said dividing line as heretofore known and understood, to the Iroquois orSt.Lawrence river.”
It was also stipulated that each country should maintain on the coast of Africa, a naval force of vessels sufficient to carry in all not less than eighty guns, to be independent of each other, but to act in concert and co-operation, for the suppression of the slave trade. By the10tharticle, it was stipulated that fugitives from justice found in either country should be delivered up by the two governments respectively upon complaint and upon what should be deemed sufficient evidence to sustain the charge.
On the10thof November, 1842, the President issued his proclamation, announcing the ratification of the treaty, and the exchange of ratifications between the two governments, which was done at London on the13thof October, 1842, byMr.Everett and the Earl of Aberdeen.
Thus was settled a controversy, which for half a century had disturbed the harmony of the two governments—which had given birth to frequent disturbances, within and in the neighborhood of the disputed territory, and which as the controversy remained unsettled, was becoming more perplexed and intricate, and every year more likely to engender hostilities between the two nations.
Among the measures of a public nature, which occupied the attention of the2dsession of the27thcongress, no one excited more interest than the revision of the tariff. The government was in debt, and its credit in the wane. Authorized loans could not be negotiated. The revenue was falling off. The manufacturing interests were suffering; all branches of industry were drooping. Said the Committee, to whom the subject was referred, in their report, “A well regulated tariff, on a scale sufficient for the wants of the governmentis the only effectual remedy for the evils the government and the people are now suffering. It will inspire confidence throughout the country. It will again set every wheel in motion. It will improve and enlarge the currency. It will send out its life, giving influence to the extremity of the nation, and give vigor and activity to the whole system. It will (and nothing else will) restore credit to the country. The people of this country know that our resources are abundant. Let them but see that congress has provided a proper revenue, and has done it in such a manner, as at the same time to encourage and protect their own protective industry in all its branches, whether it relates to commerce, agriculture, manufactures, or the mechanic arts, throughout the broad extent of our lands, and the credit of the government will commence at once, and receive all the aid it may need.”
In accordance with these views, a bill was reported by the above committee, providing,1st, a general ad valorem duty of 30 per cent. with free exceptions, where the duty was on that principle. 2. A discrimination was made for the security of such interests as could not be preserved without it, as well as for revenue, by specific duties on valuations, some higher, and some lower than the general ad valorem duty.
This measure was powerfully sustained by the friends of the manufacturing interests in the country. But it met with great opposition. Every inch was contested. Great excitement prevailed, both in and out of congress. Parties were nearly equally balanced on the question; and, for a time, serious apprehensions were entertained as to its fate. But, at length, (July16th,) the bill passed—in the house, by a vote of 116 to 112,—in the senate, (August5th,) by a vote of 25 to 23.
Thus was decided, a question, which, in the view of many, was of incalculable importance to the country; one, certainly, which had interested all hearts, and had given birth to debates, as warm and animated, as any which had been listened to for years. All eyes were now turned towards the Executive, upon whom devolved the fearful responsibility of approving or rejecting it.
In a few days, the decision of the President was communicated to congress—he hadrejected it—had added anothervetoto those which had already filled his friends with surprise and regret.
At the opening of the extra session of congress, the President had himself recommended a distribution of the proceeds of the public lands among the states; and an act was accordingly passed to that effect; but it ordained “that if at any time, during the existence of that act there should be an imposition of duties or imposts, inconsistent with the provision of the act of the2dof March, 1833, and beyond the rate of duties fixed by that act, to wit., 20 per cent. on the value of such imposts, or any of them, then the distribution should be suspended, and should continue so suspended, until the cause should be removed.” The bill now presented to the President for his consideration provided, that notwithstanding the duties were raised beyond 20 per cent., the distribution should be made. On this ground principally the veto was based.
The friends of a judicious tariff were thus placed in a most embarrassing situation. It had been their intention to adjourn soon after the passage of this important measure; but, under this unexpected defeat and embarrassment, what should they do? Not a few were for closing the session, and placing the responsibility upon the President. But the country was suffering; the creditof the government was sinking lower and lower. Something must be done. Another effort must be put forth. Sacrifice must be made.
While the judicious and patriotic men in congress were thus deliberating as to the path of duty, a committee of the house, at the head of which wasMr.Adams, to whom the veto message of the President had been referred, reported. After reviewing the course which the Executive had pursued—his repeated attempts to frustrate the action of congress by the exercise of the veto—“that regal power of the constitution,” they observed; “the whole legislative power of the Union has been for the last fifteen months, with regard to the action of congress, upon measures of vital importance, in a state of suspended animation, strangled by the five repeated strictures of the executive cord.” “The will of one man has frustrated all the labours of congress, and prostrated all their powers.” “The power of the present congress to enact laws essential to the welfare of the people, has been struck with apoplexy by the Executive hand.” In such terms, did the committee speak of the alarming and unreasonable exercise of the veto power by the President. Two counter reports were made by members of the committee, who dissented from the report.
On the17thof August, the house passed upon the tariff bill returned by the President. The vote stood 96 to 87—two thirds not voting in the affirmative, as required by the constitution, the bill was rejected.
On the22dof August, the same revenue bill, which had been vetoed by the President, was passed by the house, 105 to 102, with the exception of the section concerning the land fund, and the duties upon the articles of tea and coffee, which were omitted. “We do not remember ever to have witnessed, during thirty-five years attendance at the house of representatives,” said the editor of the Intelligencer, “a more exciting scene, a severer contest, a greater earnestness and self devotion, than characterized the proceedings and votes on this bill.” Many were reluctant to strike out the land clause, and thus yield to what they considered prejudice and obstinacy on the part of the President—but the exigencies of the country demanded the sacrifice at their hands, and in the spirit of patriotism they made it.
On the27thof August, the bill with amendments passed the senate by the close vote of 24 to 23, and on the29ththese amendments were concurred in by the house; and the bill, soon after, received the signature of the President, and became a law of the land.
The report of the committee on the veto of the President of the revenue bill has already been noticed. Against this report, the President on the30thof August entered his solemn protest, transmitted to the house in a special message. “I protest,” said he, “against this whole proceeding of the house of representatives, asex parteandextra judicial. I protest against it, as subversive of the common right of all citizens to be condemned only upon a fair and impartial trial, according to law and evidence before the country. I protest against it as destructive of all the comity of intercourse between the departments of this government, and destined, sooner or later, to lead to conflict fatal to the peace of the country, and the integrity of the constitution. I protest against it in the name of that constitution, which is not only my own shield of protection and defence, but that of every American citizen. I protest against it in the name of the people, by whose will I stand where I do, and by whose authority I exercise the power which I am charged with having usurped, and to whom I am responsible for a firm and faithful discharge,according to my own convictions of duty, of the high stewardship confided to me by them. I protest against it in the name of all regulated liberty and all limited government, as a proceeding tending to the utter destruction of all checks and balances of the constitution. And I respectfully ask that this, my protest, may be entered upon the journal of the house of representatives, as a solemn and formal declaration, for all time to come, of the injustice and unconstitutionality of such a proceeding.”
On receiving this protest, the house passed these resolutions. 1. That the President had no right to make a formal protest against votes and proceedings of this house, declaring such votes and proceedings to be illegal and unconstitutional, and requesting the house to enter such protest on its journal. 2. That the aforesaid protest is a breach of the privileges of the house, and that it be not entered on the journal. 3. That the President of the United States has no right to send a protest to this house against any of its proceedings.
On the31stof August, the2dsession of the27thcongress was terminated. It will be memorable in the history of the country for the length and arduousness of its labours, the obstacles which it encountered in the path of its duty, and the variety and importance of the legislation which it accomplished in despite of all the difficulties thrown in its way.
It was the longest session ever held under the government; extending through a period of 269 days. The session next to this in length was the second underMr.Van Buren, which lasted 229 days. At this latter session the reports made were 716; bills reported, 524; bills passed by the house, 211. By the former, reports made, 1098; bills reported, 610; bills passed, 299.
The third session of the27thcongress commenced on the5thday of December, 1842. In his message transmitted to congress two days after, there being no quorum in the senate earlier, the President represented the foreign relations of the country as in general amicable. The late treaty with Great Britain was cause of congratulation, as thereby it was to be hoped the good understanding existing between the two governments would be preserved for an indefinite period. Some misunderstanding had arisen in regard to the10tharticle, which related to the suppression of the slave trade. A practice had threatened to grow up on the part of British cruisers, of subjecting to visitation ships sailing under the American flag. This was regarded as in fact a right of search, which would not be tolerated, and such had been the representation of the Executive to the British government. The President expressed his regret, that the treaty had not also embraced the Oregon Territory—but he indulged the hope that an early settlement of the question of title to this portion of the continent would remove all grounds of future collision between the two governments.
The vexatious, harassing, and expensive war which so long prevailed with the Indian tribes inhabiting the peninsula of Florida, had been terminated; the army was relieved from a service of the most disagreeable character; and the treasury of a large expenditure. Only such a number of troops would be continued there as were necessary to preserve peace.
The President again urged upon congress his plan of an exchequer, which at the late session had received no favour. In conclusion, he recommended a reimbursement of a fine imposed on General Jackson at New Orleans, at the time of the attack and defence of that city.
On the9thof January, 1843, the committee of ways and means to whom had been referred the plan of the President of an exchequer, reported adversely thereto; and on the27ththis report was accepted, and the resolution accompanying it adopted by the strong vote of 193 to 18. The resolution was, that the plan presented to congress of an exchequer ought not to pass.
Among the important acts passed at this session was one for the repeal of the bankrupt law.
On the13thof December, 1842, a bill was introduced into the house for the repeal of the bankrupt law passed on the19thof August, 1841. On the16thof January, 1843, the bill passed the house by a vote of 140 to 71. The question on its repeal was taken in the senate February25th, 1843, and the repeal passed by a majority of 32 to 13. It was provided in the bill that the act should not affect any case or proceeding in bankruptcy commenced before the passage of this act, or any pains, penalties, or forfeitures incurred under the said act; but every such proceeding may be continued to its final consummation in like manner, as if this act had not been passed. At the time of the passage of the original act, there existed a strong sentiment in its favour throughout the country. Such a system had been called for for years—such a measure it was supposed would relieve many unfortunate debtors, who, but for such relief, would find no opportunity, and possess no ambition to attempt to retrieve their fortunes. It was urged also for the continuance of the act, that if harm had resulted from it, the harm was not likely to continue. The dishonest had received its benefit—the mass of insolvency had been swept away by the law already in force. A fair field was open for amendments to the law if found objectionable; and amended as it might be, it would operate for the benefit of the creditor more than the debtor. Besides, it was hardly to be hoped that the present generation would see another law in force, should this be repealed. Such were some of the considerations urged in favour of continuing the law. But a great change had been effected in public opinion throughout the country, and not a few of the members of congress, who had originally urged the passage of the act, and were firm in their belief that its operation would be beneficial, now voted for its repeal.
On the1stof March,Mr.Forward resigned the office of secretary of the treasury, and John C. Spencer, then secretary of war, was soon after nominated to fill his place. His confirmation passed the senate by a majority of one.
On the3dof March, an act was approved by the President for promoting the means of future intercourse between the United States and the government of China. By this act 40,000 dollars were placed at the disposal of the President to enable him to establish commercial relations with China. Under this act, Edward Everett, then minister and envoy extraordinary to England, was nominated and confirmed as commissioner. It may be here added, thatMr.Everett declining this honor, Caleb Cushing, of Newburyport, Massachusetts, was appointed to take his place, and John Tyler, son of the President, was appointed his private and confidential secretary. Fletcher Webster of Boston acted as secretary of the mission.
At the above date (March3d) the President approved of another important act,viz., to provide for carrying into effect the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, concluded at Washington, August9th, 1842. By this act, 300,000 dollars were to be paid in equal moieties to Maine and Massachusetts. Also the President was authorized to employ so much ofthe naval force as was requisite to fulfil the8tharticle relating to the suppression of the slave trade.
The third session of the27thcongress closed on the3dof March, 1843. Several important bills failed, among which may be mentioned a bill to reduce the postage on letters—a bill to authorize the adoption of measures for the occupation and settlement of the Oregon Territory, and for extending certain laws of the United States over the same—and a bill for the relief of Andrew Jackson.
On the8thof May, Daniel Webster having accomplished the great object for which he retained his place in the cabinet, when his associates resigned,viz., the settlement of the north-eastern boundary between the United States and Great Britain, resigned the office of secretary of state, and Hugh S. Legare, attorney-general of the United States, was appointed temporarily to fill that office.
On the8thof June, the President, accompanied by the secretary of the treasury and the postmaster-general, left Washington, for a visit to Boston to attend the celebration of the completion of the Bunker Hill Monument. During his progress, he was received with the honors due to the chief magistrate of a great and powerful nation. The celebration took place on the17th. An oration was pronounced by Daniel Webster, commemorative of the great events by which our country had arisen to its exalted station, and of the virtues of those noble men who laid the foundation of our civil and religious institutions. It was a grand and imposing scene. Thousands were gathered to the spot once moistened by the blood of patriots; and grateful homage went up to Him, under whose fostering care the nation enjoyed a measure of prosperity unknown to any other nation on the globe.
But scarcely were the festivities of the occasion ended, when the melancholy intelligence was circulated thatMr.Legare, the attorney-general, and acting secretary of state, had suddenly deceased at his lodgings in Boston. He had followed the President to mingle in the joys of the occasion, but sickness fell upon him, and in a brief space he was numbered with the dead. He sustained the reputation of a man of rare endowments—of great requisitions, and exalted character. In consequence of this death, the President and suite soon returned to the seat of government.
On the8thof July, 1843, the cabinet of the President was reorganized by the appointment of Abel P. Upshur, secretary of state; John C. Spencer, secretary of the treasury; J. M. Porter, secretary of war; C. A. Wickliffe, postmaster-general, and John Nelson, attorney-general.
The1stsession of the28thcongress commenced on the5thof December, 1843. On the organization of the house of representatives, a flagrant violation of law was perpetrated by the majority. On the25thof June, 1842, an act was passed by congress providing for the election of representatives in the several states by districts. This law, some of the states saw fit to set at defiance. New Hampshire, Georgia, Mississippi and Missouri, severally nullified this eminently democratic measure. In Georgia, indeed, the legislature framed and passed a districting bill, but the governor vetoed it, avowing in his message that he did this less from hostility to the district system, than to avoid the appearance of complying with the requisitions of congress.
On the organization of the house, the members from those states, twenty-one in number, appeared and claimed the right to vote. A protest from the whig majority was read, but in defiance of that, and the plain and explicit actof congress to the contrary, they were suffered to vote for speaker and clerk, and subsequently they were appointed upon various committees. When these flagrant violations of law had been perpetrated, the house directed the committee on elections to inquire into and report on the matter. That committee, as was foreordained, reported that the second section of the apportionment actwas unconstitutional. The house promptly adopted the report, and thus the whole matter was settled, virtually on the basis that no law is of binding force, which conflicts with the interests or the will of the triumphant democracy. The choice of speaker fell on John W. Jones of Virginia, who had been returned by 33 majority, and whose seat was then contested by his opponent, John M. Botts.
In his annual message, the President represented the question between the United States and Great Britain, relating to the title of the Oregon Territory, as still unadjusted. Our minister at London had received instruction to submit to the British government propositions for the final settlement of the question, and the hope was indulged that this controversy of increasing interest might be brought to a speedy and happy termination.
But the prominent subject of the message related to Texas. The annexation of that territory to the United States was supposed to be occupying a large share of the executive attention, and intimation had been given in the official organ, that considerable progress had already been made towards the accomplishment of that object. The message was less explicit on the subject than the people had reason to anticipate from what had been semi-officially published; but it was apparent that the interest taken in Texas by the Executive foreshadowed his ultimate purpose in relation to her becoming a part of the Federal Republic.
On the8thof January, 1844, an act passed the house of representatives, reimbursing a fine imposed upon General Jackson at New Orleans, at the time of the attack and defence of that city. The repayment of this fine had been recommended by the President in his annual message in December, 1842, but so much opposition to the measure had been manifested, that until now a favorable vote could not be obtained. The history of the imposition of this fine, according to a writer on the spot, is briefly as follows.
After the signal defeat of the British on the8thof January, they withdrew on board their ships. News of peace with Great Britain meanwhile reached the city. General Jackson, notwithstanding, persisted in continuing martial law. This created dissatisfaction among the volunteers on the line. One of them, Louallier, a member of the legislature, who had acted in a highly meritorious manner in the defence, setting an example to the native citizens which had a great effect (in fact he had more of the American feeling than any Louisianian I had become acquainted with,) conceived that the unbending military discipline of Jackson towards the citizens and volunteers was oppressive, and wrote an anonymous letter on the subject, which was published in a New Orleans paper. The editor of the paper was ordered to appear before the general, escorted by a military guard, and being threatened withpunishment, gave up the author. The displeasure of the general was now turned against Louallier, who was immediately put under strict arrest, while an order was issued forbidding any further publications on these subjects—thus silencing the press. Louallier was ordered to be triedfor treason by a court martial, and if the court had been sufficiently compliant, there is no doubt that he would have been shot: but, fortunately, General Gaines, whopresided, was the means of preventing so shocking a catastrophe. In the mean time, the friends of Louallier applied for a habeas corpus, which was issued by Judge Hall, after it had been refused by Judge Lewis. Jackson not satisfied with simply disregarding the writ, sent a file of men, who seized the judge, carried him ten or twelve miles out of the city, and left him with orders not to return. It was soon after the official announcement of peace, and the cessation of martial law, that Judge Hall returned to New Orleans and summoned General Jackson to appear before him and answer for his disobedience of the writ of habeas corpus. This General Jackson refused, for which refusal Judge Hall fined him one thousand dollars.
This was the fine which the President recommended Congress to reimburse. The payment of it was strenuously resisted, on the ground that it would be reflection upon Judge Hall, who imposed it in the discharge of his official duty, for a violation on the part of General Jackson of the laws of the constitution. The act for reimbursing the fine, however, passed both houses of congress—the vote in the former being taken January8th, 1844, the anniversary of the battle of New Orleans, and standing 158 to 28. The vote in the senate was taken February14th, and stood 30 to 16. The act disclaimed any reflection upon Judge Hall. The original fine was 1000 dollars. This with the interest amounted to 2700 dollars, which was forwarded to the general from the public treasury at Washington by a special messenger.
On the2dof March, 1814, a most tragical event occurred on board the United States steamship Princeton, during her return from an excursion down the Potomac. Captain Stockton, the commander of the ship, had invited the President, the secretaries with their families, and several members of congress to an excursion down the river. The day was fine; the company large and brilliant—probably not less than 400 of both sexes. During the passage, one of the large guns on board, called the Peacemaker, carrying a ball of 225 pounds, was fired several times, exhibiting the great power and capacity of that formidable weapon of war. The ladies had partaken of a sumptuous repast; the gentlemen had succeeded them at the table, and some of them had left it. The vessel was on her return up the river, opposite the fort, when Captain Stockton consented to fire another shot from the same gun, around and near which, to observe its effects, many persons had gathered, though by no means so many as had witnessed the previous discharge.
The gun was fired.The explosion was followed, before the smoke cleared away so as to observe its effects, by shrieks ofwoewhich announced a dire calamity. The gun had burst three or four feet from the breech, and scattered death and desolation.Mr.Upshur, secretary of state;Mr.Gilmer, recently appointed secretary of the navy; Commodore Kennon, one of its gallant officers; Virgil Maxcy, lately returned from a diplomatic residence at the Hague;Mr.Gardener of New York, formerly a member of the senate of that state were among the slain. Besides these, seventeen seamen were wounded, and several of them mortally. Captain Stockton, Colonel Benton of the senate, Lieutenant Hunt of the Princeton, and W. D. Robinson of Georgetown were stunned by the concussion.
The scene baffles description. Wives widowed in an instant by the murderous blast! Daughters smitten with the heart-rending sight of their fathers’ lifeless bodies! The wailings of agonized females! The piteous grief of the unhurt but stricken spectators! The wounded seamen borne down below! The silent tears and quivering lips of their brave and honestcomrades, who tried in vain to conceal their feelings! Whatwordscan adequately depict a scene like this!—A few days after, the funeral ceremonies, which were conducted with appropriate order and solemnity, took place at the presidential mansion, at which were present the surviving officers of government, civil, military and naval; the foreign ministers, members of both houses of congress, and relatives and personal friends of the deceased.
Shortly after the above sad event,Mr.Upshur’s place in the department of state was supplied by the appointment of John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, and the vacancy occasioned by the death ofMr.Gilmer was filled by the appointment of John Y. Mason.
On the22dof April, a message was transmitted to the senate by the President, announcing to that body the negotiation of a treaty with Texas; the object of which was to annex that territory to the United States. “I transmit herewith,” said he, “for your approval and ratification, a treaty which I have caused to be negotiated between the United States and Texas, whereby the latter, on conditions therein set forth, has conveyed all its rights of separate and independent sovereignty and jurisdiction to the United States. In taking so important a step, I have been influenced by what appeared to me to be the most controlling considerations of public policy, and the general good; and in having accomplished it, should it meet with your approval, the government will have succeeded in reclaiming a territory, which formerly constituted a portion, as it is confidently believed, of its domain under the treaty of cession of 1803, by France to the United States.”
By this treaty, the republic of Texas was to be annexed to the United States as one of the territories. Her public lands were ceded and subject to the laws regulating public lands in the other territories of the United States. Her public debt and other liabilities to be assumed by the United States,&c.
The annunciation that such a treaty had been negotiated by the President so secretly, excited no small surprise throughout the country, and immediately awakened deep concern and anxiety in the bosoms of those who were opposed to the measure. In the view of this portion of the community, the admission of Texas was a serious calamity, inasmuch as it involved the extension of slavery, if not an open rupture with Mexico, which still laid claim, with what justice we do not here pretend to decide, to the republic, as a part of her rightful domain. On the other hand, these and other objections had no force with a large party, who were in favor of her admission. They saw in such a measure not merely the extension of the great principle of liberty, and the wider diffusion and enjoyment of our inestimable privileges and institutions, but the means of great wealth, inasmuch as her rich lands might be devoted to the production of cotton and other agricultural products, and would furnish a mart for such surplus slave population, as was not needed in contiguous states. It was confidently asserted that it would not increase slavery in the land, but serve to place what was deemed a necessary evil at a farther remove from the non-holding slave states.
On the8thof June, a direct vote was taken on the question of ratifying the above treaty, when it appeared that 35 members were against its ratification, and 10 in favor of it. It would have required 34 votes (two thirds) according to the constitution to ratify the treaty, whereas more than two thirds voted against it.
On the rejection of this treaty, the President transmitted a message to the house of representatives, informing that body of the action of the senate, andvirtually requesting them to adopt some course, by which his object should be obtained. He said, “While I have regarded the annexation to be accomplished by treaty, as the most suitable form in which it could be effected, should congress deem it proper to resort to any other expedient conformably with the constitution, and likely to accomplish the object, I stand prepared to yield my most prompt and active co-operation. The great question is not as to the manner in which it shall be done, but whether it shall be accomplished or not.”
During the progress of these interesting measures in congress, not less interesting events were transpiring in other parts of the country. Another presidential election was approaching, and already the several parties were marshalling their forces for the contest. Within a few days, three conventions were held for the purpose of nominating candidates for the two first offices in the country, to be voted for in November, 1844.
The first of these was a whig convention convened on the1stof May, in the city of Baltimore. Over the deliberations of this convention, theHon.Ambrose Spencer of New York presided. By this convention, composed of a large delegation from every state in the Union, Henry Clay of Kentucky was unanimously recommended, as the whig candidate for the presidency of the United States. At the same time Theodore Frelinghuysen of New Jersey was nominated to the office of vice-president.
On the following day the foregoing nominations were ratified by a grand national mass convention, composed of young men from all parts of the Union—probably the largest political assemblage ever convened in the United States in a regular convention. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, presided.
On the27thof the same month, May, the democratic national convention assembled in the city of Baltimore for a similar object of this convention. H. C. Wright of Pennsylvania was elected president of the convention. Previous to the meeting of this convention, it was generally anticipated that Martin Van Buren, of New York, would be its unanimous choice for the presidency. Not a few of the delegates had been specially instructed to give their votes for him. The popularity ofMr.Van Buren, however, had, from various causes, been for some time diminishing. His letter in opposition to the annexation of Texas had served to cool the friendship of many of his southern political friends. In addition to these considerations, there were probably others which have not yet transpired from the bosoms of some who exercised a paramount influence in the Baltimore convention. Be this, however, as it may, a plan was projected to passMr.Van Buren, and select another candidate. This was accomplished by requiring a majority of two thirds of the delegates present in favor of the candidates elected. To the adoption of such a rule, the friends ofMr.Van Buren, for a time, strenuously objected. They were, however, overruled, and at length it came to pass, that the man, who, it is believed, nearly every state in the Union had in one way or another recommended to the suffrages of the convention, was laid aside, and a candidate in the person of James K. Polk was selected, whose name, previously to the convention, had scarcely ever been heard in connection with the first office in the land. Most remarkable was it, that the man who, during the first seven ballotings of a convention so large, did not receive a single vote, and in the eighth balloting but forty-four, should on the ninth receive every vote of the convention, being 266 in number. At the same time George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for vice-president.
On the same day, in another part of the city of Baltimore, a Tyler national convention, as it was called, was assembled for the purpose of nominating John Tyler to the office of President. Of this convention Judge White, of Connecticut, was elected president. The convention was composed of delegates from various parts of the union, without restriction as regards to number from any state or district, or any question as to the manner of their appointment; by this convention John Tyler was nominated for the presidency. It adjourned without nominating a candidate for the vice-presidency, but adopted a resolution recommending the appointment of a committee, who should report a candidate for the vice-presidency through the public papers.
The candidates thus nominated by these several conventions, accepted their nominations, and from this time the political campaign opened with all that activity and busy bustle, which of late have characterized our presidential elections. Immense mass meetings of old and young were held in every section of the country, for the purpose of approving of the several nominations, and of stimulating the friends of the respective candidates to every effort to secure their election. It may here be added, that on the30thof August,Mr.Tyler, finding himself without a party adequate either in numbers or zeal to elect him, wisely withdrew from the presidential canvass. The course he had pursued was popular with no party. Yet, on withdrawing his name, he seems, for reasons not well understood, to have aided the election ofMr.Polk, by removing from office those who were friendly to the election ofMr.Clay, and substituting in their place men well known to favor the pretensions of his rival.
The28thcongress closed its first session of 196 days, on the17thof June. Little business of importance had been accomplished. Several bills deeply affecting the interests of the country were lost. Fortunately for the manufacturing interests, a bill having for its object an essential alteration of the tariff, and which was urged by its advocates with great force, was laid upon the table of the house by a vote of 105 to 99. A post-office bill, reducing the rates of postage was passed by the senate, but was neglected by the house, as was also its own bill for regulating postage, and the franking privilege of members of congress.
On the2dof December congress again assembled—it being the2dsession of the28thcongress. In his message, the President represents the relations of the country with foreign powers as satisfactory. The negotiations with Great Britain in relation to Oregon were in hopeful progress. The condition of the public treasury, and of the public credit were highly gratifying. The annexation of Texas was again brought to the consideration of Congress, and a joint resolution was recommended as the form by which that annexation might be perfected—to be made binding on the two countries when adopted in a like manner by the government of Texas.
On the10thof January, 1845, an important treaty between the United States and the Chinese empire, was ratified by the senate by a unanimous vote. This treaty was concluded by Caleb Cushing, United States commissioner to China, and Tsiyeng, governor-general of the Two Kwangs, on the part of the Emperor, at Wang-Hiya, on the3dof July, 1844. By this treaty our relations with China were placed on a new footing eminently favorable to the commerce and other interests of the United States. An abstract of the most important articles are subjoined.
Art.1, Provides that there shall be a perfect and universal peace, and asincere and cordial amity between the United States of America and the Ta Tsing Empire.
Art.2, Provides that citizens of the United States resorting to China for the purpose of commerce, will pay the duties of import and export prescribed in the tariff annexed to the treaty, and no other duties or charges whatever; and that the United States shall participate in any future concession granted to other nations by China.
Art.3, Provides for the provision of citizens of the United States at the five ports of Kwang-chow, Hiyamen, Fa-chow, Ningpo and Shang-hai.
Art.4, Provides for citizens of the United States to import and sell, or buy and export, all manner of merchandise at the five ports.
Art.16, Provides for the collection of debts due from Chinese to Americans, or from Americans to Chinese through the tribunal of the respective countries.
Art.17, Provides for the residence of citizens of the United States; the construction by them of dwellings, storehouses, churches, cemeteries and hospitals, and regulates the limits of residence—and trade permitted to citizens of the United States at the five ports, and the —— appertaining thereto.
Art.18, Empowers citizens of the United States freely to employ teachers and other literary assistants, and to purchase books in China.
Art.19, Provides the means of assuring the personal security of citizens of the United States in China.
Art.21, Provides that subjects of China and citizens of the United States in China, charged with crimes shall be subject only to the exclusive jurisdiction each of the laws and officers of their respective governments.
Art.22, Provides that the merchant vessels may freely carry between the five ports and any country with which China may happen to be at war.
Art.34, Provides that citizens of the United States engaged in contraband trade, or trading clandestinely with such of the ports of China as are not open to foreign commerce, shall not be countenanced or protected by their government.
A treaty similar to the preceding was made by Great Britain with China somewhat earlier. A new era has commenced in the history of that extensive empire. And now that access to her population is comparatively easy, and religious instruction is allowed to be disseminated by means of missionaries, tracts,&c., a happy change may be anticipated in respect to a people where religion, laws and customs have remained without alteration for centuries. Thus good has resulted from evil. The conduct of England in respect to the opium trade a few years since, was reprobated by all civilized nations; but Providence has overruled events so that the light of Christianity will at no distant day enlighten and bless China, with her hundreds of millions of now ignorant and superstitious idolators.
The rejection by the senate of the treaty concluded by the President with Texas, noticedpage 824, in no wise abated the ardor of the Executive in respect to her annexation to the United States. In his annual message, as already observed, he proposed to effect her admission into the Union by a joint resolution of congress. Unconstitutional as such a mode of annexation was deemed to be by many sound and patriotic men, the measure found favor with a large party in the United States, and a corresponding party in congress. The resolution was opposed with great force, and by powerful argument. The consequences were clearly set forth—those which were certain, andother consequences which were probable. It was urged as an act of injustice to Mexico, and that hostilities with that government would likely ensue—that our territory was sufficiently extended—that our public debt should not be enlarged by the assumption of hers—and finally, and more than all, that the evils of slavery would be greatly augmented as its theatre would be widely extended. But the President and other friends of the measure regarded it with great favor. General Jackson, now in the decline of life, and even on the verge of the grave, was appealed to, and not in vain, to urge the democratic party to consummate the annexation before his departure. The discussion of the subject in congress, and in the public papers was strong and animated. At length on the23dof January, 1845, the question was taken in the house of representatives, and the resolution adopted by a vote of 118 to 101.
The democratic votes in favor of the resolution were 53 from free, and 59 from slave states. Eight whigs, all from slave states, voted in favor. Of the votes in the negative, 28 were democratic from free states; 70 were whig—52 from free states, and 18 from slave states.
The resolution from the house underwent important amendments in the senate, in which body it passed by a vote of 27 to 25. In these amendments the house concurred by a vote of 132 to 76.
The resolution thus passed was as follows.
Resolved,&c., That congress doth consent that the territory properly included within, and rightfully belonging to, the republic of Texas, may be created into a new state, to be called the state of Texas, with a republican form of government to be adopted by the people of said republic by deputies in convention assembled, with the consent of the existing government in order that the same may be admitted under the states of this Union.
The consent of congress to this resolution was given upon certain conditions—the first was that a constitution adopted by the people of said republic should be laid before congress on or before the1stday of January, 1846—the second was, that all mines, minerals, fortifications, harbors, arms, navy,&c., should be ceded to the United States—public lands to be retained by Texas for the payment of her debts—a third condition was, that new states might hereafter be formed out of the said territory of Texas.
An amendment of the above resolutions proposed byMr.Walker was adopted by a vote of 27 to 25.
This amendment allowed the President of the United States, instead of proceeding to submit the foregoing resolutions to the republic of Texas as an overture on the part of the United States for admission, to negotiate with that republic, then
Be it resolved, That a state to be formed out of the present republic of Texas, with suitable extent and boundaries, and with two representatives in congress until the next apportionment of representation, shall be admitted into the Union by virtue of this act, on an equal footing with the existing states, as soon as the terms and condition of such admission and the cession of the remaining Texian territory to the United States shall be agreed upon by the governments of Texas and the United States. This amendment was concurred in by the house by a vote of 132 to 76.
As these measures in regard to the admission of Texas were adopted at the close of the session of congress, it was expected thatMr.Tyler would leave it to his successor to consummate the wishes of congress, and it wasalso understood thatMr.Polk had determined to negotiate a treaty with Texas under the alternative offered byMr.Walker’s amendment. President Tyler, however, determined to forestall the action of his successor, and hence despatched an express to communicate to Texas, that he had decided to invite Texas into the Union, under the provisions of the resolutions as they passed the house of representatives, without the exercise of farther treaty making power.
During the preceding session of congress, the subject of a change in existing rates of postage had been discussed, and a bill making alterations had passed one branch of the national legislature. At the present session, the subject was revived, and a bill reducing the rates introduced. It was understood to find no favor with the postmaster-general and some others—but a reduction of rates had long been demanded by the public, and, in accordance with the public sentiment, the bill passed the senate February8th, by a vote of 38 to 12: in the house, on the16th, 158 to 74—to go into operation the1stof July, following.
On the12thof February, the ceremony of opening and counting the votes of the electors of President and vice-president of the United States took place in the presence of both houses of congress. Tellers were appointed as usual, who, having read and counted the votes, made duplicate lists thereof. These being delivered to the president of the senate, he made declaration of the result;viz., That the whole number of votes given was 275, of which James K. Polk, of Tennessee, had 170, and was duly elected President of the United States for four years from the4thday of March ensuing. Henry Clay had 105 for the same office. The vote for vice-president stood 170 for George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania; for Theodore Frelinghuysen, of New York, 105.
On the4thof March, at half past two in the morning, the second session of the28thcongress was brought to a close, and at the same time was terminated the presidential career of John Tyler, who soon after retired to his farm in Virginia.
In reviewing the presidential career ofMr.Tyler, it is impossible to free him from the charge of inconsistency. In the Harrisburg convention, he was a member, a vice-president, and an ardent supporter ofMr.Clay—and when, after some three days’ deliberation, it was decided to place General Harrison in nomination, few, if any, appeared more deeply aggrieved thanMr.Tyler, that the claims ofMr.Clay were set aside.
The selection of a candidate for vice-president, next became an object of deep solicitude. The friends of General Harrison were naturally anxious that the choice should fall upon a known and ardent Clay man. To this end, the name of John J. Crittenden was brought forward, but his friends felt unauthorized to pledge his assent. Others were named—Governor Dudley—ex-Governor Owen, and Benjamin Watkins Leigh; but for various reasons their names were withdrawn. At length the name of John Tyler was introduced, and under a belief that he was an uncompromising whig, he received the unanimous vote of the convention.
On the death of General Harrison,Mr.Tyler succeeded to the presidency. Thereupon he issued an address to the people, which was plainly and generally understood to indicate his resolution to unite in such measures with regard to the currency, as the new whig congress (which General Harrison had called to meet in extra session at an early day) should deem advisable. Avariety of circumstances concurred to evince that such was at that time his intention. But the tenor and language of his conduct were soon changed. He differed from the party which elevated him to office—repeatedly vetoed their most important and most valued measures—removed from office nearly all who had contributed to his election, and threw his entire influence into the hands of the opposite political party.
The retirement ofMr.Tyler, is, perhaps, too recent to justify a decided opinion as to the merits of his administration. During the heat of party strife, an impartial judgment is seldom apt to be exercised. We look at men and measures, at such times, through a false medium.In order to[give]a fair and full estimate of the measures of a government, it is necessary that years should pass by, and with them the political pride and party prejudice of the principal actors at the time of their adoption and influence. But whatever may be the ultimate decision of posterity in regard to the administration ofMr.Tyler, as a whole, it is certain, that nothing can rescue him from the charge of a vacillating policy, by which he alienated from his society and friendship nearly every man, who aided in elevating him to office; and that without securing the esteem of the party whose cause he espoused, and the members of which he honored with office. Measures beneficial to the country, were indeed adopted during his administration; but it is also true that, through his exercise of the veto power beyond all former precedent, other measures of no less importance in the view of his former friends, and which had been perfected at the expense of much time and labor, were frustrated. In short, during nearly the whole of his administration,Mr.Tyler went counter, in the opinion of his friends, to those principles which he had avowed prior to, and early after, his accession to the presidency. And in so doing, he sadly disappointed his early political friends and associates, while he secured to himself, it is well known, neither the respect nor support of the democratic party.
ADMINISTRATION OF JAMES K. POLK.
On the4thof March, 1845, James K. Polk was duly inaugurated as President of the United States. The ceremonies at the Capitol on the occasion were witnessed by a large concourse of citizens, both from the vicinity and a distance. As is usual, the President elect, on taking the oath of office, delivered an address explanatory of his political sentiments, or those fundamental principles, by which he designed to administer the government during his presidential term.
After expressing his thanks to his countrymen for the unsolicited confidence reposed in him, and invoking the aid of the Almighty Ruler of the universe, he said: “It will be my first care to administer the government in the true spirit of the constitution, and to assume no powers not expressly granted or clearly implied in its terms.” It would also be his aim to see that the general government did not trench on the rights of the states, nor the states overstep the limits of power reserved to them. He should steadily aim to perpetuate the blessings enjoyed under the constitution, and especially to preserve the Federal Union in its integrity, and in all that pertains to its honor and prosperity. He expressed himself opposed, to a national bank, and all other extraneous institutions planted around the government to control or strengthen it, in opposition to the will of its authors. In respect to the expenditure of the public money, he should feel it to be his duty to recommend the strictest economy compatible with the public interest. In regard to the adjustment of our revenue laws, and the levying of taxes necessary to the support of the government, he considered it a cardinal principle, that no more money should be collected than the necessities of an economical administration required. He was in favor of a tariff for revenue, and such as would afford incidental protection to our home industry, but was opposed to a tariff for protection merely. He was in favor of the annexation of Texas, and congratulated the country that measures were in progress for herreunion. In respect to Oregon, he claimed our title to it to be “clear and unquestionable.” In the management of foreign relations, he would aim to preserve a careful respect for the rights of other nations, while our own would be the subject of constant watchfulness. Public officers would be held to a strict performance of their duties, especially those charged with the collection and disbursement of the public revenues. Although chosen by a party, in his official actions he would not be the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. In conclusion he said, “I enter upon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me by the people, humbly supplicating that Divine Being, who has watched over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour, to continue his gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue a prosperous and happy people.”
The President immediately after his induction into office, proceeded to the formation of his cabinet. The new senate being in session, he nominatedJames Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, as secretary of state; Robert J. Walker, of Mississippi, secretary of the treasury; William L. Marcy, of New York, secretary of war; George Bancroft, of Massachusetts, secretary of the navy; Cave Johnson, of Tennessee, postmaster-general, and John Y. Mason, of Virginia, attorney-general.
On the evening of the8thof June, an event occurred calculated to make a deep impression upon the whole people of the United States. This was the death of General Jackson, who breathed his last, at his residence at the Hermitage, Tennessee, in the79thyear of his age. His funeral solemnities took place on Tuesday, the10th, theRev.Dr.Edgar preaching a most impressive and eloquent sermon on the occasion. After the religious services were ended, the body was conveyed to the vault prepared many years since for its reception. Several thousands of persons were present at the solemn ceremonies, which were closed by the discharge of three volleys over the grave.