CHAP. II
Younggentlemen not under the age of sixteen, and not above nineteen, who may have prepared themselves for the army, by studying at any military college, academy, or other institution, should be selected for appointments to engineers, &c., but they ought always to be subjected to a previous examination, in order that it may be ascertained that they have been properly educated. Non-commissioned officers, who may bear high characters in their regiments, ought also to be occasionally appointed to ensigncies, provided they have been so well educated as to pass an examination, but not otherwise, however meritorious their conduct may have been. But I am decidedly of opinion, and many will agree with me, that no captain should ever be promoted to the rank of Field Officer, who could not pass a much stricter examination before a board which should be established for this purpose, and also for examining candidates for first appointments to cavalry, infantry, engineers, and artillery; and this would obviate the necessity of having expensive institutions for public military education.
One of the best educated officers I ever met with, had never been at any military school. He had been taught enough of his own language, in which so manyare deficient, and Latin; but the study of the latter had not been allowed to occupy too much of that period of life, when boys can be best instructed in what is much more useful. At a respectable school, he had made considerable progress in the higher branches of arithmetic, also in Algebra, Geometry, History, Drawing, &c., and had acquired a perfect knowledge of what is so essential to an officer, viz. Geography, in all its various bearings; such as the dimensions, boundaries, aspect, climate, soil, mineral, and other productions, resources, commerce, &c. of countries; together with the genius, or bent of mind of their inhabitants; their education, habits, government, the reputations of their armies and navies, productive industry, internal communications, such as canals and roads, &c.; information upon all which points being what ought to be looked upon as constituting a considerable part of a military education. Under the able head of the school alluded to, who was aware of his wish to become an accomplished soldier, he went through fortification, chiefly according to Vauban's system; and he even acquired a slight knowledge, but sufficient for an infantry officer, of the theory of gunnery. Whilst thus occupied, and which was not uncommon in those days, he became an Ensign, and then a Lieutenant in a regiment of the line by purchase. He was also at this time able to avail himself of the advantages to be derived from the assistance of a scientific and practical French officer, who, on account of his loyalty, had been obliged to emigrate, after having served in the army of the Princeof Condé. By him he was advanced in the knowledge of the French language, and likewise made to understand, and how to apply usefully, what he had been previously taught. The military features of a country were pointed out to him; and wherein the strength or weakness of positions consisted; and other matters such as the effects of concentration and extension of force, &c.; and which should be understood by officers who have any pretensions to being considered scientific.
I hope the reader will excuse me for having been so minute in giving the history, trifling as it may appear, of this officer's instruction; but it has been done solely with the view of showing, in some measure, what I mean by a military education, and also what those should have undergone, who aspire to become field officers in the British army. In young gentlemen desirous of entering the army, I would in their previous examination expect to find, at least, the germs of such accomplishments; but the officer I allude to had mastered, without ever entering a military school, nearly the whole I have mentioned before the age of seventeen; and he had thus acquired habits of study, which were not only agreeable, but useful to him afterwards through life.
I beg here to remark, that it has always greatly surprised me, why it should be deemed indispensable, that a young gentleman must have a first rate education, in order to his being admitted into the artillery; whilst any one is allowed into our cavalry and infantry, without it being ascertained whether he can either read orwrite. Surely the latter may be supposed to want even a better education than the former, if it is expected that he should be able to manœuvre, or direct the movements of troops correctly, either upon a confined or large scale; or to act properly, or as a scientific officer in the field, as he may often have to construct field works, and perform other military operations, when well educated engineers are not at hand.
The examinations of captains might be allowed to take place at any period after they have attained that rank, but should they fail to pass after two attempts, they ought not to be allowed to present themselves again before the board, for this purpose. This last examination I consider as most important, for from amongst these officers must be taken our future commanders of regiments, who may reasonably look forward to become our generals, to be afterwards intrusted with important commands, and even with the civil government of portions of our foreign possessions; for which their high tone of honourable military feeling, and strict habits of discipline, as well as respect for civil authority, must render them so superiorly calculated, as to leave no comparison between them and civilians in general for such appointments; but if most of the allowances, and emoluments formerly attached to these governments, are not restored, and which were in general not more than sufficient to enable those who held them, to support with becoming dignity their stations as representatives of majesty, it would be perhaps as wise to yield to the fancies of afew turbulent and disloyal men, whose understandings seem to be obscured by wild speculations upon colonial affairs; and to allow them to rule in their own way, or as advised or instigated by that indefatigable organ of economy, our distant but valuable possessions—doubly valuable to Great Britain, for in the ships employed in our colonial trade, many of our seamen receive those early lessons which afterwards fit them, according to the present system, for our navy.
I would have been better pleased were it in my power now to proceed to other subjects, rather than have to touch upon what is really unpleasant to me; for I know that I am about to tread on very ticklish ground, and to offend the aristocratical notions of many; and I am also aware, it is very likely, that I shall in consequence be set down as a mere plebeian, or even accused of being wanting in that loyalty, which, as a British soldier, I should possess; but still I feel that I ought to go on steadily, in order, if possible, to accomplish what I have in view, that is to say—in endeavouring to do all I can so as to have our army the finest in the world, for which we possess ample materials, and as an essential step towards this, I must venture to propose to make certain changes in our regiments of guards; and I do not see how I can avoid recommending that they should, in a great measure, be converted into battalions of regular cavalry and infantry, so as to be supplied, in future, with recruits from (selected) districts, the same as other corps; for without this, they could only be composed of an inferiordescription of men: yet in point of rank they should, of course, be placed at the head of the list of British regiments, for their gallantry, on all occasions, well entitles them to this distinction; but the privileges and the advantages of their officers, in, I must say, improperly obtaining rank, can no longer, it appears to me, be tolerated by those noblemen and gentlemen, who, I trust, would, under the proposed system, officer our regular army. It can be of no consequence to the country, that a few of our young nobility, and the sons of wealthy men, who wish to go into exclusive corps, for a short time only, were prevented from getting too rapidly forward in rank, through the means of money and interest, to the discouragement of real soldiers. I must, however, in fairness, bring before the reader what a good soldier, Lieut.-General Sir Charles Dalbiac, says upon the subject.
"TO MAJOR-GENERAL THE RIGHT HON. SIR HENRY HARDINGE, K.C.B.
"My dear Sir Henry,—The army estimates for the ensuing year being now under the consideration of the House of Commons, I am induced to trouble you with a few remarks upon a point to which I have always attached considerable importance.
"It has been much the practice in previous years, when in committee of supply upon army estimates, for certain Hon. members of the House of Commons to raise objections against the establishment of our household troops; and in the session of 1836 the hon. baronet the member for East Cornwall moved as an amendment tothe vote proposed by the Secretary at War (for a sum of money to be granted to His Majesty to defray the expenses of His Majesty's land forces), "that the Foot Guards be placed on the same footing as the infantry of the line." I feel quite assured that Hon. members could never entertain a proposition of this nature were they thoroughly acquainted with the difficulties and the consequences that would attend the conversion of the household regiments into regiments of the line; and an anxiety to aid your endeavours to disabuse Hon. members in this matter, should fresh occasion need, and thereby set the question at rest, must be the apology for my present letter.
"I may premise, not indeed, for your information, but for that of others, that the brigade of household cavalry consists of the two regiments of Life Guards and the royal regiment of Horse Guards (Blue). The brigade of household infantry consists of three battalions of the Grenadier Guards, two battalions of the Coldstream, and two battalions of the Scots Fusileer Guards, in all seven battalions.
"The grounds of objection taken against these corps have been,—
"1. That the maintenance of household troops creates an additional and unnecessary charge against the public.
"2. That the household troops are exempted from the ordinary tour of colonial service.
"3. That the officers of the household troops enjoy privileges in respect to rank which are not enjoyed by the officers in regiments of the line; and that suchexemption from the ordinary tour of colonial service, and such enjoyment of privileges in respect to rank, engender invidious feelings between the officers of the different services.
"First, as to the plea that the maintenance of the household corps entail an additional and an unnecessary charge upon the public.
"It will be found by reference to the army estimates for the military year now expiring, that the charge for the three regiments of household cavalry is stated at the sum of 85,757l., and a little calculation will show that the charge for corresponding numbers of cavalry of the line amounts to about 62,757l.the difference being 23,000l.It will also be found that the charge for the brigade of Foot Guards amounts to 192,104l., and a little calculation will show that the charge for corresponding numbers of infantry of the line amounts to about 159,854l., the difference being 33,250l.It would thus appear, upon a first superficial glance of the army estimates for the current military year, that by converting (or changing) the household regiments into regiments of the line, a saving would accrue to the public of about 56,250l.per annum.
"It becomes very essential, however, to inquire by what process such proposed conversion could be carried into effect: and here I would again advert to the amendment moved by the Hon. baronet the member for East Cornwall in 1836, "That the Foot Guards be placed on the same footing as the infantry of the line," the particular wording of which amendment implies asupposition that the House of Commons or the Sovereign possessed the power of converting the household troops, as at present constituted, into troops of the line. But I humbly presume that any such conceived power would be subject to question; because it is quite unnatural to imagine that either the Sovereign or the House of Commons could ever commit a breach of faith with any portion of Her Majesty's forces.
"It is well known that the commissioned officers, the non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of the household troops have, one and all, engaged or enlisted to serve Her Majesty in those particular corps, and in those particular corps only. And in consideration of the very privileges which are peculiar to the household corps have the officers thereof been induced to submit to extraordinary sacrifices in the purchase of their respective commissions, the regulated price of a lieutenant-colonelcy in the Foot Guards being double, the price of every minor commission more than double the price of corresponding commissions in battalions of the line. The supposition therefore that the existing establishments of the household troops can ever "be placed on the same footing as the troops of the line" is entirely out of the question; when they are no longer to be maintained as at present constituted, they must be disbanded altogether.
"Let us, then, commence with the commissioned officers. The contract under which the officers of the household corps engaged to serve Her Majesty having been annulled, the officers will be entitled, in commonfairness, to be placed in the same pecuniary situation in which they stood prior to their having entered Her Majesty's service. They will accordingly require to receive back the regulated value of their respective commissions. Now, according to the scale of prices fixed by His Majesty's regulations of the 8th of April, 1824, the value of the commissions of the officers in the household brigade of cavalry, taken collectively (exclusive of the three colonels, who are general officers), amounts to the sum of 201,285l., and the value of the commissions of the officers in the brigade of Foot Guards, taken collectively, amounts to the sum of 610,600l., which two sums, being added together, form a total of 811,885l.But, as an appropriation in aid of the said sum to be provided, there will be the value of the commissions in the new levy of regiments of the line, which will be raised to replace the household corps. The regulated value of the commissions in three regiments of cavalry of the line amounts to 126,840l., and the regulated value of the commissions in six regiments of infantry of the line (which number of regiments will exceed the establishment of the brigade of Foot Guards) amounts to 242,400l.; and these two sums being added together form a total of 369,240l., which total being deducted from the previous total of 811,885l., leaves a balance against the public of 442,645l.as the difference between the value of commissions to be paid for and the value of commissions to be sold.
"There will then require to be raised a new levy of 6,279 men to replace the non-commissioned officers andmen of the household corps who are to be discharged; the bounty money for which new levy, with expenses prior to joining (officially stated at 5l.2s.6d.per man), will amount to 31,475l.; and this sum being added to the previous balance of 442,645l.will swell the amount to be provided by the public to 474,120l.for raising regiments of the line to serve as substitutes for our present household troops.
"Next with respect to contingencies. The charge on account of army contingencies is stated in the estimates at 101,148l., of which sum the proportion of 65,000l.appears applicable to the troops stationed in the United Kingdom, their amount being about 37,500 effectives. But the said contingencies are not applicable to the household troops when employed on the London duties, except to a fractional amount; and the ordinary average of the household troops so employed may be taken at 5,000 men. This brings the expenditure on account of contingencies to about 2,000l.per annum for every 1,000 men. If, then, the military duties of the metropolis are to be performed by regiments of the line in lieu of the household troops, there will be an increase of charge on account of contingencies to the amount of 10,000l.per annum.
"One item of extra charge for the household troops comes under the head of clothing (and accoutrements), which exceeds the charge under the same head for corresponding numbers of the line by nearly 11,000l.But it may be asked whether the clothing or the equipment of the household troops surpasses in respectabilityor in splendour what is due to the seat of Royalty and the seat of Government, or what is consistent with the pageantry which should belong to the Sovereign of these kingdoms, or what the nation would desire to behold upon occasions of state or of Royal parade? If not, the same allowances with respect to clothing must be granted to the troops of the line when employed on the London duties as are now granted to the household regiments.
"Another item of extra charge for the household troops is on account of pay. The pay of the privates in the battalions of Foot Guards is 1d. a-day more than in battalions of the line, and there is a considerable increase of pay in the household cavalry above the pay of the cavalry of the line; but a great portion of that increase is in consideration of the additional cost and the additional wear and tear of those articles of cavalry equipment which the non-commissioned officers and men of the household cavalry are required to provide out of their own pockets. And here again, if the troops of the line are to be brought up for the duties of the metropolis, where every article of life is dearer than in the provinces, and if the non-commissioned officers and men are to be subject to greater disbursements on account of the additional wear and tear of more costly appointments, it will not be accounted unreasonable if, when they shall be expected to maintain the same appearances as those which are now maintained by the household troops, they should also expect to receive the same consideration with respect topay which had been enjoyed by their predecessors.—Under the circumstances above stated, especially the circumstance of an original outlay of nearly half a million sterling, together with the interest to be paid thereupon, it may reasonably be questioned whether any advantage could accrue to the public, even on the score of expense, by substituting troops of the line for the performance of the London duties in lieu of the household regiments. In every other respect but that of expense, the transmutation would be productive of incalculable detriment to the public service.
"I proceed to the second objection raised against the maintenance of the household troops—namely, 'that the household troops are exempted from the ordinary tour of colonial service.' It will presently be shown that exemption from a portion of colonial service must, of necessity, take place in favour of any body of troops (whether household or of the line) which shall be appointed to the London duties, provided the said duties shall continue to be carried on, as heretofore, with perfect efficiency and with perfect safety to the public service. Upon all other occasions (save in a portion of the colonies) the battalions of the Foot Guards have taken their full share of foreign service with the regiments of the line. The proud memorials which are borne upon the colours of those distinguished battalions afford abundant testimony of their achievements in the field throughout the late war, from the memorable plains of Lincelles, under their late revered Colonel-in-Chief, the Duke of York, to the post of Hougumont,where, to use the words of the Duke of Wellington, the battalions of Guards 'set an example which was followed by the whole British army,' in that eventful struggle when it belonged to a comparative handful of English, Scotch, and Irish soldiers to restore the balance of trembling Europe! Nor have the Guards been spared since the peace upon occasions where prospects were held out for service in the field. In the year 1826, when an expedition was suddenly despatched for Portugal, a brigade of Guards was placed on ship board in less than 48 hours. In 1838, when it became expedient to augment our forces in North America, the first troops that embarked were a brigade of Guards.—Nor was it amongst the least of the advantages to be drawn from the establishment of our household troops, as at present maintained, that the battalions of the Foot Guards are held at all times in a state of the most perfect efficiency, and available at any moment for service in the field, whilst it will often occur that scarcely a single battalion can be drawn from amongst the regiments of the line, serving at home, in a state perfectly efficient for field service abroad. Nor can this be wondered at when it is considered that the battalions of the line which are stationed in the United Kingdom consist only of those which have recently returned home from the East or West Indies, or other of our colonies, in order to recruit, to refit, and reorganize, and at the end of four years to be despatched again to some foreign station. But if the household troops are exempt from taking their turn of duty in certain of the colonies, thereare other duties which press far more severely upon the brigade of Foot Guards than upon any other portion of the British army. Let a course of 25 years' service be taken, and let a comparison be made between the number of night duties performed, the number of nights when the soldier has been kept out of bed, in a battalion of Foot Guards, and the number of similar duties performed in any battalion of the line, and the balance will be as three or four to one against the Guards.—Hence is it that the casualties produced by consumption and other pulmonary diseases are exceedingly more numerous amongst the battalions of the Foot Guards than amongst any other battalions in her Majesty's service.
"I come now to the third objection that has been raised against the household troops—namely, 'that the officers of the household corps (especially of the Foot Guards) enjoy privileges with respect to rank which are not enjoyed by the officers of regiments of the line.' No doubt the privileges with respect to rank which are enjoyed by officers of the household corps are high privileges. But the question is, whether the Sovereign of these kingdoms shall be despoiled of the prerogative which has been so long exercised by the Sovereign, of maintaining near the Royal person a select body of household troops, and of conferring upon the officers of such select body some especial mark of Royal favour? I deny that the privileges accorded to the officers of the Guards, with respect to rank, have engendered invidious feelings amongst the officers of the army at large. Individuals,no doubt, will be found in every service to complain of wrongs and of grievances. But the said privileges have not been ofex post factocreation. They have been productive of no breach of contract or of faith with the officers of other corps. Every officer now serving in the line accepted his commission subject to the disadvantages which might arise from the privileges accorded to the officers of the household troops with respect to brevet rank and brevet promotion.
"The most important question of all remains to be considered—a question which, I am persuaded, can never have presented itself to those Hon. members of the House of Commons who would advocate the disbandment of our household corps. By what description of troops, and by what course of service, are the military duties of this metropolis to be regulated and carried on when the household corps shall have ceased to exist?
"It has already been explained that the battalions of the line, which are stationed from time to time in the United Kingdom, are, generally speaking, amongst the least effective of any of Her Majesty's service. The evil is unavoidable, owing to the inefficient state in which regiments usually return home from colonial or other service abroad. Such, then, would be the description of troops to which the London duties would be assigned in the event of the household corps being disbanded. Moreover, it is the general rule of the service, that regiments shall change their quarters every year; but suppose an exception were made infavour of the regiments performing the London duties, and that such regiments were retained in London two years, instead of one, still what would be the consequence?—That just as they were beginning to be inured to the duties of the metropolis, they would be marched off, and be succeeded by other regiments, whose apprenticeship would then have to commence. Woe to this vast and opulent metropolis upon the day of riot or of actual disturbance, when the public peace and the protection of property shall be committed to raw and inexperienced troops; and all troops must be accounted raw and inexperienced (however high their qualifications in other respects) which shall have been nowise initiated in the peculiar duties which they are called upon to perform. Had the celebrated light division of the lamented Moore—had the famous fighting division of the gallant Picton, landed at Portsmouth at the termination of the late war, fresh from the fields of all their glory, flushed with the pride of all their victories, and thence been ordered to take the London duties—had they been accompanied with the cavalry brigade which La Marchant led in the onset at Salamanca, or by the cavalry brigade which Ponsonby headed in their charge against the column of 12,000 at Waterloo, I would have accounted the whole of those distinguished corps, from the moment they had crossed Westminster-bridge, as raw and inexperienced troops in respect to the duties upon which they were about to enter, so utterly different are the military duties required by the garrison of London from the military duties performedby the British army in any other part of the world. You are aware that no portion of my military service has been passed in the household regiments. I entertain no favour or affection towards those corps above that which I bear towards the whole army. I set no higher value, as soldiers, upon a battalion of Guards than upon a battalion of the line. It is solely on account of the apprenticeship they have served—it is because, in addition to their general duties as soldiers, they have been trained from their enlistment to the peculiar duties which belong to a London garrison—because they have been instructed in the delicate and the critical position in which they are often placed whilst on duty—because they have been taught to bear and forbear—because they are conversant with all the arts, and intrigues, and temptations of a London populace—because they are familiar with all the public departments, the public offices, and the public authorities, as well as with all the localities within the bills of mortality,—it is on these grounds that I pronounce the household corps to be by far better fitted for the London duties than can ever be the case with any other portion of her Majesty's troops. To the foregoing advantages, I would add the perfect understanding which has been established and cemented between the household corps and the metropolitan police. The beautiful manner in which their reciprocal duties are blended on every occasion of being brought together amounts to a piece of mechanism, which no exertions could ever preserve under a continued introduction of fresh and inexperienced troops.
"The household corps of the British army represent a body of troops which, for appearance, for discipline, for intelligence, and for respectability, are unequalled by the troops of any other nation upon earth. They reflect credit upon the Sovereign, upon the Government, upon the service, and upon the nation at large. They serve to impress every foreigner who visits this country with a high opinion of our military character, and of our military power. Yet have propositions been entertained for disbanding these household corps. The result that would follow upon their disbandment is manifest. That, whereas the military duties of London are now, and have been hitherto, conducted in a manner the most perfect and the most efficient, they would be committed henceforth to different portions of Her Majesty's troops, which, by reason of their frequent relief, and their consequent want of experience, could at no time be expected to carry on the military duties of London with equal efficiency for the maintenance of the public peace, and the protection of public property; and in the event of any serious disturbance arising (which God avert!) the disbandment of our household corps, and the dissolution of that unity of service which is at present so happily established between the military and the civil forces of the metropolis, might be productive of consequences fatal to the security of the metropolis itself, and to the interests of the empire at large.—I remain, my dear Sir Henry, with the greatest respect, yours most faithfully,
"J.C. Dalbiac, Lieutenant-General.
"13, Albany, March 9, 1840."
Sir Charles Dalbiac's letter is certainly a strong appeal to the army and country; and as one of the staff of Picton's division, I particularly feel it. What Sir Charles says, as to the soldiers of that division taking the duties of London, I readily admit to be quite correct. My objection is not to the Guards, but to the unnecessary and injurious privileges possessed by their officers. Perhaps, however, the desirable object I have in view, may not be considered attainable; and should this prove the case, it might not be unreasonable to expect, that these corps should be kept perfectly distinct from the regular regiments; and that no exchange shall ever be allowed between officers of the Guards and those of the regular army. If they must continue a privileged body, to the injury of the service, their privileges ought not to be allowed to hurt even the feelings of the latter.
All regular regiments of cavalry, infantry, and artillery, should, as before observed, be liable to serve in any part of the world, in case of war or commotion; but they should from many parts of it be invariably and immediately re-called, as soon as the causes for which they were sent out had been removed; but these regiments might be stationed wherever it should be deemed expedient, and for any period; for instance, in such countries as North America, the Cape of Good Hope, the islands in the Mediterranean, &c.
Service in the regular army being limited to ten years only, there could be no necessity in future for burdening the country with any other pensions thanthose already proposed for well behaved non-commissioned officers and soldiers, except in cases of severe wounds, or loss of health in the service; but both these should be placed under very strict regulations; and my object for so limiting the period is, that when the time for discharging a soldier arrives, he would not be too old to return to and resume his former occupation or trade; for, I am sorry to say, that old soldiers, in general, are rather addicted to drunkenness, and consequently have become unfit for the quiet walks of life; and practice in war also teaches us, that experienced officers, and young but well-disciplined soldiers, always achieve the most brilliant and enterprising feats of heroism in battle or at sieges; and even in skirmishing I have never found that veterans were to be preferred. There were exceptions occasionally met with, but those who have seen much of modern warfare, will, I think, coincide with me in these opinions.
To effect some of the objects I have in view, it should be permanently settled, how many corps of cavalry, infantry, engineers, artillery, and marines, are to constitute the regular army of Great Britain and Ireland; and their respective establishments in officers should likewise be permanently fixed upon; for I am most anxious, and I consider it to be practicable, to do away with half-pay to officers; and although the peace and war establishments of corps, as to non-commissioned officers and privates, may vary, I do not see, if officers are not unnecessarily and improperly taken away from their regiments, why their numbers should ever be increasedor decreased; for the whole being efficient, and well instructed, they could, in a very short time, with the aid of intelligent non-commissioned officers, train such recruits as it might be found requisite to call out to augment the establishments of corps; and thus a considerable saving to the country may be effected.
Situated as Great Britain now is with regard to other nations; and considering the number of troops likely to be at all times required in some of our foreign possessions, together with the state of Ireland, and also how very few corps are now available for home service; and even bearing in mind our fine army of reserve, but which ought not unnecessarily to be called out, and likewise what I have yet to propose in regard to the East Indies and some of our foreign possessions, I cannot suppose, that our regiments of cavalry ought to consist of less than 1 colonel, 1 lieut.-colonel, 2 majors, 8 captains, 8 lieutenants, 8 cornets, 24 sergeants, 32 corporals, 16 trumpeters, 560 privates. And to insure our having really effective corps of infantry, they ought to have 1 colonel, 1 lieut.-colonel, 2 majors, 10 captains, 10 lieutenants, 10 ensigns, 30 sergeants, 40 corporals, 20 buglers, 760 privates. Both cavalry and infantry should, of course, have the usual number of regimental staff officers and sergeants, including a school-master, sergeant, and a trumpet and bugle major.
The establishments of corps of engineers, artillery, and of marines, should also be finally decided upon; as likewise that of a permanent staff, which I intend to propose for the army.
I am aware that objections have been made to the plan of a military fund, yet I have never heard a good reason assigned by those who made them against it. To such as ask if it would not render officers too independent, I would not even deign to give an answer. I see, therefore, no cause why I should not venture strongly to urge that a military fund be established under the sanction and approval of Government; and to promote so desirable an object, the country, as it would thus soon be freed from the great expense of half-pay to the officers of the army, ought, in common justice, to contribute a certain sum annually, and especially at first, towards it; for it should be borne in mind, that, comparatively speaking, very few pensions would be hereafter required for soldiers, and, I may say, none whatever for officers.
All officers, according to their rank, should be obliged to contribute a certain small sum monthly towards the fund, which could be regulated in proportion to the assistance afforded by Parliament, and likewise by what might be expected to arise from such officers as were desirous of retiring from the army being required to pay a fixed but moderate sum, according to the rank they may hold at the time, into the fund; but I expect that the whole amount in any manner contributed, or which will accumulate at interest in the public fund, would produce annually sufficient to enable those who may be intrusted with its management, to allow retired officers, after a certain number of years service, considerably more than is at present granted in the shape of half-pay.
At present, officers sometimes receive fixed sums, according to their rank, for going upon half-pay; but I propose to reverse this as to retirements; and my reason for so doing is to quicken promotion; for I wish to make it the interest of every officer under the individual desirous of retiring (who ought to be allowed to retain his rank) to make up the sum amongst them, which he would have to pay into the fund, in order that he might be entitled to a retirement, and something besides to go into his own pocket, and which he should be permitted to take openly; for a step would, by this means, be gained by all those under him in the corps; and this would greatly remove the apprehension of promotion becoming too slow, and officers would no longer be exposed to the present galling and disheartening system of purchase. A considerable sum might thus be produced annually for the fund, out of which, as I calculate, even general officers should receive retirements at the same rate as lieut.-colonels.
Something of this kind is, I find, adopted by officers in the service of the East India Company, who contribute so much monthly towards a purse given to retiring officers, by which their promotion is found to be quickened.
If wounds, or ill health, acquired in the service, should compel an officer to retire from his regiment, or should he have served for fourteen years, he ought, without any payment to the fund, to be allowed the full retirement to which he would be entitled according to his rank, whether those below him were willing to contribute for him to the fund or not; but shouldthese officers have done so, in order to induce him to retire, and an attempt be made to conceal the transaction, the retired officer, if it was afterwards found out that deceptions had been practised, ought, by an unalterable regulation, to be deprived of his retirement.
The senior Cornet or Ensign, Lieutenant, Captain or Major, as the case might be, would find it their interest to subscribe a much larger sum than the other officers, for him who was to retire, as he would thus acquire a higher rank in the corps and also an increase of pay.
With respect to pay-masters and surgeons, as a plan has already been adopted by Government for their retirements, after a certain number of years service, it would be unwise to interfere with such an arrangement, but they should, nevertheless, be permitted to subscribe to the military fund, although they could not, like the other officers, be expected to pay towards it on retiring; and unless their monthly payments to the fund were increased, which would not probably be desirable, they must be satisfied with smaller retirements from it; but all such points should come under the consideration of a board of management, as well as the amount of retirements for regimental quarter-masters and assistant-surgeons, but officers ought not to be allowed any retirements whatever until after seven years service; and till they have completed their fourteen years, (or twenty years when there should be another increase) it ought to be only on a very moderate scale. It might also be a point requiring consideration-butit strikes me, that for obvious reasons, a general Court Martial by its sentence ought to have the power of depriving an officer of any retirement he might have become entitled to.
Some of our best commanders of regiments had objections to married officers remaining in the corps, and often did their best, but without injuring them, to have them removed; for they always found, that at the very time when their thoughts ought to have been entirely given to their profession, they were quite distracted from it, by the care of the world, and anxiety about their families; now the fund I propose to establish, would enable those who had become so situated, or such captains as might be apprehensive that they could not pass the examinations required before they could get the rank of major, to retire, without being obliged to do so, to the quiet of domestic life. I must beg also to observe, that it has long been a common saying as to young men, that the most talented of a genteel family ought to go to the bar, the next into the church, and that any dunce would answer well enough for the army or navy; but if the examinations I have suggested are strictly inforced, this reproach will be removed, and taking into account what I am so anxious to establish for the benefit of officers, not only as regards a military fund, but also with respect to promotion, the army would be rendered a much more desirable and suitable profession for young men of talent than it is at present, and would make it well worth their while to exert themselves to get into it.
There ought not to be any difficulties started as to the appointment of a board of management of the military fund, and as it is to be presumed that no member of Her Majesty's Government could have a wish to interfere, or to have any control over the board; I have now to propose (and I think this will satisfy all parties) that the Commander-in-Chief should have the nomination of the president and board, which should consist of at least two, if not of four efficient members, removable only by the authority which had appointed them to it, and which should also have the power of choosing as secretary, a gentleman of habits of business, who would require the assistance of a certain number of clerks. An annual report of the state of the military fund should be made out and submitted for the information of Government, the Commander-in-Chief, and that of every corps in the army.
The officers of the board and secretary for performing what cannot be otherwise than troublesome duties, all the details of which they would have to regulate, and as they must have considerable responsibility attached to them, probably requiring security to be given, I conclude they would be allowed respectable fixed salaries. The clerks will also be of course well paid. I may be sanguine, but I confess I feel very confident, that the plan would be found, under the management of an able board, to work well. I have been more minute than I could have wished, but my object in being so, was to obviate many of the objections which are likely to be started. I regret much, however, thatI cannot now see how to include the officers of the navy in it; for, unless it were so arranged, that they could contribute towards the fund, as retiring officers of the army are made to do, I fear that so desirable an object cannot, as they are now situated, be effected for them.
By establishing this military fund, Government would not only be able to do away with half-pay, but also to discontinue the practice of granting pensions, excepting in particular cases to officers of the army, their widows and children, as I conclude that they would all in future be provided for under the regulations to be made by the board of management; and what a relief to the minds of officers, and what a proud and proper feeling it would be for them to indulge in, that they could at such a trifling sacrifice, and on such easy terms, provide for themselves; and for those about whom they must naturally be so anxious, without becoming a burden to the country; and would not this plan give them a stake in it, which must perpetuate (though it cannot for a moment be supposed, that in such feelings and principles they can be wanting,) that attachment to their Sovereign, and to our free and admirable constitution, which they have ever so strongly evinced; and thus an additional and powerful barrier would be formed against the dangerous designs of men, who apparently wish to see our excellent institutions destroyed, and the country thrown, to suit their own selfish purposes, into such confusion, as could only end in a despotism of some kind or other.
I am not blind to the circumstance, that if what I am endeavouring to establish for the good of the service is accomplished, a severe blow must be given to the patronage of the army, but I trust that this will not be allowed to become a stumbling-block in the way of so much general benefit. I, however, willingly leave the cause of our gallant army, with which I am now, I may say, almost unconnected, to public opinion, which fortunately in this country is so powerful, as not to be easily or long withstood; and we may, I will venture to say, be certain, that if what I have presumed to propose, is practicable and desirable, the Commander-in-Chief will readily meet the wishes of the country and the army, with all that good will and zeal which he has on so many occasions evinced for the welfare of both.