R. J. van der Capellen.
This advice having been read, Mr. Jacob Adolf de Heekeren d'Enghuisen, Counsellor and first Master of Accounts in Guelderland, President at this time of the Assembly of the Quarter, represented to the said Robert Jasper van der Capellen de Marsch, that "Although he must agree to the justice of all that he had laid down, besides several other reasons, equally strong, which occurred to his mind, the deliberation upon the point in question appeared to him premature, considering that the Lords the States of Holland and West Friesland, and of Zealand, as the principal commercial Provinces, who are directly interested, had not nevertheless as yet explained themselves in this regard; consequently that it would not be so convenient for the States of this Duchy and County, who are not interested in it, but in a consequential and indirect manner, to form the first their resolutions in this respect: for this reason he proposed to consideration, whether it would not be more proper to postpone the deliberations upon this matter to a futureopportunity."
Nevertheless, the before-mentioned Robert Jasper van der Capellan de Marsch insisting, that the voices should be collected upon the proposition and advice in question, and thereupon having deliberated, their noble Mightinesses have thought fit to resolve, that although the motives alledged by this Nobleman in his advice, appear to merit a serious consideration, nevertheless, for the reasons before alleged, they judge, that they ought to suspend the decision of it, until the commercial Provinces have formed their resolutions concerning it: and that, upon the requisition of Robert Jasper van der Capellan de Marsch, there be delivered to him an extract of the present, upon one as well the other.
Signed
Herm. Schomaker.
Tothe noble, great, and venerable Lords of the Grand Council of the city of Leyden.
The undersigned, all manufacturers, merchants, and other traders of this city, most respectfully give to understand, that it is a truth, as melancholy, as it is universally known, that the declension of manufactures, which all the well-disposed citizens have remarked with the most lively grief, from the beginning of this century, has increased more and more for several years; and that this principal branch of the subsistence of the good citizens, has fallen into such a state of languor, that our city, once so flourishing, so populous, so celebrated, on account of its commerce and of its trades, appears to be threatened with total ruin; that the diminution of its merchants houses, on the one hand, and on the other, a total loss, or the sensible decrease of several branches of commerce, furnish an evident proof of it; which the petitioners could demonstrate by several examples, if there were need of them to convince. Your noble and grand Lordships, to whom the increase of the multitude of the poor, the deplorable situation of several families, heretofore in easy circumstances, the depopulation of the city, which one cannot observe without emotion in the ruins of several streets, once neat and well inhabited, are fully known, will recollect no doubt upon this occasion, with grief, that this state of languor must appear so much the more desperate, if your noble and grand lordships will take into consideration, that in this decay of trades and manufactures, we find a new reason of their farther fall, considering, that from the time there is not continual employment, and an uninterrupted sale, the workmen desert in such manner, that when considerable commissions arrive, we cannot find capable hands, and we see ourselves entirely out of a condition to execute these orders.
That the petitioners, with all the true friends of their country, extremely affected with this alarming situation of so rich a source of the public prosperity, have indeed sought the means of a remedy, in amending some defects,from which it seemed to arise, at least in part; but that the measures taken in this view, as is well know to your noble and grand Lordships, have not had the desired effect; at least, that they have not produced a re-establishment so effectual, that we have been able to observe a sensible influence in the increase of the sales of the manufactures of Leyden, as appears most evidently, by a comparison of the pieces fabricated here, which have been heretofore carried to the divers markets of this city, with those which are carried there at this day; a comparison which a true citizen cannot of consider without regret.
That experience has also taught the petitioners, that the principal cause of the decay of the manufactures of Holland, particularly those of Leyden, is not to be found in any internal vice, either in the capacity, or the œconomy of the inhabitants, but in circumstances which have happened abroad; and to which it is, consequently, beyond the power of the petitioners, or of any citizen whatsoever, to provide a remedy. That we might cite, for example, the commerce of our manufactures with Dantzic; and, through that commercial city, with all Poland; a commerce which was carried on with success and advantage heretofore in our city, but is absolutely interrupted at this day, and vanished, by the revolution which has happened in that kingdom, and by the burthensome duties to which the navigation of the Vistula has been subjected. But that, without entering into a detail of similar particular shackles, of which we might reckon a great number; the principal cause of the languishing state of our manufactures consists in the jealous emulation of the neighbouring nations, or rather of all the people of Europe; considering that, in this age, the several princes and governments, enlightened in the real sources of the public prosperity, and the true interests of their subjects, attach themselves with emulation to revive in their kingdoms and states the national industry, commerce, and navigation; to encourage them, and promote them even by exclusive privileges, or by heavy impositions upon foreign merchandizes; privileges and impositions, which tend equally to the prejudice of the commerce and the manufactures of our country, as your noble and grand Lordships will easily recollect the examples in the Austrian states and elsewhere.
That in the midst of these powers and nations, emulous or jealous, it is impossible for the citizens of our Republic, however superior their manufactures may be in quality and fineness, to resist a rivalry so universal; especially considering the dearness of labour, caused by that of the means of subsistence; which, in its turn, is a necessary consequence of the taxes and imposts which the inhabitants of this State pay in a greater number, and a higher rate, than in any other country, by reason of her natural situation, and of its means to support itself; so that by the continual operation of this principal, but irreparable cause of decline, it is to be feared, that the impoverishment and the diminution of the good citizens increasing with the want of employment, the Dutch nation, heretofore the purveyor of all Europe, will be obliged to content itself with the sale of its own productions in the interior of the country; (and how much does not even this resource suffer by the importation of foreign manufactures?) and that Leyden, lately so rich and flourishing, will exhibit desolated quarters in its declining streets; and its multitude, disgraced with want and misery; an affecting proof of the sudden fall of countries formerly overflowing with prosperity.
That, if we duly consider these motives, no citizen, whose heart is upright, (as the petitioners assure themselves) much less your noble and grand Lordships, whose good dispositions they acknowledge with gratitude, will take it amiss, that we have fixed our eyes on the present conjuncture of affairs, to enquire whether these times might not furnish them some means of reviving the languishing manufactures of Leyden; and that after a consideration well matured, they flatter themselves with the hope (a hope which unprejudiced men will not regard as a vain chimera) that in fact, by the present circumstances, there opens in their favour an issue for arriving at the re-establishment desired.
That from the time when the rupture between Great Britain and the Colonies upon the continent of North America appeared to be irreparable, every attentive spectator of this event perceived, or at least was convinced, that this rupture, by which there was born a republic, as powerful as industrious, in the new world, would have the mostimportant consequences for commerce and navigation; and that the other commercial nations of Europe would soon share in a very considerable commerce, whereof the kingdom of Great Britain had reserved to itself, until that time, the exclusive possession by its Act of Navigation, and by the other acts of parliament prescribed to the Colonies; that in the time of it, this reflection did not escape your petitioners; and they foresaw, from that time, the advantage which might arise, in the sequel, from a revolution so important for the United Provinces in general, and for their native city in particular. But that they should have been afraid to have placed this favourable occasion before the eyes of your noble and grand Lordships, at an epoch when the relations which connected our Republic with Great Britain, her neighbour, seemed to forbid all measures of this nature, or at least ought to make them be considered as out of season.
That, in the mean time, this reason of silence has entirely ceased, by the hostilities which the said kingdom has commenced against our Republic, under pretences, and in a manner the injustice of which has been demonstrated by the supreme government of the State, with an irrefragable evidence, in the eyes of impartial Europe; whilst the petitioners themselves, by the illegal capture of so large a number of Dutch ships, and afterwards by the absolute stagnation of navigation, and of voyages to foreign countries, have experienced in the most grievous manner, the consequences of this hostile and unforeseen attack, and feel them still every day, as is abundantly known to your noble and grand Lordships. That since that epoch, a still more considerable number of workmen must have remained without employment, and several fathers of families have quitted the city, abandoning, to the farther expense of the treasury of the poor, their wives and their children plunged in misery.
That during this rupture, which has subsisted now for fifteen months, there has occurred another circumstance, which has encouraged the petitioners still more, and which to them appears to be of such a nature, that they would be guilty of an excessive indifference, and an unpardonable negligence towards the city, towards the lower class of inhabitants, towards their own families, and towards themselves, if they should delay any longer to lay open their interests to your noble and grand Lordships, in a manner the most respectful, but the most energetic; to wit, that the United States of America have very rigorously forbidden, by a resolution of Congress, agreed to in all the Thirteen States, the importation of all English manufactures, and in general, all the merchandizes fabricated in the dominions which yet remain to Great Britain. That the effect of this prohibition must necessarily be a spirit of emulation between all the commercial nations to take place of the British merchants and manufacturers in this important branch of exportation, which is entirely cut off from them at this day. That nevertheless, among all the nations there is none which can entertain a hope, better founded, and more sure, in this respect, than the citizens of this free Republic, whether on account of the identity of religion, the fashion of living, and the manners, whether because of the extent of its commerce, and the convenience of its navigation, but above all, by reason of the activity and good faith, which still distinguishes (without boasting too much) the Dutch nation above all other people; qualities in consideration of which, the citizens of United America are inclined even at present, to prefer, in equal circumstances, the citizens of our free States, to every other nation.
That, nevertheless, all relations and connections of commerce between the two people, cannot but be uncertain and fluctuating, as long as their offers and reciprocal engagements are not fixed and regulated by a treaty of commerce. That at this day, if ever, (according to the respectful opinion of the petitioners) there exists a necessity the most absolute for the conclusion of a similar treaty of commerce, there, where we may say with truth, that there arises for the Republic, for our Leyden especially, a moment, which once escaped, perhaps never will return; since the national assembly of Great Britain, convinced, by a terrible and fatal experience, of the absolute impossibility of re-attaching united America to the British crown, has laid before the throne its desire to conclude a necessary peace with a people, free as this day at the price of their blood: So that if this peace should be once concluded, the Dutch nation would see itself perhaps excluded from all advantages of commerce with this new Republic, or at least would be treated by her with an indifference, which the small value which we should have put upon its friendship in former times, would seem to merit.
That, supposing, for a moment, that a peace between England and United America were not so near as we have reason to presume, not without probability, there would be found in that case nations enough who will be jealous of acquiring, after the example of France, the earliest right to commerce with a country, which already peopled by several millions of inhabitants, augments every day in population, in a manner incredible; but, as a new people, unprovided as yet with several necessary articles, will procure a rich, even an immense outlet, for the fabricks and manufactures of Europe.
That, however manifest the interest which the petitioners and all the citizens of Leyden would have in the conclusion of such a treaty of commerce, they would however have made a scruple to lay before the paternal eyes of your noble and grand Lordships the utility, or rather the necessity of such a measure, in respect to them, if they could believe, that their particular advantage would be, in any wise, contrary to the more universal interests of all the Republic. But, as far as the petitioners may judge, as citizens, of the situation, and the political existence of their country, they are ignorant of any reasons of this kind: but, on the contrary, they dare appeal to the unanimous voice of their fellow-citizens, well intentioned, in the other cities and provinces, even of the Regents the most distinguished; since it is universally known that the Province of Friesland has already preceded the other confederates, by a resolution for opening negotiations with America; and that in other Provinces, which have an interest less direct in commerce and manufactures, celebrated Regents appear to wait merely for the example of the commercial Provinces, for taking a similar resolution.
That the petitioners will not detain the attention of your noble and grand Mightinesses by a more ample detail of their reasons and motives, since, on one hand, they assure themselves, that these reasons and motives will notescape the enlightened and attentive judgment of your grand and noble Lordships; and on the other, they know by experience, that your grand and noble Lordships are disposed not to suffer any occasion to pass for promoting the well-being of their city, for advancing the prosperity of the citizens, to render their names dear to their contemporaries, and make them blessed by posterity.
In which firm expectation, the petitioners address themselves to this grand Council with the respectful but serious request, that it may please your noble and great Lordships, to direct, by their powerful influence, thing in such sort, that, in the Assembly highly respected of their noble and grand Mightinesses the Lords the States of Holland and West Friesland, there be opened deliberations, or if already opened, carried as speedily as possible to an effectual conclusion, such as they shall find the most proper for obtaining the lawful end, and fulfilling the desires of the petitioners, or as they shall judge conformable to the general interest.
So doing, &c.
An Addressof Thanks, with a farther Petition.
An Addressof Thanks, with a farther Petition.
Tothe noble, great, and venerable lords, the great council of the city of Leyden,
The undersigned manufacturers, merchants, and other traders, interested in the manufactures and fabrics of this city, give respectfully to understand,
That a number of the undersigned, having taken, the 18th of March, the liberty to present to your noble and great Lordships, a respectful request to obtain the conclusion of connections of commerce with United America, "the petitioners judge that they ought to hold it for a duty, as agreeable as indispensible, to testify their sincere gratitude, not only for the gracious manner in which your noble and great Lordships have been pleased to accept that request, but also for the patriotic resolution that your noble and great Lordships have taken upon its object; a resolution, in virtue of which the city of Leyden (as the petitioners have the best reasons to suppose) hath been one of the first cities of this province, from whose unanimous co-operation has originated the resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses, of the date of the 28th of March last, to direct things on the part of their noble and grand Mightinesses, in the assembly of the States General, and to make there the strongest instances, to the end that Mr. Adams may be admitted and acknowledged as Minister of the United States of America."
That the petitioners regard, with all honest-hearted citizens, the present epoch as one of the most glorious in the annals of our dear country, seeing that there has been manifested, in a most signal manner, on the one hand, a confidence the most cordial of the good citizens towards their regents, and on the other hand a paternal attention and deference of the regents to the respectful but well-founded prayers of their faithful citizens; and, in general, the most exemplary unanimity throughout the whole nation,to the confusion of those who, having endeavoured to sow the seeds of discord, would have rejoiced if they could say, with truth, that a dissention so fatal had rooted itself to the ruin of the country and of the people.
That the petitioners, feeling themselves penetrated with the most pleasing emotions, by an harmony so universal, cannot pass over in silence the reflection that your noble and great Lordships, taking a resolution the most favourable upon the said request, have discovered thereby, that they would not abandon the footsteps of their ancestors, who found, in the united sentiments of magistrates and citizens, the resources necessary to resist a powerful oppressor, who even would not have undertaken that difficult, but glorious task, if they had not been supported by the voice of the most respectable part of the nation.
That encouraged by this reflection, the petitioners assure themselves, that your noble and great Lordships will honour, with the same approbation, the step which they take to day, to recommend to your noble and great Lordships, in a manner the most respectful, but at the same time the most pressing, the prompt and efficacious execution of the aforesaid resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses of the 28th of March last, with every thing which depends thereon; a proceeding which does not spring from a desire, on the part of the petitioners, to raise themselves above the sphere of their duties and vocations, or to interfere, indiscreetly, in the affairs of government, but only from a conviction that it cannot but be agreeable to well intentioned regents (such as your noble and great Lordships have shewn yourselves by deeds to your good citizens) to see themselves applauded in their salutary efforts and patriotic designs, and supported against the perverse views, and secret machinations of the ill-disposed, who, however small their number, are always found in a nation.
That although the petitioners may be convinced that their noble and grand Mightinesses, having taken a resolution so agreeable to all true patriots, will not neglect to employ means to carry it to an efficacious conclusion among the other confederates, and to procure to the good citizens the real enjoyment of the commerce with United America, they cannot, nevertheless, dissemble that, lately,some new reasons have arisen, which make them conceive some fears respecting the prompt consummation of this desirable affair.
That the probability of an offer of peace, on the part of Great-Britain, to United America, whereof the petitioners made mention in their former request, having at present become a full certainty by the revolution arrived since in the British ministry, they have not learned without uneasiness the attempt made, at the same time, by the new ministers of the court of London, to involve this state in a negociation for a separate peace, the immediate consequence of which would be (as the petitioners fear) a cessation of all connections with the American Republic, whilst that in the mean time our Republic, deprived on the one hand of the advantages which it reasonably promises itself from these connections, might, on the other hand, be detained by negociations, spun out to a great length, and not effect till late, perhaps after the other belligerent powers, a separate peace with England.
That, in effect, the difficulties which oppose themselves to a like partial pacification are too multiplied for one to promise himself to see them suddenly removed, such as the restitution of the possessions taken from the state, and retaken from the English by France, a restitution which is become thereby impracticable, the indemnification of the immense losses that the unexpected and perfidious attack of England hath caused to the Dutch nation in general, to the petitioners in particular; the assurance of a free navigation for the future, upon the principles of the armed neutrality, and conformably to the law of nations; the dissolution of the bonds which, without being productive of any utility to the two nations, have been a source of contestations, always springing up, and which, in every war between Great-Britain and any other power, have threatened to involve our Republic in it, or have in effect done it; the annihilation, if possible, of the act of navigation, an act which carries too evident marks of the supremacy affected by England over all other maritime people, not to attract attention at the approaching negociation of peace; finally, the necessity of breaking the yoke that Great-Britain would impose on our flag, to make her's respected in the Northern Ocean, as the seatof her maritime empire; and other objects of this nature, which, as the petulant proceedings of the court of London have given rise to them, will certainly furnish matter for claims and negociations.
That as, by these considerations, a speedy consummation of a separate peace with England is out of all probability, especially when one compares with them the dubious and limited manner in which it is offered; on the other hand, a general peace appears not to be so far distant, as that to obtain a more prompt reconciliation with England, the Republic hath occasion to abandon its interests relative to North America, seeing that the British government hath resolved, upon the request of the national assembly, even to discontinue offensive hostilities against the new Republic; and that, even under the present administration of the new ministers, it appears ready to acknowledge positively its independence; an acknowledgment which, in removing the principal stumbling block of a negociation of a general peace, will pave the way to a prompt explication of all the difficulties between the belligerent powers.
That the petitioners should exceed much the bounds of their plan, if they entered into a more ample detail of the reasons which might be alleged upon this subject, and which certainly will not escape the political penetration of your noble and great Lordships; among others, the engagements recently entered into with the Court of France, and which will not be violated by our Republic, which acknowledges the sanctity of its engagements, and respects them: but which will serve much rather to convince the Empress of Russia of the impossibility of entering, in the present juncture of affairs, into such a negociation as the court of London proposes, when even it will not be permitted to presume but that Sovereign will feel herself the change of circumstances which have happened with regard to America since the offer of her mediation, by the revolution in the British ministry, and that she ought even to regard a separate peace between our State and England, as the most proper mean to retard the general tranquillity, that she hath endeavoured to procure to all the commercial nations now in war.
That from these motives the petitioners respectfullyhope that the aforesaid offer of England will occasion no obstacle which may prevent that the resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses to acknowledge the independence of North America, and to conclude with that power a treaty of commerce, may not have a prompt execution, nor that even one only of the other confederates will suffer itself to be diverted thereby from the design of opening unanimously with this Province, and the others which have declared themselves conformably with Holland, negociations with the United States, and of terminating them as soon as possible.
That the favourable resolutions already taken for this effect in Zealand, Utrecht, Overyssel, and at present (as the petitioners learn) in the Province of Groningen after the examples of Holland and Friesland, confirm them in that hope, and seem to render entirely superfluous, a request that, in every other case, the petitioners would have found themselves obliged to make with the commercial Citizens of the other Cities, to the end that, by the resistance of one Province, not immediately interested in commerce and navigation, they might not be deprived of the advantages and of the protection, that the sovereign Assembly of their proper Provinces had been disposed to procure them, without it; but that, to the end to provide for it, their noble and grand Mightinesses, and the States of the other Provinces in this respect, unanimous with them, should make use of the power which belongs to each free State of our federative Republic; at least in regard to treaties of commerce, of which there exists an example in 1649, not only in a treaty of redemption of the toll of the Sound, but also in a defensive treaty concluded with the Crown of Denmark, by the three Provinces of Guelderland, Holland, and Friesland.
But as every apprehension of a similar dissension, among the members of the confederation, appears at present absolutely unseasonable, the petitioners will confine themselves rather to another request, to wit, that after the formation of connections of commerce with North America, the effectual enjoyment of it may be assured to the commercial Citizens of this country, by a sufficient protection of their navigation; without which the conclusioneven of such a treaty of commerce would be absolutely illusory. That, for a long time, especially the last year, the petitioners have tasted the bitter fruits of the defenceless state in which the Dutch flag has been incessantly found; as they have already said, conformably to the truth, in their first request, "that by the total stagnation of the navigation, and of expeditions, they have felt, in the most painful manner, the effects of the hostile and unexpected attack of Great Britain, and that they feel them still every day." That, in the mean time, this stagnation of commerce, absolutely abandoned to the rapacity of an enemy greedy of pillage, and destitute of all protection whatever, hath appeared to the petitioners, as well as to all the other commercial inhabitants; yes! even to all true Citizens, so much the more hard and afflicting, as they not only have constantly contributed, with a good heart, to all the public imports, but that, at the time even that the commerce was absolutely abandoned to itself, and deprived of all safeguard, it supported a double charge to obtain that protection which it hath never enjoyed; seeing that the hope of such a protection (the Republic not being entirely without maritime force) hath appeared indeed more than once, but always vanished in the most unexpected manner, by accidents and impediments, which, if they have given rise, perhaps wrongfully, to discontent and to distrust among the good Citizens, will not nevertheless be read and meditated by posterity without surprize.
That, without intention to legitimate, in any manner, the suspicions arising from this failure of protection, the petitioners believe themselves, nevertheless, with all proper respect, warranted in addressing their complaints on this head, to the bosoms of your noble and great Lordships, and (seeing that the commerce with North America cannot subsist without navigation, no more than navigation without a safeguard) in reckoning upon the active direction, the useful employment, and prompt augmentation of our naval forces, in proportion to the means which shall be the most proper effectually to secure to the commerce of this Republic the fruits of its connections with United North America.
For which reasons, the petitioners, returning their solemnthanks to your noble and great Lordships, for the favourable resolution taken upon their request the 18th of March last, address themselves anew to you on this occasion, with the respectful prayer, "That it may graciously please your noble and great Lordships to be willing to effectuate by your powerful influence, whether in the illustrious assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses, whether among the other Confederates, or elsewhere, there, and in such manner, as your noble and great Lordships shall judge most proper, that the resolution of their noble and grand Mightinesses of the date of the 28th of March last, for the admission of Mr. Adams, in quality of Minister of the United States of America, be promptly executed; and that the petitioners, with the other commercial Citizens, obtain the effectual enjoyment of a treaty of commerce with the said Republic, as well by the activity of the marine of the State, and the protection of commerce and navigation, as by all other measures, that your noble and great Lordships with the other members of the Sovereign Government of the Republic, shall judge to tend to the public good, and to serve to the prosperity of our dear country, as well as to the maintenance of its precious liberties."
So doing, &c.
Petitionof the Merchants, Insurers, and Freighters of Rotterdam to the Regency of that City.
Petitionof the Merchants, Insurers, and Freighters of Rotterdam to the Regency of that City.
Giveto understand, in the most respectful manner, that it is sufficiently notorious that the inhabitants of this Republic have, as well as any other nation, an interest, that they give us an opportunity to open a free communication and correspondence with the inhabitants of America, by making a treaty of commerce, as Mr. Adams has represented in his memorial; to which they add, that the advantages which must result from it, are absolutely the only means of reviving the fallen commerce of this country; for re-establishing the navigation, and for repairing the great damages which the perfidious proceedings of the English have, for so many years, caused to the commercial part of this country.
That with all due respect, they represent to the venerable Regency the danger we run, in prolonging farther the deliberations concerning the article of an alliance of commerce with North America; being moreover certain that the interposition of this State cannot add any thing more to the solidity of its independence, and that the English Ministry has even made to the Deputies of the American Congress propositions to what point they would establish a correspondence there, to our prejudice, and thereby deprive the inhabitants of this country of the certain advantages which might result from this reciprocal commerce; and that thus we ought not to delay one day, nor even one hour, to try all the efforts, that we may pursue the negociation offered by Mr. Adams, and that we may decide finally upon it. Whereupon the petitioners represent, with all respect possible, but at the same time with the firmest confidence, to the venerable Regency of this City, that they would authorize and qualify the Lords theirs Deputies at the Assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses, to the end, that they insist in a manner the most energetic, at the Assembly oftheir noble and grand Mightinesses, that the resolution demanded may be taken without the least delay, to the end that, on the part of this Province, it be effected, at the Assembly of the States General, that the American Minister, Mr. Adams be as soon as possible admitted to the audience which he has demanded, and that they take with him the determinations necessary to render free and open to the reciprocal inhabitants, the correspondence demanded.
So doing, &c.
ThePetitionsof the Merchants, and Manufacturers ofHaerlem,Leiden, andAmsterdam, which have been presented, on the twentieth of March, to theirHigh Mightinesses, were accompanied with another to theStatesofHollandandWest Friesland, conceived in these Terms.
ThePetitionsof the Merchants, and Manufacturers ofHaerlem,Leiden, andAmsterdam, which have been presented, on the twentieth of March, to theirHigh Mightinesses, were accompanied with another to theStatesofHollandandWest Friesland, conceived in these Terms.
Thesubscribers, inhabitants of this country, merchants, manufacturers, and others, living by commerce, give with all respect to understand, that they have the honour to annex hereto a copy of a petition presented by them to their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Low Countries. The importance of the thing which it contains, the considerable commerce which these countries might establish in North America, the profits which we might draw from it, and the importance of industry and manufactures, by the relation which they have with commerce in general, as well as the navigation to that extensive country; all these objects have made them take the liberty to represent, in the most respectful manner, this great affair for them, and for the connections which the petitioners may have, in quality of manufacturers, with the merchants, most humbly praying your noble and grand Mightinesses, for the acquisition of these important branches of commerce, and for the advantage of all the manufactures, and other works of labour and of traffic, to be so good as to take this petition, and the reasons which it contains, into your high consideration, and to favour it with your powerful support and protection, and by a favourable resolution, which may be taken at the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, to direct, on the part of this Province, things in such a manner, that for obtaining this commerce so desired and sonecessaryfor this Republic, that there be concerted such efficacious measures, as the high wisdom and patriotic sentiments of your noble and grand Mightinesses may find convenient, for the well-being of so great a number of inhabitants, and for the prejudice of their enemies.
So doing, &c.
AtDordrecht there has not been presented any petition. But on the twentieth of March, the merchants, convinced by redoubled proofs of the zeal, and of the efforts of their Regency, for the true interests of commerce, judged it unnecessary to present a petition after the example of the merchants of other cities. They contented themselves with testifying verbally their desire that there might be contracted connections of commerce with the United States of America: That this step had been crowned with such happy success, that the same day 20th of March, 1782, it was resolved, by the ancient Council, to authorize their deputies, at the Assembly of Holland, to concur in every manner possible, that, without delay, Mr. Adams be acknowledged in his quality of Minister Plenipotentiary; that his letters of credence be accepted; and conferences opened upon this object.
Thesubscribers, all merchants, manufacturers, and factors of the city of Zwoll, give respectfully to understand, that every one of them, in his private concerns, finds by experience, as well as the inhabitants of the Republic in general, the grievous effects of the decay into which commerce, and the manufactures of this country are fallen, little by little, and above all, since the hostile attack of the kingdom of England against this State; that it being their duty to their country, as well as to themselves, to make use of all the circumstances which might contribute to their re-establishment, the requisition made not long since by Mr. Adams to the Republic, to wit, to conclude a treaty of commerce with the United States of North America, could not escape their attention; an affair, the utility, advantage, and necessity of which, for these Provinces, are so evident, and have been so often proved in an incontestible manner, that the petitioners will not fatigue your noble Lordships, by placing them before you, nor the general interests of this city, nor the particular relations of the petitioners, considering that they are convinced, in the first place, that England making against the Republic the most ruinous war, and having broken every treaty with her, all kind of complaisance for that kingdom is unseasonable.
In the second place, that America, which ought to be regarded as become free at the point of the sword, and as willing, by the prohibition of all the productions and manufactures of England, to break absolutely with that kingdom; it is precisely the time, and perhaps the only time, in which we may have a favourable opportunity to enter into connection with this new and powerful Republic; a time which we cannot neglect without running the greatest risque of being irrevocably prevented by the other powers, and even by England. Thus we take the liberty respectfully to supplicate your noble Lordships, that, having shewn, for a long time, that you set a valueupon the formation of alliances with powerful states, you may have the goodness, at the approaching assembly of the nobility, and of the cities forming the States of this Province, to redouble your efforts, to the end that, in the name of this country, it may be decided at the Generality, that Mr. Adams be acknowledged, and the proposed negotiations opened as soon as possible.
So doing, &c.
Totheir High Mightinesses, the States General of the United Provinces, the undersigned, merchants, manufacturers, and others, inhabitants living by commerce in this country, give respectfully to understand:
That, although the petitioners have always relied, with entire confidence, upon the administration and the resolutions of your High Mightinesses, and it is against their inclinations to interrupt your important deliberations, they think, however, that they ought, at this time to take the liberty; and believe as well intentioned inhabitants, that it is their indispensible duty in the present moment, which is most critical for the Republic, to lay humbly before your High Mightinesses their interests.
What good citizen in the Republic, having at heart the interest of his dear country, can dissemble, or represent to himself without dismay, the sad situation to which we are reduced by the attack, equally sudden, unjust, and perfidious of the English? Who would have dared two years ago to foretell, and, notwithstanding the dark clouds which even then began to form themselves, could even have imagined that our commerce and our navigation, with the immense affairs which depend upon them, the support and the prosperity of this Republic, could have fallen and remained in such a terrible decay? that in 1780, more than two thousands of Dutch vessels having passed the Sound, not one was found upon the list in 1781? That the ocean, heretofore covered with our vessels, should see at present scarcely any? and that we may be reduced to see our navigation, formerly so much respected and preferred by all the nations, pass entirely into the hands of other powers? It would be superfluous to endeavour to explain at length the damages, the enormous losses, which our inhabitants have sustained by the sudden invasion and the pillage of the colonies, and of their ships; disasters, which not only fall directly upon the merchant, but which have also a general influence, and make themselves felt in the most melancholy manner,even by the lowest artisans and labourers, by the languor which they occasion in commerce. But, how great soever they may be, it might, perhaps, be possible, by the aid of the paternal cares of your High Mightinesses, and by opposing a vigorous resistance to the enemy, already enervated, to repair in time all these losses, (without mentioning indemnifications) if this stagnation of commerce was only momentary, and if the industrious merchant did not see beforehand the sources of his future felicity dried up. It is this gloomy foresight which, in this moment, afflicts, in the highest degree, the petitioners; for, it would be the height of folly and inconsideration to desire still to flatter ourselves, and to remain quiet, in the expectation that, after the conclusion of the peace, the business, at present turned out of its direction, should return entirely into this country; for experience shews the contrary in a manner the most convincing; and it is most probable, that the same nations, who are actually in possession of it, will preserve, at that time, the greatest part of it. Your alarmed petitioners throw their eyes round every where, to discover new sources, capable of procuring them more success, in future. They even flatter themselves that they have found them upon the new theatre of commerce which the United States of America offer them; a commerce, of which, in this moment, but in this moment only, they believe themselves to be in a condition to be able to assure to themselves a good share; and the great importance of which, joined to the fear of seeing escape from their hands this only and last resource, has induced them to take the resolution to lay open respectfully their observations concerning this important object to your High Mightinesses, with the earnest prayer that you would consider them with a serious attention, and not interpret in ill part this measure of the petitioners, especially as their future well-being, perhaps even that of the whole Republic, depends on the decision of this affair.
No man can call in question that England has derived her greatest forces from her commerce with America; those immense treasures, which that commerce has poured into the coffers of the state; the uncommon prosperity of several of her commercial houses, the extreme reputation of her manufactures, the consumption of which, in quantities beyond all bounds, contributes efficaciously to their perfection, are convincing proofs of it. However it may be, and notwithstanding the supposition, too lightly adopted, that we cannot imitate the British manufactures, the manufacture of painted linens of Rouen; those of wool of Amiens, of Germany, of Overyssel; and the Pins of Zwoll prove visibly that all things need not be drawn from England; and that, moreover, we are as well in a condition, or shall soon be, to equal them in several respects.
Permit us, high and mighty Lords, to the end to avoid all further digression, to request in this regard the attention of your High Mightinesses to the situation of commerce in France at the beginning of the war. Continual losses had almost ruined it altogether. Like ours, several of her merchants failed of capitals; and others wanted courage to continue their commerce; her manufactures languished; the people groaned; in one word, every thing there marked out the horrors of war. But, at present, her maritime towns, overpeopled, have occasion to be enlarged; her manufactures, having arrived at a degree of exportation unknown before, begin to perfect themselves more and more, in such a degree, that the melancholy consequences of the war are scarcely felt in that kingdom. But, since it is incontestible that this favourable alteration results almost entirely from its commerce with America, that even this has taken place in time of war; which, moreover, is ever prejudicial, we leave it to the enlightened judgment of your High Mightinesses to decide, what it is that we may expect from a commerce of this nature, even at present, but especially in time of peace. In the mean time, we have had the happiness to make a trial, of short duration it is true, but very strong in proportion to its continuance, in our colony of St. Eustatia, of the importance of the commerce, though not direct, with North America. The registers of the West India Company may furnish proofs of it very convincing to your High Mightinesses; in fact, their productions are infinitely suitable to our market; whilst, on our side, we have to send them several articles of convenience and of necessity from our own country; or from the neighbouring states of Germany. Moreover, several of our languishing manufactures, scattered in the seven United Provinces, may perhaps be restored to their former vigour, by means of bounties, or the diminution of imposts. The importance of manufactures for a country is sufficiently proved, by the considerable gratifications promised and paid by British policy for their encouragement, and by the advantages which that kingdom has procured to itself by this means, even beyond what had been expected.
The petitioners know perfectly well the obstacles, almost insurmountable, which always oppose themselves to the habitual use of new manufactures, although certainly better in quality; and they dare advance, without hesitation, that several of our manufactures are superior to those of the English. A moment more favourable can never offer itself than the present, when, by a resolution of Congress, the importation of all the effects of the produce of Great Britain, and of her colonies, is forbidden; which reduces the merchant and the purchaser to the necessity of recurring to other merchandises, the use of which will serve to dissipate the prejudice conceived against them. It is not only the manufactures, high and mighty Lords, which promise a permanent advantage to our Republic. The navigation will derive also great advantages; for it is very far from being true (as several would maintain) that the Americans, being once in the tranquil possession of their independence, would themselves exercise with vigour these two branches; and that in the sequel, we shall be wholly frustrated of them. Whoever has the least knowledge of the country of America, and of its vast extent, knows that the number of inhabitants is not there in proportion. That even the two banks of the Mississippi, the most beautiful tract of this country, otherwise so fertile, remain still uncultivated; and as there are wanted so many hands, it is not at all probable to presume, that they will or can occupy themselves to establish new manufactures, both because of the new charges, which they would put upon the augmentation and exportation of their productions.
It is then for these same reasons (the want of population) that they will scarcely find the hands necessary to take advantage of the fisheries, which are the property of their country; which will certainly oblige them toabandon to us the navigation of freight. There is not therefore any one of our provinces, much less any one of our cities, which cannot enjoy the advantage of this commerce: No, high and mighty Lords, the petitioners are persuaded that the utility and the benefit of it will spread itself over all the provinces and countries of the Generality. Guelderland and Overyssel cannot too much extend their manufactures of wool, of swanskin, and other things; even the shoemakers of the mayoralty, and of Langstret, will find a considerable opening; almost all the manufactures of Utrecht and of Leyden will flourish anew. Harlem will see revive its manufactures of stuffs, of laces of ribbons, of twist, at present in the lowest state of decay. Delft will see vastly augmented the sale of its earthen ware, and Gouda that of its tobacco-pipes.
However great may be the advantages foreseen by the petitioners, from a legal commerce duly protected with America, their fear is not less, lest we should suffer to escape the happy moment of assuring to them, and to all the Republic, these advantages. The present moment must determine the whole. The English nation is weary of the war; and as that people runs easily into extremes, the petitioners are afraid, with strong probable appearances, that a compleat acknowledgment of American independence will soon take place; above all, if the English see an opportunity of being able still to draw from America some conditions favourable for them, or at least something to our disadvantage. Ah! what is it which should instigate the Americans in making peace, and renewing friendship with Great Britain, to have any regard for the interests of our republic? If England could only obtain for a condition, that we should be obliged to pay duties more burthensome for our vessels, this would be not only a continual and permanent prejudice; but would be sufficient to transmit to posterity, a lamentable proof of our excessive deference for unbridled enemies.
The petitioners dare flatter themselves that a measure so frank of this Republic, may powerfully serve for the acceleration of a general peace. A general ardour to extinguish the flames of war reigns in England; an upright and vigorous conduct, on the part of this Republic, willcontribute to accelerate the accomplishment of the wishes for peace.
We flatter ourselves, high and mighty Lords, that we have in this regard alleged sufficient reasons for an immediate decision; and that we have so visibly proved the danger of delay, that we dare to hope from the paternal equity of your High Mightinesses, a reasonable attention to the respectful proposition which we have made. It proceeds from no other motive than a sincere affection for the precious interests of our dear country; since we consider it as certain, that as soon as the step taken by us shall be known by the English, and that they shall have the least hope of preventing us, they will not fail, as soon as possible, to acknowledge American independence. Supported by all these reasons, the petitioners address themselves to your High Mightinesses, humbly requesting that it may please your High Mightinesses, after the occurrences and affairs above-mentioned, to take, for the greatest advantage of this country, as soon as possible, such resolution as your High Mightinesses shall judge most convenient.
This doing, &c.
Thesubscribers, all merchants and manufacturers of this city, with all due respect, give to understand: That the difference arisen between the kingdom of Great Britain and the United States of America, has not only given occasion for a long and violent war, but that the arms of America have covered themselves with a success so happy, that the Congress, assisted by the Courts of France and Spain, have so well established their liberty and independence, and reduced Great Britain to extremities so critical, that the House of Commons in England, notwithstanding all the opposition of the British Ministry, have lately formed the important resolution to turn the King from an offensive war against America, with no other design than to accelerate, if it is possible, a reconciliation with America.
That to this happy revolution in the dispositions of the English in favour of the liberty and independence of America, according to all appearances, the resolution taken by the Congress, towards the end of the last year, to wit, to forbid in all America the importation of British manufactures and productions, has greatly contributed: a resolution, of which they perceive in England, too visibly, the consequences ruinous to their manufactures, trade, commerce, and navigation, to be able to remain indifferent in this regard. For all other commercial nations, who take to heart, ever so little, their own prosperity, will apply themselves ardently, to collect from it all the fruit possible. To this effect, it would be unpardonable for the business and commerce of this Republic in general, and for those of this city in particular, to suffer to escape this occasion so favourable for the encouragement of our manufactures so declined, and languishing in the interior cities, as well as that of the commerce and navigation in the maritime cities; or to suffer that other commercial nations, even with a total exclusion of the mercantile interests of this Republic, should profit of it, and this, upon an occasion, when, by reason of the war, equally unjust and ruinous, in which the kingdom of Great Britain has involved this Republic, we cannot, and ought not to have the least regard or condescension for that jealous State, being able even to oblige this arrogant neighbour, in the just fear of the consequences which a more intimate connection between this Republic and North America would undoubtedly have, to lay down the sooner her arms, and restore tranquility to all Europe.
That the petitioners, notwithstanding the inclination they have for it, ought not nevertheless to explain themselves farther upon this object, nor make a demonstration in detail of the important advantages which this Republic may procure itself by a connection and a relation more intimate with North America; both, because that no well-informed man can easily call the thing in question, or contradict it; but also, because the States of Friesland themselves have very lately explained themselves, in a manner so remarkable, in this respect; and which is still more remarkable, because in very different circumstances, with a foresight, which posterity will celebrate by so much the more, as it is attacked in our time by ill designing citizens, the Lords your predecessors thought, four years ago, upon the means of hindering this Republic from being excluded from the business of the new world, and from falling into the disagreeable situation in which the kingdom of Portugal is at present, considering that according to the informations of your petitioners, the Congress has excluded that kingdom from all commerce and business with North America, solely, because it had perceived that it suffered itself to be too strongly directed by the influence of the British Court. This example makes us fear with reason that if the propositions made, in the name of America, by Mr. Adams to this Republic, should remain, as they still are, without an answer, or that, if, contrary to all expectation, they should be rejected, in that case the Republic ought not to expect a better treatment.
That, for these reasons and many others, the petitioners had flattered themselves that we should long ago have opened negotiations, and a closer correspondence, withthe United States of America. But this important work appeared to meet with difficulties with some, as incompatible with the accession of this Republic to the armed neutrality, and, in course, with the accepted mediation; whilst that others cannot be persuaded to make this so necessary step, in the opinion that we cannot draw any advantage, or at least of much importance, from a more strict connection with America: Reasons, according to the petitioners, the frivolity of which is apparent to every one who is not filled with prejudice, without having occasion to employ many words to point it out. For, as to the first point, supposing, for a moment, that it might be made a question whether the Republic, after her accession to the armed neutrality, before the war with England, could take a step of this nature, without renouncing at the same time the advantages of the armed neutrality which it had embraced; it is at least very certain, that every difficulty concerning the competency of the Republic to take a similar step vanishes and disappears of itself at present, when it finds itself involved in a war with Great Britain, since from that moment she could not only demand the assistance and succour of all the confederates in the armed neutrality, but that thereby the finds herself authorized, for her own defence, to employ all sorts of means, violent and others, which she could not before adopt nor put in use, while she was really in the position of a neutral power which would profit of the advantages of the armed neutrality. This reasoning then proves evidently, that, in the present situation of affairs, the Republic might acknowledge the independence of America; and, notwithstanding this, claim of full right the assistance of her neutral allies, at least, if we would not maintain one of the two following absurdities: That, notwithstanding the violent aggression of England in resentment of our accession to the armed neutrality, we dare not defend ourselves, until our confederates shall think proper to come to our assistance; or, otherwise, that being attacked by the English, it should be permitted us, conformably to the rights of the armed neutrality, to resist them in arms, whether on the Doggers-bank or elsewhere, but not by contracting alliances, which certainly do no injury or harm to the convention of the armed neutrality, notwithstanding even the small hope we have of being succored by the allies of the armed confederation. The argument of the mediation is still more contrary to common sense in this, that it supposes, that the Republic, by accepting the mediation, has also renounced the employment of all the means, by the way of arms, of alliances, or otherwise, which it might judge useful or necessary to annoy her enemy: a supposition, which certainly is destitute of all foundation, and which would reduce it simply to a real suspension of hostilities on the part of the Republic only; to which the Republic can never have consented, neither directly nor indirectly.
Besides this last argument, the petitioners ought to observe, in the first place, that by means of a good harmony and friendship with the United States of America, there will spring up, not only different sources of business for this Republic, founded solely on commerce and navigation, but in particular the manufactures and trade will assume a new activity in the interior cities; for they may consume the amount of millions of our manufactures in that new country, of so vast extent: In the second place, abstracted from all interests of commerce, the friendship or the enmity of a nation, which, after having made prisoners of two English armies, has known how to render herself respectable and formidable, if it were only in relation to the western possessions of this State, is not and cannot be in any manner indifferent for our Republic. In the last place, it is necessary that the petitioners remark farther in this respect, that several inhabitants of this Republic, in the present situation of affairs, suffer very considerable losses and damages, which at least hereafter might be wholly prevented, or in part, in case we should make with the United States of America, with relation to vessels and effects recaptured, a convention similar to that which has been made with the Crown of France the last year; for, venerable Regents, if a convention of this nature had been contracted in the beginning of this war, the inhabitants of the Republic would have already derived important advantages from it, considering that several ships and cargoes, taken by the English from the inhabitants of this State, have fallen into the hands of the Americans; among others, two vessels from the West Indies,richly loaded, and making sail for the ports of the Republic, and both estimated at more than a million of florins of Holland; which, captured by the English at the commencement of the year past, were carried into North America, where, after the capitulation of General Cornwallis, they passed from the hands of the English into others.
That, although the petitioners are fully convinced, that the interests of the commerce of this common country, and of this city, have constantly, but especially in these last years, attracted, and still attract every day, a great part of the cares of the venerable Regency; nevertheless, having regard to the importance of the affair, the petitioners have thought that they might, and that they ought to take the liberty to address themselves with this petition to you, venerable Regents, to inform you, according to truth, that the moments are precious, that we cannot lose any time, how little soever it may be, without running the greatest risque of losing all; since, by hesitating longer, the Republic, according to all appearances, would not derive any advantage, not even more than it has derived from its accession to the armed neutrality; because that in the fear of British menaces, we did not determine to accede to it, until the opportunity of improving the advantage of it was passed.
For these causes, the petitioners address themselves to you, venerable Regents, respectfully soliciting, that your efficacious influence may condescend, at the Assembly of their noble and grand Mightinesses the States of this Province, to direct affairs in such a manner, that upon this important object there may be taken as soon as possible, and, if possible, even during the continuance of this Assembly, a final and decisive resolution, such as you, venerable Regents, and their noble and grand Mightinesses, according to their high wisdom, shall judge the most convenient: and if, contrary to all expectation, this important operation should meet with any obstacle on the part of one or more of the confederates, that in that case you, venerable Regents, in concert with the Province of Friesland, and those of the other Provinces who make no difficulty to open a negotiation with America, will condescend to consider the means, which shall be found proper andconvenient to effectuate, that the commerce of this Province, as well as that of Friesland, and the other members adopting the same opinion, may not be prejudiced by any dilatory deliberations, nor too late resolved, for the conclusion of a measure as important as necessary.
So doing, &c.