Chapter 9

[64]Dolfar, Ortelius. Zehar, Ortelius.

[65]Shehir, one of the chief sea-ports of Hadramant.

[66]Enciencio, antient for ajenjo, Absinthe; perhaps the Kat or Katta, a very expensive leaf of a shrub.

[67]This refers to the monsoon; if it is unfavourable the ships cannot get up the Red Sea.

[68]This word is illegible, it readsse enpegen.

[69]Probably an error of the pen for Ras al Gat.

[70]Cape Mussendom, in Ortelius and the German Atlas of 1753 also Mocandon, here it is evident that the cedilla of the c has been forgotten, and the error has been perpetuated. Ç is often used for s in old manuscripts.

[71]In the German Atlas there is a place called Kellat, and another close by called Calajute; Calata, Ortelius.

[72]Curiate in Ortelius and the German Atlas.

[73]This may be read Sar, or Sari.

[74]Soar Ortelius, Sohar in the German Atlas (map of Persia).

[75]Lebeche or leveche, S.W. wind.

[76]In the German Atlas Corscan, there is also another place there inland a long way off called Orfacan, both these seem to be corruptions of the name in the text Khor Fakan.

[77]Julphar or Giotoffar in the German Atlas.

[78]Roccalima in the Atlas of Abraham Ortelius, Antwerp, 1570: the Ras el Khyma of Captain Felix Jones's Chart.

[79]Probably Amulgowein of Captain F. Jones.

[80]Calba, Ortelius.

[81]Baha, Ortelius.

[82]Iguir in Ortelius, 1570.

[83]Naban, Ortelius, 1570.

[84]Quesibi, Ortelius.

[85]Berou, ibidem.

[86]Moy Macina, Ortelius, 1570.

[87]Lima, Ortelius.

[88]Carmon, Ortelius.This list of towns is thus introduced without anything to connect it with the narrative; they would apparently be places on the Shat el Arab, between the sea and Basrah, but from the Atlas of Ortelius it is clear that they are intended to follow after Quesebi, from which word to "estuary" should be read in a parenthesis: from the entire absence of punctuation and capital letters in the MS. there is great difficulty in ascertaining always the correct meaning. This passage seems to show that those who made the early maps had had a copy of this MS. under their eyes. "Quesebi: y dende aqui adelante da vuelta la costa a maestro y tramontana hasta la boca del Rio eufrates y comienca en esa vuelta una tabla berohu caljar," et cetera. The wordtablacan hardly as here placed mean a list, and one of its meanings, dead water, or water without a current, in speaking of a river, seems here most applicable. Ortelius, however, followed by the German Atlas of 1753, has gotTablaas a town between Quesibi and Berou, in which case the sense of comienza and una would be imperfect. As the wordtablais Spanish, and in Portuguese istabula, it would appear that this Spanish translation and not the Portuguese original has been made use of for the ancient atlases. This view is confirmed by there being no such place as Tabla in Captain F. Jones's Chart. Ramusio's edition has Tabla between Quesibi and Berohu.

[88]Carmon, Ortelius.

This list of towns is thus introduced without anything to connect it with the narrative; they would apparently be places on the Shat el Arab, between the sea and Basrah, but from the Atlas of Ortelius it is clear that they are intended to follow after Quesebi, from which word to "estuary" should be read in a parenthesis: from the entire absence of punctuation and capital letters in the MS. there is great difficulty in ascertaining always the correct meaning. This passage seems to show that those who made the early maps had had a copy of this MS. under their eyes. "Quesebi: y dende aqui adelante da vuelta la costa a maestro y tramontana hasta la boca del Rio eufrates y comienca en esa vuelta una tabla berohu caljar," et cetera. The wordtablacan hardly as here placed mean a list, and one of its meanings, dead water, or water without a current, in speaking of a river, seems here most applicable. Ortelius, however, followed by the German Atlas of 1753, has gotTablaas a town between Quesibi and Berou, in which case the sense of comienza and una would be imperfect. As the wordtablais Spanish, and in Portuguese istabula, it would appear that this Spanish translation and not the Portuguese original has been made use of for the ancient atlases. This view is confirmed by there being no such place as Tabla in Captain F. Jones's Chart. Ramusio's edition has Tabla between Quesibi and Berohu.

[89]Gues, Ortelius, on the Persian shore.

[90]Gues, before named, re-appears as Cuez, Basida, Costaque, Conga, which are placed on the Arabian shore: Gonga also appears on the Persian shore in Ortelius's Atlas, 1570.

[91]Braimu, Ortelius.

[92]Denaze, ibid.

[93]Doan, ibid., on Persian shore.

[94]Laron, ibid.

[95]Andrani, Ortelius.

[96]Quaro, ibid.

[97]Lar, ibid.

[98]Coiar, ibid.

[99]Tome, ibid.

[100]Mulugan, ibid.

[101]Quezimi, ibid.

[102]Baharem, ibid. Besides these islands, Ortelius has got Gicolar and Ficor, which names might have been made out of the above list from this very MS. by reading differently the names which are written in italics.

[103]Here there appears to be a gap in the MS. of three quarters of a line.

[104]Shah Ismail, King of Persia, contemporary of the writer of this MS. and founder of the Shiah rite as at present existing.

[105]Son-in-law. This account is like that of Ramusio and differs somewhat from the Portuguese.

[106]The origin of the Kizilbashes.

[107]Chalderan, 3rd Rejeb 920, or August 1514. Vicente Rocca, in his history of the Turks, printed at Valencia 1556, says that the corpses of many Persian women who had accompanied their husbands in disguise, were found after the battle, and that Sultan Selim ordered them to receive an honourable burial.

[108]This embassy came to Albuquerque when he was at Ormuz the last time, the envoy sent by Albuquerque was Fernan Gomez. San Roman Hist. de la India, pp. 239, and 246-249. Valladolid, 1603.

[109]Frat, with a Persian termination.

[110]With respect to this geography of the four rivers of Paradise, see M. Renan's remarks on the Persian traditions, in his Hist. des Langues Semitiques, pp. 481-483. Paris, 1863.

[111]Zircon or jargon, a stone of which false diamonds are made.

[112]Reubarbaro.

[113]Sarahueles, Serwal or Shalwar.

[114]Almaizar.

[115]Atauxsia, Moorish workmanship of inlaying metals.

[116]This description of Persian customs is very exact.

[117]The Jewish traveller Pedro Teixeira (or Teireira, according to Rodriquez de Castro, Biblica, Rabinica Esp.) at the end of the sixteenth or beginning of the seventeenth century, wrote a history of Persia, translated from Mirkhond, and a "Journey from the East Indies to Italy Overland," Antwerp, Jerome Verdassen. Teixeira wrote the first part of this work in Portuguese, and afterwards translated it into Spanish, adding the second part. Both were translated into French by C. Cotolendi in 1681, and printed at Paris under the title of "Voyages de Teixeira, ou l'Histoire des Rois de Perse." He died at Verona. Teixeira says:"It was a custom much in use, both formerly and in later times among the kings of Persia and Harmuz, in order to assure themselves of those whom they might have reason to fear, and who commonly were their relations. And even this day may be seen at Harmuz, on a hill near the hermitage of Santa Lucia, at a little more than a mile from the city, the ruins of some towers, in which the kings placed their relations who had been blinded for this reason. The method which they used for depriving them of sight was this: they took a brass basin, and heating it in the fire as much as possible, passed it two or three or more times before the eyes of the person they intended to blind; and without other lesion of the eyes they lost their sight, the optic nerves being injured by the fire, but the eyes remaining as limpid and clear as before." Amador de Los Rios, Estudios sobre los Judios de España, p. 557. Madrid, 1848.Ramusio has translated to blind "cavar gli occhi," which in this case would not apply.

"It was a custom much in use, both formerly and in later times among the kings of Persia and Harmuz, in order to assure themselves of those whom they might have reason to fear, and who commonly were their relations. And even this day may be seen at Harmuz, on a hill near the hermitage of Santa Lucia, at a little more than a mile from the city, the ruins of some towers, in which the kings placed their relations who had been blinded for this reason. The method which they used for depriving them of sight was this: they took a brass basin, and heating it in the fire as much as possible, passed it two or three or more times before the eyes of the person they intended to blind; and without other lesion of the eyes they lost their sight, the optic nerves being injured by the fire, but the eyes remaining as limpid and clear as before." Amador de Los Rios, Estudios sobre los Judios de España, p. 557. Madrid, 1848.

Ramusio has translated to blind "cavar gli occhi," which in this case would not apply.

[118]This observation is owing to the Moorish coins of the Almohade dynasty having been square, which gave rise to the Spanish saying of spendthrifts: "My money rolls, as it is not Moorish."

[119]The standard of modern Spanish silver coin is eleven dinars, or dineros.

[120]The Portuguese force is said to have consisted of fifteen hundred Portuguese and six hundred Indian soldiers; this took place in 1514. Panorama or Univers Pittoresque. According to San Roman Hist. de la India Oriental in the beginning of 1515, Albuquerque's force consisted of 26 sail, 1500 Portuguese, and 600 Malabars.

[121]This governor's name was Rais Hamid; one account says so many daggers were drawn against him that the Portuguese wounded one another's hands: the other governor mentioned later was named Rais Nordim, i.e., Nureddin.

[122]In Ortelius's Map of Asia Dulcinda is some way up a river; in the German Atlas of 1753 no trace of it appears.

[123]Ulcinde, Camoens, canto x, stanza 106.

[124]Or hither.

[125]Cogecillos.

[126]Or gallery.

[127]A la bastarda.

[128]The Chaugan, Persian game of hockey on horseback.

[129]Urdu perhaps is meant by the writer.

[130]Campanero in Ramusio, Champanel in Portuguese edition.

[131]Gandos, people of Hindustan, established in the mountainous parts of the province of Ganduana: they live by the chase and the produce of their flocks, and, contrary to the custom of other Indians, eat fowls and bury their dead. The women are obese, and stronger than the men; they wear a dress all of one piece, paint all their body, and become bald in the prime of life. Ganduana, between 17 deg. and 24 deg. N. lat. and 81 deg. and 88 deg. E. long. Diccionario Encic., Madrid, Gaspar y Roig, 1855.

[132]Jagri.

[133]Arrak.

[134]This name might also be read Dvuxa or Dimxa.

[135]Shehir.

[136]This word alcatifa might also mean velvets, at least that is its meaning in Arabic and Wallachian; in modern Spanish it means a fine carpet.

[137]Coast guards, watch boats.

[138]Kind of artillery.

[139]This passage seems to fix the date of this work as previous to 1515, since in that year the Portuguese made themselves masters of Diu, in which they built a fortress in 1536. (Diccion. Geog. Universal, Barcelona, 1831.)

[140]Of Egypt.

[141]This author seems to have confused the account of two naval battles, reducing them to one; the above account, as far as the description of the meeting of the hostile fleets, refers to the battle in 1507, in which the Portuguese, commanded by Lorenzo son of Francisco de Almeyda, were routed and Lorenzo slain. Melik Az saved twenty prisoners alive from Lorenzo's ship, which would not strike, treated them well, and wrote to condole with the father, Francisco de Almeyda, for the death of his son. Almeyda prepared a fleet of nineteen sail to avenge his son's death, when Albuquerque arrived to supersede him; he had been sent from Europe in 1506. In spite of this Almeyda sailed for Diu, where Emir Hussein, instead of waiting for him, put out to sea against the advice of Melik Az and was defeated. Vasco Pereyra, captain of the ship that carried Admiral Hussein's ship by boarding, was killed, and his lieutenant, Tavora, took Emir Hussein's ship, killing or capturing all those who did not save themselves by swimming ashore. The captured ships were richly laden, and Almeyda distributed all the spoil amongst his crews. (This action was fought on the 3rd February, 1509.) Melik Az sued for peace after this defeat. His proposals were received with arrogance and a demand for the surrender of Emir Hussein: this Melik Az refused, but gave up all his Portuguese prisoners. Almeyda accepted this, but cut the heads off all his Moorish prisoners in cool blood at Cananor. Panorama, India, pp. 358-360, Barcelona, 1845; Translation of the Univers Pittoresque. The same work in the volume on Portugal, speaking of the first battle of Diu, merely says, "Mir Hosein routed the Portuguese, and Don Lorenzo lost his life," p. 121.Camoens thus describes the second battle of Diu, in his 10th canto, stanzas 35, 36.E logo, entrando fero na enseadaDe Dio, illustre em cercos e batalhas,Fará espalhar a fraca e grande armadaDe Calecut, que remos tem por malhas:A de Melique Yaz acautelada,Co 'os pelouros que tu, Vulcano, espalhas,Fará ir ver o frio e fundo assento,Secreto leito do humido elemento.Mas a de Mir-Hocem, que, abalroando,A furia esperará dos vingadores,Verá bracos, e pernas ir nadando,Sem corpos, pelo mar, de seus senhores:Raios de fogo irão representandoNo cego ardor os bravos domadores:Quanto alli sentirão olhos, e ouvidos,He fumo, ferro, flammas e alaridos.The last speech of Don Lorenzo d'Almeida is given in the following words in a MS. belonging to the Duke of Gor, at Granada, which describes the voyages to India from 1497 to 1509; it differs a little from that given in the second decade:"Dom Lourenzo lhe disse Snõres companheiros e irmaos, minha vida he acabada que este mundo me tinha emprestada e minha alma ira dar conta ao Snõr Deos que a fez. En vos mando, e muito rogo que tomandonos Meliquiaz sobre si como diz aventureis as vidas em sua palavra, porque de o nõ fazerdes tao certas aqui tendes as mortes se Ds' nõ acodir cõ sua mīa (misericordia) que lhe pezo que aja cõ minha alma, que em suas sanctas mãos encomendo: e deu a alma," f. 406 v.Don Lorenzo said to them:"Gentlemen, companions and brothers, my life which this world had lent me is ended, and my soul will go to give an account to the Lord God who made it. I charge you, and beg much of you, that as Melikiaz will take us on his own responsibility, as he says, that you adventure your lives upon his word, because if you do not do so, you have before you certain death, unless God succour you with his mercy: which I pray him to have with my soul, which I commend into his holy keeping."And he gave up his spirit.

Camoens thus describes the second battle of Diu, in his 10th canto, stanzas 35, 36.

E logo, entrando fero na enseadaDe Dio, illustre em cercos e batalhas,Fará espalhar a fraca e grande armadaDe Calecut, que remos tem por malhas:A de Melique Yaz acautelada,Co 'os pelouros que tu, Vulcano, espalhas,Fará ir ver o frio e fundo assento,Secreto leito do humido elemento.

Mas a de Mir-Hocem, que, abalroando,A furia esperará dos vingadores,Verá bracos, e pernas ir nadando,Sem corpos, pelo mar, de seus senhores:Raios de fogo irão representandoNo cego ardor os bravos domadores:Quanto alli sentirão olhos, e ouvidos,He fumo, ferro, flammas e alaridos.

The last speech of Don Lorenzo d'Almeida is given in the following words in a MS. belonging to the Duke of Gor, at Granada, which describes the voyages to India from 1497 to 1509; it differs a little from that given in the second decade:

"Dom Lourenzo lhe disse Snõres companheiros e irmaos, minha vida he acabada que este mundo me tinha emprestada e minha alma ira dar conta ao Snõr Deos que a fez. En vos mando, e muito rogo que tomandonos Meliquiaz sobre si como diz aventureis as vidas em sua palavra, porque de o nõ fazerdes tao certas aqui tendes as mortes se Ds' nõ acodir cõ sua mīa (misericordia) que lhe pezo que aja cõ minha alma, que em suas sanctas mãos encomendo: e deu a alma," f. 406 v.

Don Lorenzo said to them:

"Gentlemen, companions and brothers, my life which this world had lent me is ended, and my soul will go to give an account to the Lord God who made it. I charge you, and beg much of you, that as Melikiaz will take us on his own responsibility, as he says, that you adventure your lives upon his word, because if you do not do so, you have before you certain death, unless God succour you with his mercy: which I pray him to have with my soul, which I commend into his holy keeping."

And he gave up his spirit.

[142]Sambuks, Arab undecked boats.

[143]This may have been intended for ivory of elephants, it would seem difficult to get an elephant into a sambuk.

[144]Pozos, wells, hollows.

[145]Guadamecil,aluta celata.

[146]This word is very clearlyenyertan, which is an old word meaning to freeze, to congeal, to makeyerto—hard: so that this stone would be like the Chinese soap stone, which is soft and easily carved when first extracted.Ensartanwould apply, meaning to string beads, but the writing does not admit of it.

[147]Ravel in Ortelius's map of India, 1570.

[148]Axuar, the household furniture which a wife has to bring to her husband on her marriage.

[149]The writer had forgotten thataduana(custom-house) anddivanare the same word.

[150]Or Denby.

[151]Mezzo giorno, the Italian, instead of medio dia, a slip of the writer, the Genoese envoy.

[152]Chaul, Ortelius, 1570.

[153]Beatilla, bétille in French.

[154]Dabul, Ortelius, 1570.

[155]This was done by Don Francisco de Almeyda on his way to Diu in the beginning of 1509.

[156]Llanten,plantago. The leaf is chewed, not eaten, and assists the digestion.

[157]Munacem in Ramusio, and Muruary in the Portuguese edition.

[158]Rumys.Turks are so called east of Turkey. These Turks may have served in the Egyptian fleet, but did not belong to the Ottoman forces, as Egypt was not united to the Ottoman Empire till later in 1517.Traz este vem Noronha, cujo auspicioDe Dio os Rumes feros affugenta,Dio, que o peito e bellico exercicioDe Antonio da Sylveira bem sustenta.Camoens, canto x, stanza 72.

Traz este vem Noronha, cujo auspicioDe Dio os Rumes feros affugenta,Dio, que o peito e bellico exercicioDe Antonio da Sylveira bem sustenta.Camoens, canto x, stanza 72.

[159]February 25th, 1510, or on the 17th February according to San Roman; Albuquerque was driven out of Goa, and reconquered it on the 25th November 1510.

[160]San Roman says that the revenue of Sabayo was five hundred thousand ducats; and that Goa produced much more in the hands of the King of Portugal (p. 183).

[161]Aliga R., German Atlas, 1753.

[162]Cintacola, Ortelius, 1570.

[163]Bisinagar, Ortelius.

[164]Cholmandel, Ortelius.

[165]In the Italian and Portuguese editions Mergeo.

[166]Onor, Ortelius.

[167]Batticalla, Ortelius.

[168]Quarter of a hundredweight.

[169]Gomio, this word is intended, perhaps, for gumia, a kind of dagger, a Marocco word not Arabic; these words are neither of them to be found in the old dictionaries. The dagger is not mentioned in the Italian or Portuguese editions.

[170]Pardao, an Indian coin worth 300 reis coined at Goa by the Portuguese, with the figure of King Sebastian. Dict. of P. Raphael Bluteau, Lisbon, 1720.

[171]Bahar, an Indian weight varying from 4½ quintals to 5 quintals 3½ arrobas.

[172]Or Jauibasal, these names are variously spelled in the Italian and Portuguese editions.

[173]Bacanor and Barsalor, German Atlas.

[174]Fanega—4 bushels or 84 lbs. French.

[175]Mangalor, Ortelius.

[176]Cape Comori, Ortelius.

[177]The Nil Gau or Blue Cow.

[178]Ramusio coincides with this MS. in writing giagonzas on a former occasion, and on this gegonzas.

[179]The abbreviation ismmrs; this might stand for ccc or three hundred, the value given by Ramusio.

[180]Filosañias, may be intended for physiognomy. It is so translated by Ramusio.

[181]The Arab travellers of the ninth century mention this.

[182]Tambarme in Ramusio.

[183]This is the probable origin of the story in Sinbad the Sailor. The Arabian Nights are not entirely fiction, as is usually supposed: the story of Seif el Muluk refers to facts in the Malay Annals, and describes the people, country, and winds about Sumatra.

[184]"Y sobre el dicho palo esta una piedra de altura de un cobdo y en el medio un agujero en el qual meten un palo agudo y arman las gradas paramentadas con paños de seda para que la gente de fuera no vea el secreto de dentro y la madre de la moza con algunas otras mugeres entran en aquel lugar despues de hechas muchas cerimonias y alli sobre aquel palo agudo rompen la moza su virginidad y deraman la sangre sobre aquella piedra."

[184]

"Y sobre el dicho palo esta una piedra de altura de un cobdo y en el medio un agujero en el qual meten un palo agudo y arman las gradas paramentadas con paños de seda para que la gente de fuera no vea el secreto de dentro y la madre de la moza con algunas otras mugeres entran en aquel lugar despues de hechas muchas cerimonias y alli sobre aquel palo agudo rompen la moza su virginidad y deraman la sangre sobre aquella piedra."

[185]Apparently Orissa.

[186]Compare Plato's views on this subject:—"But if a soldier highly distinguishes himself and gains himself credit, ought he not, think you, in the first place, while the army is still in the field, to be crowned with a garland by each of the youths and children in turn among his comrades in arms?" "Yes, I think so." "But I suppose you will hardly extend your approbation to my next proposition?" "What is that?" "That he should kiss and be kissed by them all." "Most certainly I do; and I would add to the law, that during the continuance of the campaign, no one whom he has a mind to kiss be permitted to refuse him the satisfaction; in order that, if any soldier happens to entertain an admiration for either a male or female comrade, he may be the more stimulated to carry off the meed of valour." "Good, I replied; and we have already said that a brave man will be allowed to enter into marriage relations more frequently than others will, and to exercise more than the usual liberty of choice in such matters, so that as many children as possible may be obtained from a father of this character."—Republic of Plato, book v, § 468, p. 201. Translation by Davies and Vaughan, Cambridge, 1858.

[186]Compare Plato's views on this subject:—

"But if a soldier highly distinguishes himself and gains himself credit, ought he not, think you, in the first place, while the army is still in the field, to be crowned with a garland by each of the youths and children in turn among his comrades in arms?" "Yes, I think so." "But I suppose you will hardly extend your approbation to my next proposition?" "What is that?" "That he should kiss and be kissed by them all." "Most certainly I do; and I would add to the law, that during the continuance of the campaign, no one whom he has a mind to kiss be permitted to refuse him the satisfaction; in order that, if any soldier happens to entertain an admiration for either a male or female comrade, he may be the more stimulated to carry off the meed of valour." "Good, I replied; and we have already said that a brave man will be allowed to enter into marriage relations more frequently than others will, and to exercise more than the usual liberty of choice in such matters, so that as many children as possible may be obtained from a father of this character."—Republic of Plato, book v, § 468, p. 201. Translation by Davies and Vaughan, Cambridge, 1858.

[187]Orissa: in this MS. it is clearly at, buttandrare easily confounded in the handwriting of this period.

[188]Bragueros de laton.

[189]Eyicianos.

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