[13]For the texts, see Budge and Bezold, "The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum" (1892), and Winckler, "Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna" (1889-90); and for translations, see Winckler. "Die Thontafeln von Tell el-Amarna" in Schrader's "Keilins. Bibl.," Bd. V.. Engl. ed. 1890, and Knudtzon's "Die El-Amarna Tafeln" in the "Vorderasiatische Bibliothek," 1907-12, with an appendix by Weber, annotating and discussing the contents of the letters.
[13]For the texts, see Budge and Bezold, "The Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum" (1892), and Winckler, "Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna" (1889-90); and for translations, see Winckler. "Die Thontafeln von Tell el-Amarna" in Schrader's "Keilins. Bibl.," Bd. V.. Engl. ed. 1890, and Knudtzon's "Die El-Amarna Tafeln" in the "Vorderasiatische Bibliothek," 1907-12, with an appendix by Weber, annotating and discussing the contents of the letters.
[14]Winckler's preliminary account of the documents in the "Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft," No. 35, Dec. 1907, is still the only publication on the linguistic material that has appeared. The topographical and part of the archæological results of the excavations have now been published; see Puchstein, "Boghasköi," 1912.
[14]Winckler's preliminary account of the documents in the "Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft," No. 35, Dec. 1907, is still the only publication on the linguistic material that has appeared. The topographical and part of the archæological results of the excavations have now been published; see Puchstein, "Boghasköi," 1912.
[15]Among the royal letters from Tell el-Amarna are eleven which directly concern Babylon. Two of these are drafts, or copies, of letters which Amenhetep III. despatched to Kadashman-Enlil of Babylon (cf. Kundtzon,op. cit.,pp. 60 ff., 74 ff.); three are letters received by Amen-hetep III. from the same correspondent (op. cit.,pp. 66 ff., 68 ff., 72 ff.); five are letters written by Burna-Buriash of Babylon to Amen-hetep IV. or Akhenaten (op. cit.,pp. 78 ff.); and one is a letter from Burna-Buriash, which may have been addressed to Amen-hetep III. (op. cit.,78 f.). We also possess a letter, from a princess in Babylon to her lord in Egypt, on a purely domestic matter (op. cit.,pp. 118 ff.), as well as long lists of presents which passed between Akhenaten and Burna-Buriash (op. cit.,pp. 100 ff.); one of the letters also appears to be a Babylonian passport for use in Canaan (see below,p. 225, n. 3). The letters thus fall in the reigns of two Kassite rulers, Kadashman-Enlil I. and Burna-Buriash, but from one of Burna-Buriash's letters to Akhenaten we gather that Amen-hetep III. had corresponded with a still earlier king in Babylon, Kara-indash I.; for the letter begins by assuring the Pharaoh that "since the time of Kara-indash, when their fathers had begun to correspond with one another, they had always been good friends" (cf. Knudtzon,op. cit.,pp. 90 ff.). We have recovered no letters of Kurigalzu, the father of Burna-Buriash, though Amen-hetep III. maintained friendly relations with him (see below,p. 224). In a letter of Amen-hetep III. to Kadashman-Enlil reference is also made to correspondence between the two countries in the time of Amen-hetep III.'s father, Thothmes IV. (op. cit.,p. 64 f.).
[15]Among the royal letters from Tell el-Amarna are eleven which directly concern Babylon. Two of these are drafts, or copies, of letters which Amenhetep III. despatched to Kadashman-Enlil of Babylon (cf. Kundtzon,op. cit.,pp. 60 ff., 74 ff.); three are letters received by Amen-hetep III. from the same correspondent (op. cit.,pp. 66 ff., 68 ff., 72 ff.); five are letters written by Burna-Buriash of Babylon to Amen-hetep IV. or Akhenaten (op. cit.,pp. 78 ff.); and one is a letter from Burna-Buriash, which may have been addressed to Amen-hetep III. (op. cit.,78 f.). We also possess a letter, from a princess in Babylon to her lord in Egypt, on a purely domestic matter (op. cit.,pp. 118 ff.), as well as long lists of presents which passed between Akhenaten and Burna-Buriash (op. cit.,pp. 100 ff.); one of the letters also appears to be a Babylonian passport for use in Canaan (see below,p. 225, n. 3). The letters thus fall in the reigns of two Kassite rulers, Kadashman-Enlil I. and Burna-Buriash, but from one of Burna-Buriash's letters to Akhenaten we gather that Amen-hetep III. had corresponded with a still earlier king in Babylon, Kara-indash I.; for the letter begins by assuring the Pharaoh that "since the time of Kara-indash, when their fathers had begun to correspond with one another, they had always been good friends" (cf. Knudtzon,op. cit.,pp. 90 ff.). We have recovered no letters of Kurigalzu, the father of Burna-Buriash, though Amen-hetep III. maintained friendly relations with him (see below,p. 224). In a letter of Amen-hetep III. to Kadashman-Enlil reference is also made to correspondence between the two countries in the time of Amen-hetep III.'s father, Thothmes IV. (op. cit.,p. 64 f.).
[16]The Babylonian king expresses his willingness to receive any beautiful Egyptian woman, as no one would know she was not a king's daughter (op. cit.,p. 72 f.). Amen-hetep III. married a sister of Kadashman-Enlil, though the Babylonian court was not satisfied with the lady's treatment in Egypt (op. cit.,p. 60 f.).
[16]The Babylonian king expresses his willingness to receive any beautiful Egyptian woman, as no one would know she was not a king's daughter (op. cit.,p. 72 f.). Amen-hetep III. married a sister of Kadashman-Enlil, though the Babylonian court was not satisfied with the lady's treatment in Egypt (op. cit.,p. 60 f.).
[17]Op. cit.,pp. 178 ff.
[17]Op. cit.,pp. 178 ff.
[18]See below, p. 240.
[18]See below, p. 240.
[19]Cf. Breasted, "Hist. of Egypt," p. 367 f.
[19]Cf. Breasted, "Hist. of Egypt," p. 367 f.
[20]See Knudtzon,op. cit.,p. 128 f.
[20]See Knudtzon,op. cit.,p. 128 f.
[21]Op. cit.,p. 88 f.
[21]Op. cit.,p. 88 f.
[22]Knudtzon,op. cit.,pp. 88 ff.
[22]Knudtzon,op. cit.,pp. 88 ff.
[23]See below, p. 241.
[23]See below, p. 241.
[24]Cf. Knudtzon,op. cit.,p. 84 f.
[24]Cf. Knudtzon,op. cit.,p. 84 f.
[25]This was a Canaanite city built by Akhenaten, and named by him Akhetaten, in honour of the Solar Disk.
[25]This was a Canaanite city built by Akhenaten, and named by him Akhetaten, in honour of the Solar Disk.
[26]Op. cit.,p. 86 f. An interesting little letter addressed "to the kings of Canaan, the servants of my brother," was apparently a passport carried by Akia, an ambassador, whom the Babylonian king had sent to condole with the king of Egypt, probably on the death of his father Amen-hetep III. In it the king writes, "let none detain him; speedily may they cause him to arrive in Egypt" (cf.op. cit.,pp. 268 ff.)
[26]Op. cit.,p. 86 f. An interesting little letter addressed "to the kings of Canaan, the servants of my brother," was apparently a passport carried by Akia, an ambassador, whom the Babylonian king had sent to condole with the king of Egypt, probably on the death of his father Amen-hetep III. In it the king writes, "let none detain him; speedily may they cause him to arrive in Egypt" (cf.op. cit.,pp. 268 ff.)
[27]We are not here concerned with this aspect of the letters, as Babylon had but a remote interest in the internal politics of Canaan. Her activities in the west at this time were mainly commercial; and the resulting influence of her civilization in Palestine is discussed in a later chapter (see below, pp. 289 ff.). The letters will be treated more fully in the third volume of this history, when tracing the gradual expansion of Assyria in the west, and the forces which delayed her inevitable conflict with Egypt.
[27]We are not here concerned with this aspect of the letters, as Babylon had but a remote interest in the internal politics of Canaan. Her activities in the west at this time were mainly commercial; and the resulting influence of her civilization in Palestine is discussed in a later chapter (see below, pp. 289 ff.). The letters will be treated more fully in the third volume of this history, when tracing the gradual expansion of Assyria in the west, and the forces which delayed her inevitable conflict with Egypt.
[28]See Figs. 47 and 48. The relief was found by M. Legrain at Karnak; cf. Meyer, "Reich und Kultur der Chetiter," pl. i. The inscription in Fig. 47 labels the ambassadors as "marianaof Naharain (i.e.Northern Syria)." the termmarianabeing the Aryan word for "young men, warriors," doubtless borrowed from the ruling dynasty of Mitanni (see below, n. 2). That in Fig. 48 contains the end of a list of Hittite cities, including [Car]chemish and Aruna, the latter probably in Asia Minor.
[28]See Figs. 47 and 48. The relief was found by M. Legrain at Karnak; cf. Meyer, "Reich und Kultur der Chetiter," pl. i. The inscription in Fig. 47 labels the ambassadors as "marianaof Naharain (i.e.Northern Syria)." the termmarianabeing the Aryan word for "young men, warriors," doubtless borrowed from the ruling dynasty of Mitanni (see below, n. 2). That in Fig. 48 contains the end of a list of Hittite cities, including [Car]chemish and Aruna, the latter probably in Asia Minor.
[29]See Figs. 49 and 50.
[29]See Figs. 49 and 50.
[30]The Mitannian people were probably akin to them, though in the fifteenth century they were dominated by a dynasty of Indo-European extraction, bearing Aryan names and worshipping the Aryan gods Mitra and Varuna, Indra and the Nâsatya-twins (cf. Winckler, "Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft," No. 35, p. 51, and Meyer,op. cit.,p. 57 f.). In spite of Scheftelowitz's attempt to prove the Mitannian speech Aryan (cf. "Zeits. f. vergl. Sprachf.," xxxviii., pp. 260 ff.), it has been shown by Bloomfield to be totally non-Indo-European in character; see "Amer. Journ. of Philol.," xxv., pp. 4 ff., and cf. Meyer, "Zeits. f. vergl. Sprachf.," xlii., 21, and King, "Journ. for Hellen. Stud.," xxxiii., p. 359.
[30]The Mitannian people were probably akin to them, though in the fifteenth century they were dominated by a dynasty of Indo-European extraction, bearing Aryan names and worshipping the Aryan gods Mitra and Varuna, Indra and the Nâsatya-twins (cf. Winckler, "Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft," No. 35, p. 51, and Meyer,op. cit.,p. 57 f.). In spite of Scheftelowitz's attempt to prove the Mitannian speech Aryan (cf. "Zeits. f. vergl. Sprachf.," xxxviii., pp. 260 ff.), it has been shown by Bloomfield to be totally non-Indo-European in character; see "Amer. Journ. of Philol.," xxv., pp. 4 ff., and cf. Meyer, "Zeits. f. vergl. Sprachf.," xlii., 21, and King, "Journ. for Hellen. Stud.," xxxiii., p. 359.
[31]Khatti may well have been an important centre from a very early period, and the use of the name "Hittites" by the late chronicler, in describing the conflicts of the First Babylonian Dynasty, is in favour of this view: see above,p. 210, n. 2.
[31]Khatti may well have been an important centre from a very early period, and the use of the name "Hittites" by the late chronicler, in describing the conflicts of the First Babylonian Dynasty, is in favour of this view: see above,p. 210, n. 2.
[32]This we gather from a letter Amen-hetep wrote to him in the Arzawa language, which was found at Tell el-Amarna; cf. Knudtzon, "Die el-Amarna Tafeln," pp. 270 ff., No. 31.
[32]This we gather from a letter Amen-hetep wrote to him in the Arzawa language, which was found at Tell el-Amarna; cf. Knudtzon, "Die el-Amarna Tafeln," pp. 270 ff., No. 31.
[33]A portion of the village is built over an extension of the outer fortification-walls on the north-west.
[33]A portion of the village is built over an extension of the outer fortification-walls on the north-west.
[34]Now known as Beuyuk Kale. For an account of the excavations, see Puchstein, "Boghasköi: die Bauwerke" (1912); and for the best earlier description of the site, see Garstang, "Land of the Hittites," pp. 196 ff.
[34]Now known as Beuyuk Kale. For an account of the excavations, see Puchstein, "Boghasköi: die Bauwerke" (1912); and for the best earlier description of the site, see Garstang, "Land of the Hittites," pp. 196 ff.
[35]In the Lion-Gateway at Khatti the face of each monolith is carved to represent a lion, facing any one approaching the entrance from without (cf. Puchstein, "Boghasköi," pi. 23 f.). The figure sculptured in relief on the inner side of the Royal Gateway (seep. 229,Fig. 51) preserves an interesting feature of the best Hittite work,—an unusual combination of minute surface-adornment with great boldness of design. The hatching and scroll-work on the garment are only roughly indicated in the small drawing, and other detail is omitted. Hair on the breast of the figure, for example, doubtless regarded as a sign of strength and virility, is conventionally rendered by series of minute overlapping curls, which form a diapered pattern traced with the point. This can only be detected on the original stone, or in a large-size photograph, such as that reproduced by Puchstein,op. cit.,pl. 19. The Royal Gateway is in the S.E. corner of the city, near the palace and the smaller temples. The great temple, by far the largest building on the site, lies on the lower ground to the north.
[35]In the Lion-Gateway at Khatti the face of each monolith is carved to represent a lion, facing any one approaching the entrance from without (cf. Puchstein, "Boghasköi," pi. 23 f.). The figure sculptured in relief on the inner side of the Royal Gateway (seep. 229,Fig. 51) preserves an interesting feature of the best Hittite work,—an unusual combination of minute surface-adornment with great boldness of design. The hatching and scroll-work on the garment are only roughly indicated in the small drawing, and other detail is omitted. Hair on the breast of the figure, for example, doubtless regarded as a sign of strength and virility, is conventionally rendered by series of minute overlapping curls, which form a diapered pattern traced with the point. This can only be detected on the original stone, or in a large-size photograph, such as that reproduced by Puchstein,op. cit.,pl. 19. The Royal Gateway is in the S.E. corner of the city, near the palace and the smaller temples. The great temple, by far the largest building on the site, lies on the lower ground to the north.
[36]Cf. Winckler, "Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft," No. 35, p. 36.
[36]Cf. Winckler, "Mitteil. d. Deutsch. Orient-Gesellschaft," No. 35, p. 36.
[37]The disastrous opening of the battle was largely due to the over-confidence of Rameses and his complete miscalculation of the enemy's strength and resources; for the Egyptians had never yet met so powerful an enemy as the Hittites proved themselves to be. With the help of the reliefs it is possible to follow the tactics of the opposing armies in some detail. The accompanying inscriptions are very fragmentary, but they are supplemented by a historical account of the battle, introducing a poem in celebration of the valour of Rameses, preserved on a papyrus in the British Museum. For a detailed account of the battle, illustrated by plans and accompanied by translations of the texts, see Breasted, "Ancient Records of Egypt," Vol. 111., pp. 123 ff.; cp. also Budge, "History," Vol. V., pp. 20 ff., and Hall, "Near East," p. 360 f.
[37]The disastrous opening of the battle was largely due to the over-confidence of Rameses and his complete miscalculation of the enemy's strength and resources; for the Egyptians had never yet met so powerful an enemy as the Hittites proved themselves to be. With the help of the reliefs it is possible to follow the tactics of the opposing armies in some detail. The accompanying inscriptions are very fragmentary, but they are supplemented by a historical account of the battle, introducing a poem in celebration of the valour of Rameses, preserved on a papyrus in the British Museum. For a detailed account of the battle, illustrated by plans and accompanied by translations of the texts, see Breasted, "Ancient Records of Egypt," Vol. 111., pp. 123 ff.; cp. also Budge, "History," Vol. V., pp. 20 ff., and Hall, "Near East," p. 360 f.
[38]Cf. Winckler,op. cit.,p. 20 f.
[38]Cf. Winckler,op. cit.,p. 20 f.
[39]Op. cit.,p. 23 f.
[39]Op. cit.,p. 23 f.
[40]That is, under oath, according to the regular Babylonian practice.
[40]That is, under oath, according to the regular Babylonian practice.
[41]Winckler,op. cit.,p. 24.
[41]Winckler,op. cit.,p. 24.
[42]This is not the only occasion on which we hear of the despatch of physicians from one foreign country to another at this period. Naturally they were supplied by Egypt and Babylon, as the two great centres of science and learning. Thus Khattusil refers to a physician(asû)and an exorcist(ashipu),who had formerly been sent from Babylon to the Hittite king Mutallu but had not returned. Kadashman-Enlil had evidently written to enquire about them, and Khattusil replies that the exorcist is dead, but that the physician will be sent back; cf. Winckler,op. cit.,p. 26. Medicine at this time was, of course, merely a branch of magic, and theasûa practising magician; see above,p. 194.
[42]This is not the only occasion on which we hear of the despatch of physicians from one foreign country to another at this period. Naturally they were supplied by Egypt and Babylon, as the two great centres of science and learning. Thus Khattusil refers to a physician(asû)and an exorcist(ashipu),who had formerly been sent from Babylon to the Hittite king Mutallu but had not returned. Kadashman-Enlil had evidently written to enquire about them, and Khattusil replies that the exorcist is dead, but that the physician will be sent back; cf. Winckler,op. cit.,p. 26. Medicine at this time was, of course, merely a branch of magic, and theasûa practising magician; see above,p. 194.
[43]We possess no contemporary reference to Khonsu's journey. The tale is recorded on a stele, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale, which was engraved and set up in the Persian or Hellenic period by the priests of Khonsu at Thebes (cf. Breasted, "Ancient Records," III., pp. 188 ff.). At the head of the stele is a relief showing the two sacred boats of Khonsu borne on the shoulders of priests (seep. 238f., Figs. 56 f.).
[43]We possess no contemporary reference to Khonsu's journey. The tale is recorded on a stele, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale, which was engraved and set up in the Persian or Hellenic period by the priests of Khonsu at Thebes (cf. Breasted, "Ancient Records," III., pp. 188 ff.). At the head of the stele is a relief showing the two sacred boats of Khonsu borne on the shoulders of priests (seep. 238f., Figs. 56 f.).
[44]Evidence of increased Egyptian influence may be seen in the fact that, to judge from the seals upon a Hittite document (cf. Winckler,op. cit.,p. 29), Arnuanta appears to have adopted the Egyptian custom of marrying his sister.
[44]Evidence of increased Egyptian influence may be seen in the fact that, to judge from the seals upon a Hittite document (cf. Winckler,op. cit.,p. 29), Arnuanta appears to have adopted the Egyptian custom of marrying his sister.
[45]See above,p. 221.
[45]See above,p. 221.
[46]Cf. "Cun. Texts in the Brit. Mus.," Pt. XXXIV. (1914), pl. 38 ff., and Schrader, "Keilins. Bibl.," I., pp. 194 ff.; and cp. Budge and King, "Annals of the Kings of Assyria," pp. xxii. ff.
[46]Cf. "Cun. Texts in the Brit. Mus.," Pt. XXXIV. (1914), pl. 38 ff., and Schrader, "Keilins. Bibl.," I., pp. 194 ff.; and cp. Budge and King, "Annals of the Kings of Assyria," pp. xxii. ff.
[47]See above,p. 218.
[47]See above,p. 218.
[48]See below,p. 245f.
[48]See below,p. 245f.
[49]Kurigalzu I. is recorded to have made a grant of certain land, in the possession of which Kadashman-Enlil I. confirmed a descendant of the former owner; see King, "Babylonian Boundary Stones and Memorial Tablets in the British Museum," p. 3 f. The document is of considerable importance, as the reading of Kadashman-Enlil's name upon it has cleared up several points of uncertainty connected with the vexed subject of the Kassite succession.
[49]Kurigalzu I. is recorded to have made a grant of certain land, in the possession of which Kadashman-Enlil I. confirmed a descendant of the former owner; see King, "Babylonian Boundary Stones and Memorial Tablets in the British Museum," p. 3 f. The document is of considerable importance, as the reading of Kadashman-Enlil's name upon it has cleared up several points of uncertainty connected with the vexed subject of the Kassite succession.
[50]A red marble mace-head, discovered at Babylon (cf. Weissbach, "Bab. Miscellen," pp. 2 ff.), is inscribed with his name and that of his father. Neither bears a royal title in the text, but, as this is sometimes omitted in the Kassite period, Meli-Shipak may be provisionally regarded as the successor of Kurigalzu I.; cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Journ. Asiat.," XI. (1908), p. 119 f.
[50]A red marble mace-head, discovered at Babylon (cf. Weissbach, "Bab. Miscellen," pp. 2 ff.), is inscribed with his name and that of his father. Neither bears a royal title in the text, but, as this is sometimes omitted in the Kassite period, Meli-Shipak may be provisionally regarded as the successor of Kurigalzu I.; cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Journ. Asiat.," XI. (1908), p. 119 f.
[51]Cf. "Annals," p. xxii.
[51]Cf. "Annals," p. xxii.
[52]Op. cit.,p. xxiii. In the interval between Kara-indash I. and Burna-Buriash are to be set Kadashman-Enlil I. and his son, [....Bu]riash (see Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," I., i., pl. 25, No. 68, and cp. Thureau-Dangin,op. cit.,pp. 122 ff.), as well as Kurgalzu II. the father of Burna-Buriash (see above, pp. 221, 224).
[52]Op. cit.,p. xxiii. In the interval between Kara-indash I. and Burna-Buriash are to be set Kadashman-Enlil I. and his son, [....Bu]riash (see Hilprecht, "Old Bab. Inscr.," I., i., pl. 25, No. 68, and cp. Thureau-Dangin,op. cit.,pp. 122 ff.), as well as Kurgalzu II. the father of Burna-Buriash (see above, pp. 221, 224).
[53]Cf. "Annals," p. xxvii. The account given by the Synchronistic History is certainly to be preferred to that of the Chronicle 82-7-4, 38. The discrepancies are best explained on the assumption that the latter's editor has confused Kurigalzu, the young son of Hurna-Buriash, with Kurigalzu I., the son of Kadashman-Kharbe I., to whom the chronicler's ascription of success against the Sutû should be transferred (see Thureau-Dangin, "Journ. Asiat.," XI., 1908, pp. 125 if., and cp. Knudtzon, "Die El-Amarna-Tafeln," p. 34, n. 2).
[53]Cf. "Annals," p. xxvii. The account given by the Synchronistic History is certainly to be preferred to that of the Chronicle 82-7-4, 38. The discrepancies are best explained on the assumption that the latter's editor has confused Kurigalzu, the young son of Hurna-Buriash, with Kurigalzu I., the son of Kadashman-Kharbe I., to whom the chronicler's ascription of success against the Sutû should be transferred (see Thureau-Dangin, "Journ. Asiat.," XI., 1908, pp. 125 if., and cp. Knudtzon, "Die El-Amarna-Tafeln," p. 34, n. 2).
[54]He was no doubt elated by his successful war with Elam, in the course of which he captured Khurpatila, the Elamite king; cf. Delitzsch, "Das Bab. Chron.," p. 45.
[54]He was no doubt elated by his successful war with Elam, in the course of which he captured Khurpatila, the Elamite king; cf. Delitzsch, "Das Bab. Chron.," p. 45.
[55]"Annals," pp. xxviii., xxxii.
[55]"Annals," pp. xxviii., xxxii.
[56]The successor of his father and grandfather, Shagarakti-Shuriash and Kudur-Enlil upon the Babylonian throne.
[56]The successor of his father and grandfather, Shagarakti-Shuriash and Kudur-Enlil upon the Babylonian throne.
[57]The unification of Babylonia under the Kassites was symbolized by the name Karduniash, which they bestowed on the country as a whole. But the older territorial divisions of Sumer and Akkad still survived as geographical terms and in the royal titles.
[57]The unification of Babylonia under the Kassites was symbolized by the name Karduniash, which they bestowed on the country as a whole. But the older territorial divisions of Sumer and Akkad still survived as geographical terms and in the royal titles.
[58]Cf. King, "Records of Tukulti-Ninib I.," pp. 96 ff.
[58]Cf. King, "Records of Tukulti-Ninib I.," pp. 96 ff.
[59]The short reigns of Enlil-nadin-shum, Kadashman-Khabe II. and Adad-shum-iddin must be regarded as falling partly within the period of Tukulti-Ninib's troubled years of suzerainty, partly in the reign of Tukulti-Ashur, when the statue of Marduk, carried off by Tukulti-Ninib, was restored to Babylon. The reign of Enlil-nadin-shum was cut short by Kidin-Khutrutash of Elam, who sacked Nippur and Dêr, while a few years later the same Elamite monarch penetrated still further into Babylonia after defeating Adad-shum-iddin; cf. Delitzsch, "Das Bab. Chron.," p. 46.
[59]The short reigns of Enlil-nadin-shum, Kadashman-Khabe II. and Adad-shum-iddin must be regarded as falling partly within the period of Tukulti-Ninib's troubled years of suzerainty, partly in the reign of Tukulti-Ashur, when the statue of Marduk, carried off by Tukulti-Ninib, was restored to Babylon. The reign of Enlil-nadin-shum was cut short by Kidin-Khutrutash of Elam, who sacked Nippur and Dêr, while a few years later the same Elamite monarch penetrated still further into Babylonia after defeating Adad-shum-iddin; cf. Delitzsch, "Das Bab. Chron.," p. 46.
[60]"Annals," p. xli.
[60]"Annals," p. xli.
[61]The name in the Kings' List readsBêl-nadin-(....); and in the fragmentary inscription in which Nebuchadnezzar records how he turned the tables upon Elam, he refers to a ruler, between (Zamama)-shum-iddin and himself, as(ilu)BE-nadin-akhi(see Rawlinson, "Cun. Inscr. West Asia," III., pl. 38, No. 2, and cf. Winckler, "Altorientalische Forschungen," I., pp. 534 ff.). The divine ideogram(ilu)BEwas read as Ea by the Babylonians and as Enlil by the Assyrians. And the identification of the two royal names has been called in question on the grounds that the Assyrian copy, in which Nebuchadnezzar's text has come down to us, would have reproduced the Babylonian orthography of its original, and that in any case it is doubtful whether Enlil, like Marduk, ever bore the synonymous title of Bêl (cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Journ. Asiat.," XI., p. 132 f.). If we reject the identification, we should read the name of the last king of the Kassite Dynasty as Ea-nadin-[....], and regard Bêl-nadin-akhi as probably the second or third ruler of the Fourth Dynasty.
[61]The name in the Kings' List readsBêl-nadin-(....); and in the fragmentary inscription in which Nebuchadnezzar records how he turned the tables upon Elam, he refers to a ruler, between (Zamama)-shum-iddin and himself, as(ilu)BE-nadin-akhi(see Rawlinson, "Cun. Inscr. West Asia," III., pl. 38, No. 2, and cf. Winckler, "Altorientalische Forschungen," I., pp. 534 ff.). The divine ideogram(ilu)BEwas read as Ea by the Babylonians and as Enlil by the Assyrians. And the identification of the two royal names has been called in question on the grounds that the Assyrian copy, in which Nebuchadnezzar's text has come down to us, would have reproduced the Babylonian orthography of its original, and that in any case it is doubtful whether Enlil, like Marduk, ever bore the synonymous title of Bêl (cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Journ. Asiat.," XI., p. 132 f.). If we reject the identification, we should read the name of the last king of the Kassite Dynasty as Ea-nadin-[....], and regard Bêl-nadin-akhi as probably the second or third ruler of the Fourth Dynasty.
[62]The contracts and letters of this period closely resemble those of the time of the First Dynasty. The dated documents have furnished a means of controlling the figures assigned in the Kings' List to the later Kassite rulers; see Clay, "Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur," in the "Bab. Exped." Series, Vol. XIV. f., and for a number of contemporary letters, see Radau,ibid.,Vol. XVII., i.
[62]The contracts and letters of this period closely resemble those of the time of the First Dynasty. The dated documents have furnished a means of controlling the figures assigned in the Kings' List to the later Kassite rulers; see Clay, "Documents from the Temple Archives of Nippur," in the "Bab. Exped." Series, Vol. XIV. f., and for a number of contemporary letters, see Radau,ibid.,Vol. XVII., i.
[63]See above,pp. 241,244.
[63]See above,pp. 241,244.
[64]For the kudurru-inscriptions in the British Museum, see "Babylonian Boundary-Stones and Memorial Tablets in the Brit. Mus." (1912); and for references to and discussions of other texts, cf. Hincke, "A New Boundary-Stone of Nebuchadnezzar I." (1907), pp. xvi. ff., 10 ff.
[64]For the kudurru-inscriptions in the British Museum, see "Babylonian Boundary-Stones and Memorial Tablets in the Brit. Mus." (1912); and for references to and discussions of other texts, cf. Hincke, "A New Boundary-Stone of Nebuchadnezzar I." (1907), pp. xvi. ff., 10 ff.
[65]Cf. "Sumer and Akkad," p. 105.
[65]Cf. "Sumer and Akkad," p. 105.
[66]See Hincke,op. cit.,p. 4.
[66]See Hincke,op. cit.,p. 4.
[67]Cf. "Sumer and Akkad," pp. 206 ff.
[67]Cf. "Sumer and Akkad," pp. 206 ff.
[68]Cf. Cuq, "Nouvelle Revue Historique," 1907, p. 707 f., 1908, p. 476 f.
[68]Cf. Cuq, "Nouvelle Revue Historique," 1907, p. 707 f., 1908, p. 476 f.
[69]Resemblances have been pointed out between the boundary-records of ancient Egypt and those of Babylonia; but of course no inference of borrowing need be inferred from them. The method of marking out the limits of a field or estate by means of boundary-stones, or boundary-tablets, is common among peoples who have abandoned nomad life for agriculture; and the further idea of inscribing the owner's name and title to the land is one that would naturally suggest itself.
[69]Resemblances have been pointed out between the boundary-records of ancient Egypt and those of Babylonia; but of course no inference of borrowing need be inferred from them. The method of marking out the limits of a field or estate by means of boundary-stones, or boundary-tablets, is common among peoples who have abandoned nomad life for agriculture; and the further idea of inscribing the owner's name and title to the land is one that would naturally suggest itself.
[70]This is suggested by the fact that the symbols and curses so often do not correspond; had they both been bound up in a like origin, we should have expected the one to illustrate the other more closely.
[70]This is suggested by the fact that the symbols and curses so often do not correspond; had they both been bound up in a like origin, we should have expected the one to illustrate the other more closely.
[71]It was quite optional on the part of a Kassite landowner to engrave a boundary-stone, and, if he did so, it was simply to secure additional protection for his title. This is well illustrated by a kudurru of the reign of Nazi-maruttash (see Plate XXI.), which was only engraved after the original clay title-deed had been destroyed by the fall of the building in which it had been preserved.
[71]It was quite optional on the part of a Kassite landowner to engrave a boundary-stone, and, if he did so, it was simply to secure additional protection for his title. This is well illustrated by a kudurru of the reign of Nazi-maruttash (see Plate XXI.), which was only engraved after the original clay title-deed had been destroyed by the fall of the building in which it had been preserved.
[72]See Plate XXI., opposite; and cp. Scheil, "Textes Élam.-Sémit.," I., pp. 99 ff., pl. 21 ff.
[72]See Plate XXI., opposite; and cp. Scheil, "Textes Élam.-Sémit.," I., pp. 99 ff., pl. 21 ff.
[73]See above,pp. 167ff.
[73]See above,pp. 167ff.
[74]Cf. Cuq, "Nouv. Rev. Hist.," 1906, pp. 720 ff., 1908, p. 474 f. This view appears preferable to the theory that the land granted by the Kassite kings was taken from communal or public laud of a city, or district, of which the king had the right to dispose (cf. Hincke, "Boundary Stone of Nebuchadnezzar I.," p. 16).
[74]Cf. Cuq, "Nouv. Rev. Hist.," 1906, pp. 720 ff., 1908, p. 474 f. This view appears preferable to the theory that the land granted by the Kassite kings was taken from communal or public laud of a city, or district, of which the king had the right to dispose (cf. Hincke, "Boundary Stone of Nebuchadnezzar I.," p. 16).
[75]See above,p. 247.
[75]See above,p. 247.
The historian of ancient Babylonia has reason to be grateful to Shutruk-Nakhkhunte and his son for their raids into the Euphrates valley, since certain of the monuments they carried off as spoil have been preserved in the mounds of Susa, until the French expedition brought them again to light. Thanks to Babylon's misfortunes at this time, we have recovered some of her finest memorials, including the famous Stele of Narâm-Sin, Hammurabi's Code of Laws, and an important series of the Kassite kudurrus, or boundary-stones, which, as we have seen, throw considerable light upon the economic condition of the country. These doubtless represent but a small proportion of the booty secured by Elam at this period, but they suffice to show the manner in which the great Babylonian cities were denuded of their treasures. Under the earlier kings of the Fourth Dynasty it would seem that Elam continued to be a menace, and it was not until the reign of Nebuchadnezzar I. that the land was freed from further danger of Elamite invasion. We possess two interesting memorials of his successful campaigns, during which he not only regained his own territories, but carried the war into the enemy's country. One is a charter of privileges, which the king conferred upon Ritti-Marduk, the Captain of his chariots, for signal service against Elam. The text is engraved on a block of calcareous limestone, and on one side of it are a series of divine symbols, sculptured in high relief, in order to place the record under the protection of the gods, in accordance with the custom introduced during the Kassite period. The campaign in Elam which furnished the occasionfor the charter was undertaken, according to the text,[1]with the object of "avenging Akkad," that is to say, in retaliation for the Elamite raids in Northern Babylonia. The campaign was conducted from the frontier city of Dêr, or Dûr-ilu, and, as it was carried out in the summer, the Babylonian army suffered considerably on the march. The heat of the sun was so great that, in the words of the record, the axe burned like fire, the roads scorched like flame, and through the lack of drinking-water "the vigour of the great horses failed, and the legs of the strong man turned aside." Ritti-Marduk, as Captain of the chariots, encouraged the troops by his example, and eventually brought them to the Euheus, where they gave battle to the Elamite confederation which had been summoned to oppose them.
The record describes the subsequent battle in vivid phraseology. "The kings took their stand round about and offered battle. Fire was kindled in their midst; by their dust was the face of the sun darkened. The hurricane sweeps along, the storm rages; in the storm of their battle the warrior in the chariot perceives not the companion at his side." Here again Ritti-Marduk did good service by leading the attack. "He turned evil against the King of Elam, so that destruction overtook him; King Nebuchadnezzar triumphed, he captured the land of Elam, he plundered its possessions." On his return from the campaign Nebuchadnezzar granted the charter to Ritti-Marduk, freeing the towns and villages of Bît-Karziabku, of which he was the head-man, from the jurisdiction of the neighbouring town of Namar. In addition to freedom from all taxation and thecorvée,the privileges secured the inhabitants from liability to arrest by imperial soldiers stationed in the district, and forbade the billeting of such troops upon them. This portion of the text affords an interesting glimpse of the military organization of the kingdom.
The second memorial too has a bearing on this war, since it exhibits Nebuchadnezzar as a patron of Elamite refugees. It is a copy of a deed recording a grant of land and privileges to Shamfia and his son Shamfiia, priests of the Elamite god Rîa, who, in fear of theElamite king, fled from their own country and secured Nebuchadnezzar's protection. The text states that, when the king undertook an expedition on their behalf, they accompanied him and brought back the statue of the god Rîa, whose cult Nebuchadnezzar inaugurated in the Babylonian city of Khuṣṣi, after he had introduced the foreign god into Babylon at the Feast of the New Year. The deed records the grant of five estates to the two Elamite priests and their god, and it exempts the land in future from all liability to taxation and forced labour.[2]
Though Nebuchadnezzar restored the fortunes of his country, he was not the founder of his dynasty,[3]Of his three predecessors, the name of one may now be restored as Marduk-shapik-zêrim. His name has been read on a kudurru-fragment in the Yale Collection, which is dated in the eighth year of Marduk-nadin-akhê, and refers to the twelfth year of Marduk-shapik-zêrim.[4]That he cannot be identified with Marduk-shapik-zêr-mâti is certain, since we know from the "Synchronistic History" that the latter succeeded Marduk-nadin-akhê upon the throne of Babylon, the one being the contemporary of Tiglath-pileser I., the other of his son Ashur-bêl-kala.[5]The close sequence of the reigns of Nebuchadnezzar I., Enlil-nadin-apli, and Marduk-nadin-akhê has long been recognized from the occurrence of the same officials on legal documents of the period.[6]We must therefore place the newly recovered ruler in the gap before Nebuchadnezzar I.; he must be one of the first three kings of the dynasty, possibly its founder, whose name in the Kings' List begins with the divine title Marduk, and who ruled for seventeen years according to the same authority. Another of these missing rulers may perhaps berestored as Ea-nadin-[....], if the royal name in the broken inscription of Nebuchadnezzar I., to which reference has already been made,[7]is to be read in that way and not identified as that of the last member of the Kassite Dynasty. During the earlier years of the Dynasty of Isin Babylonia must have been subject to further Elamite aggression, and portions of the country may for a time have acknowledged the suzerainty of her rulers.
DIVINE EMBLEMS ON A CHARTER OF NEBUCHADNEZZAR I.Brit. Mus., No. 90858.
DIVINE EMBLEMS ON A CHARTER OF NEBUCHADNEZZAR I.
Brit. Mus., No. 90858.
Nebuchadnezzar's successes against Elam and the neighbouring district of Lulubu[8]no doubt enabled him to offer a more vigorous defence of his northern frontier; and, when Ashur-rêsh-ishi attempted an invasion of Babylonian territory, he not only drove the Assyrians back, but followed them up and laid siege to the frontier fortress of Zanki. But Ashur-rêsh-ishi forced him to raise the siege and burn his siege-train; and, on Nebuchadnezzar's return with reinforcements, the Babylonian army suffered a further defeat, losing its fortified camp together with Karashtu, the general in command of the army, who was taken to Assyria as a prisoner of war. Babylon thus proved that, though strong enough to recover and maintain her independence, she was incapable of a vigorous offensive on a large scale. It is true that Nebuchadnezzar claimed among his titles that of "Conqueror of Amurru,"[9]but it is doubtful whether we should regard the term as implying more than a raid into the region of the middle Euphrates.[10]
That within her own borders Babylon maintained an effective administration is clear from a boundary-stone of the period of Nebuchadnezzar's successor, Enlil-nadin-apli, recording a grant of land in the district of Edina in Southern Babylonia by E-anna-shum-iddina, a governor of the Sea-Country, who administered thatdistrict under the Babylonian king and owed his appointment to him.[11]But in the reign of Marduk-nadin-akhê, she was to suffer her second great defeat at the hands of Assyria. She fought two campaigns with Tiglath-pileser I., in the latter part of his reign, after his successes in the North and West.[12]In the first she met with some success,[13]but on the second occasion Tiglath-pileser completely reversed its result, and followed up his victory by the capture of Babylon itself with other of the great northern cities, Dûr-Kurigalzu, Sippar of Shamash, Sippar of Anunitum, and Opis. But Assyria did not then attempt a permanent occupation, for we find Tiglath-pileser's son, Ashur-bêl-kala, on friendly terms with Marduk-shapik-zêr-mâti; and when the latter, after a prosperous reign,[14]lost his throne to the Aramean usurper Adad-aplu-iddina,[15]he further strengthened the alliance by contracting a marriage with the new king's daughter.[16]
Thus closed the first phase of Babylon's relations with the growing Assyrian power. A state of alternate conflict and temporary truce had been maintained between them for some three centuries, and now for more than half a century the internal condition of both countries was such as to put an end to any policy of aggression. The cause of Babylon's decline was the overrunning of the country by the Sutû, semi-nomad Semitic tribes from beyond the Euphrates,[17]who made their first descent during Adad-aplu-iddina's later years,and, according to a Neo-Babylonian chronicle, carried off with them the spoil of Sumer and Akkad. This was probably the first of many raids, and we may see evidence of the unsettled condition of the country in the ephemeral Babylonian dynasties, which followed one another in quick succession.[18]
The later ruler, Nabû-aplu-iddina, when recording his rebuilding of the great temple of the Sun-god at Sippar,[19]has left us some details of this troubled time; and the facts he relates of one of the great cities of Akkad may be regarded as typical of the general condition of the country. The temple had been wrecked by the Sutû, doubtless at the time of Adad-aplu-iddina, and it was not until the reign of Simmash-Shipak, who came from the Country of the Sea and founded the Fifth Dynasty,[20]that any attempt was made to reestablish the interrupted service of the deity. His successor, Ea-mukîn-zêr, did not retain the throne for more than five months, and in the reign of Kashshûnadin-akhi, with whom the dynasty closed, the country suffered further misfortunes, the general distress, occasioned by raids and civil disturbance, being increased by famine. Thus the service of the temple again suffered, until under E-ulmash-shakin-shum of Bît-Bazi, who founded the Sixth Dynasty, a partial re-endowment of the temple took place. But its half ruinous condition continued to attest the poverty of the country and of its rulers, until the more prosperous times of Nabû-aplu-iddina. E-ulmash-shakin-shum was succeeded by two members of his own house, Ninib-kudur-usurand Shilanum-Shuḳamuna; but they reigned between them less than four years, and the throne then passed for six years to an Elamite,[21]whose rule is regarded by the later chroniclers as having constituted in itself the Seventh Babylonian Dynasty.
FIG. 58.SCENE REPRESENTING NABÛ-MUKÎN-APLI SANCTIONING A TRANSFER OF LANDED PROPERTY.Arad-Sibitti, accompanied by his sister, receives the royal sanction to the transfer of an estate, situated in the district of Sha-mamîtu, to his daughter as her dowry.(From Boundary-Stone No. 90835 in the British Museum.)
FIG. 58.
SCENE REPRESENTING NABÛ-MUKÎN-APLI SANCTIONING A TRANSFER OF LANDED PROPERTY.
Arad-Sibitti, accompanied by his sister, receives the royal sanction to the transfer of an estate, situated in the district of Sha-mamîtu, to his daughter as her dowry.
(From Boundary-Stone No. 90835 in the British Museum.)
A stable government was once more established in Babylonia by Nabû-mukîn-apli, the founder of the Eighth Dynasty,[22]though even in his reign Aramean tribescontinued to give trouble, holding the Euphrates in the neighbourhood of Babylon and Borsippa, cutting communications, and raiding the country-side. On one occasion they captured the Ferry-Gate of Kâr-bêlmâtâti and prevented the king from holding the New Year's Festival, as the statue of the god Nabû could not be transported across the river to Babylon.[23]A rude portrait of this monarch is preserved on a boundary-stone of his reign, on which he is represented giving the royal sanction to the transfer of an estate in the district of Sha-mamîtu; and it may be added that considerable friction subsequently took place, with regard to the validity of the title, between the original owner Arad-Sibitti and his son-in-law, a jewel-worker named Burusha.[24]The coarse style of the engraving is probably to be explained by the fact of its provincial origin, though there can be little doubt that the standard of Babylonian art had been adversely affected by the internal condition of the country during the preceding period.
It was at the time of the Eighth Dynasty that the renaissance of Assyria took place, which culminated in the victories of that ruthless conqueror Ashur-nasir-pal and of his son Shalmaneser III. Its effect was first felt in Babylon in the reign of Shamash-mudammik, who suffered a serious defeat in the neighbourhood of Mt. Ialman at the hands of Adad-nirari III., Ashur-nasir-pal's grandfather. Against Nabû-shum-ishkun I., the murderer and successor of Shamash-mudammik, Adad-nirari secured another victory, several Babylonian cities with much spoil falling into his hands. But we subsequently find him on friendly terms with Babylon, and allying himself with Nabû-shum-ishkun, or possibly with his successor, each monarch marrying the others daughter.[25]His son Tukulti-Ninib II. of Assyria,profiting by the renewed sense of security from attack upon his southern border, began to make tentative efforts at expanding westwards into Mesopotamia. But it was reserved for Ashur-nasir-pal, his son, to cross the Euphrates and lead Assyrian armies once more into Syrian territory. After securing his frontier to the east and north of Assyria, Ashur-nasir-pal turned his attention to the west. The Aramean states of Bît-Khadippi and Bît-Adini, both on the left bank of the Euphrates, fell before his onslaught. Then crossing the Euphrates on rafts of skins, he received the submission of Sangar of Carchemish, and marched in triumph through Syria to the coast.
Babylon naturally viewed this encroachment on the Euphrates route to the west as a danger to her commercial connexions, and it is not surprising that Nabû-aplu-iddina should have attempted to oppose Ashur-nasir-pal's advance by allying himself with Shadudu of Sukhi.[26]But the armed forces he sent to support the people of Sukhi in their resistance were quite unable to withstand the Assyrian onslaught, and his brother Sabdanu and Bêl-aplu-iddin, the Babylonian leader, fell into Ashur-nasir-pal's hands. In recording his victory the Assyrian king refers to the Babylonians as the Kassites,[27]a striking tribute to the fame of the foreign dynasty which had ended more than three centuries before. Nabû-aplu-iddina evidently realized the futility of attempting further opposition to Assyrian aims, and he was glad to establish relations of a friendly character, which he continued in the reign of Shalmaneser. He attempted to forget the failure of his military expedition by repairing the damage inflicted during the numerous Aramean raids upon the ancient cult-centres of Babylonia.