The nígher my cómfort ís to mé.Surrey, p. 37.Or dó him míghtier sérvice ás his thrálls.Milton, Par. L. i. 149.
The nígher my cómfort ís to mé.Surrey, p. 37.Or dó him míghtier sérvice ás his thrálls.Milton, Par. L. i. 149.
The nígher my cómfort ís to mé.Surrey, p. 37.
Or dó him míghtier sérvice ás his thrálls.
Milton, Par. L. i. 149.
The ending of the superlative-est, too, is commonly syllabic, e.g.
In lóngest níght, or ín the shórtest dáy.Surrey, p. 16.Now léss than smállest dwárfs, in nárrow róom.Milton, P. L. i. 779.
In lóngest níght, or ín the shórtest dáy.Surrey, p. 16.Now léss than smállest dwárfs, in nárrow róom.Milton, P. L. i. 779.
In lóngest níght, or ín the shórtest dáy.Surrey, p. 16.
Now léss than smállest dwárfs, in nárrow róom.
Milton, P. L. i. 779.
Nevertheless many examples of syncopation are found, chiefly in the writings of the Early Modern English poets: e.g.the méekest of míndSur. 77;the swéet’st compánionsShak. Cymb.V.v. 349;the stérn’st good níghtid. Macb.II.ii. 4. Such forms are often used by Ben Jonson.
§100.The ending-est(2nd pers. pres. sing. ind. and pret. sing. of weak verbs) is in Middle English generally syllabic:Annd séȝȝest swíllc annd swíllc was þúOrm. 1512;Annd ȝíff þu féȝesst þréo wiþ þréo, þa fíndesst tú þær séxeid. 11523–4;That bróughtest TróyeChauc. N. Pr. T. 408;Thow wálkest nówid. Kn. T.;þat gód þat þóu þénkest do méAlexius, ii. 304;Hou mýȝtest þóu þus lónge wóneAlexius, i. 445;And wóldest névere ben aknóweib. 461.
Frequently, however, syncopation or slurring also occurs:ȝiff þú seȝȝst tátt tu lúfesst GóddOrm. 5188;Þu wénest þat éch song béo grislíchOwl and Night. 315;Þu schríchest and ȝóllest to þíne féreib. 223;Thou knówest him wellChauc. Blaunche, 137;Trówest thou? by our Lórd, I wíll thee sáyib. 551;þou mýȝtest have bén a grét lordíngAlexius, i. 511.
In Modern English syncopation is extremely common, e.g.Now knówest thou állSur. 27;That mákest but gámeWyatt, 30, &c.; but the full syllabic pronunciation (in accordance with the modern prose usage) is also frequent, both in the poetry of the sixteenth century, e.g.What frámëst thóuSur. 158;And lóokëst tó commándShak. H. VI.I.i. 38; and in that of recent times, e.g.:
Súch as thou stándëst, pále in thé drear líght.Mrs. Browning, i. 4.Wan Scúlptor, wéepëst thóu to táke the cást?Tennyson, Early Sonn. 9
Súch as thou stándëst, pále in thé drear líght.Mrs. Browning, i. 4.Wan Scúlptor, wéepëst thóu to táke the cást?Tennyson, Early Sonn. 9
Súch as thou stándëst, pále in thé drear líght.
Mrs. Browning, i. 4.
Wan Scúlptor, wéepëst thóu to táke the cást?
Tennyson, Early Sonn. 9
§101.The ending-eth, in the North-es,-is(3rd pers. sing. pres., plur. pres., and 3rd pers. sing. imperative), is in most cases syllabic in Middle English, especially before the fifteenth century; e.g.It túrrneþþ hémm till sínneOrm. 150;þat spékeþþ óff þe déofellib. 11944;þat ǽfre annd ǽfre stándeþþ ínnib. 2617;þánne hi cumeþ éftMoral Ode, 236;Hi wálkeþ éureib. 239;So príkeþ hem natúreChauc. Prol. 11;Cómeþ álle nów to méAlexius, ii. 337;Ánd a-fóngeþ ȝóure médeib. 375.
But already in the earlier portion of this epoch of the language slurring or syncopation is often to be met with, and it became gradually more and more frequent.Boc séȝȝþ þe bírrþ wel ȝémenn þéOrm. 11373, 11981;Annd áȝȝ afftérr þe góddspell stánntib. 33;And thínkeþ, here cómeþ my mórtel énemýChauc. Kn. T. 785;Comeþ nér, quoth héid. Prol. 839;þat háveþ traváilleAlexius, i. 350;Thai háldis this lánd agáyne resóuneBarbour’s Bruce, i. 488.
In Modern English the endings-ethand-es(’s) were at first used promiscuously; later-ethis employed, if a full syllable is required,-es(’s) if syncopation is intended; but this rule is not strictly observed.
The dropping ofeon the whole is the more usual: e.g.beginsSur. 1;seemsib. 2;learnsWyatt, 1; also if written-eth:On hím that lóveth not méWyatt, 57;that séeth the héavensSur. 2. Treatment as a full syllable is less usual:But áll too láte Love léarnëth méSur. 5;Lóve that lívëth and réignëth ín my thóughtSur. 12. Shakespeare and his contemporaries still use it somewhat frequently (cf. Hertzberg inShakspeare-Jahrb.xiii, pp. 255–7), and occasional instances are found even in later poets, as for instance in Keats, who rhymes:death: ouershádowéth, p. 336; Chr. Rossetti,déath: fashionéthp. 28, ii. ll. 5–6
§102.The ending-ed, in the North-id,-it(past part. of weak verbs), is, as a rule, syllabic in Middle English: e.g.Min Dríhhtin háfeþþ léneddOrm. 16;Annd ícc itt háfe fórþedd téib. 25;Annd tǽrfore háfe icc túrrnedd íttib. 129;ipróved ófte síthesChauc. Prol. 485;hadde swówned wíth a dédly chéreib. Kn. T. 55;Nóu is Álex dwélled þóreAlexius, i. 121;Lóverd, iþánked bé þou áyib. 157;A wéile gret quhíle thar duellyt héBarbour, Bruce, i. 359.
But slurring and syncopation likewise are of frequent occurrence:þatt háffdenn cwémmd himm í þiss lífib. 211;þet scúlle béo to déþe idémdMoral Ode, 106;His lónge héer was kémbd behýnde his bákChauc. Kn. T. 1285;Fulfíld of íreib. 82; especially in words with the accent on the antepenultima, e.g.Ybúried nór ibréntib. 88;and hán hem cáried sófteib. 153;And ben yhónowrid ás a kýngAlexius, i. 5, 12 (MS. N).
In this ending, too, syncopation (-ed,’d,t) is the rule already in the earliest Modern English poets:offer’dSur. 6;transgréstib. 11;that prómised wás to théeib. 35. The use of it as a full syllable, however, is very frequently to be met with, chiefly in participles used as adjectives:the párchëd gréen restórëd ís with shádeSur. 1;by wéll assúrëd móanWyatt, 4;but ármëd síghsib. 4;false féignëd gráceib. 4. The dramatists of the Elizabethan time (cf.Engl. Metrik, ii. 336) similarly often use the full ending; and even in modern poets it is not uncommon:where wé’ve involvëd óthersBurns, Remorse, l. 11 ;The chármëd Goad begánKeats, Lamia, p. 185, &c.
§103.The ending-ed(-od,-ud) of the 1st and 3rd pers. sing. pret. and the whole plur. pret. of weak verbs, which is shortened from-ede,-ode,-ude,-eden,-oden,-uden(cf. §96), is in Middle English usually syllabic: e.g.Mést al þét me líked(e) þóMoral Ode, 7 ;Oure lóverd þát al máked(e) iwísPop. Science, 2;He énded(e) and cléped(e) yt LéicestreRob. of Glouc., p. 29;The fáder hem lóued(e) álle ynóȝib.;Híre overlíppe wýpud(e) sché so cléneChauc. Prol. 107;An óutridére þat lóved(e) vénerýeib. 165;Ne máked hím a spíced cónsciénceib. 526;þei préced évere nére and néreAlexius, i. 583 (MS. V).
As several of these examples show, slurring occasionally takes place, so that the ending forms part of a disyllabic thesis, but real syncopation never occurs; cf. further:Ánd asségit it rýgorouslýBarbour, Bruce, i. 88;and évere I hóped(e) of be to héreAlexius, ii. 482.
With regard to these endings from the beginning of the Modern English epoch onward syncopation ([e]d,’d,t) is the rule;defiedSur. 10;sustain’dib. 15;opprestWyatt, 107. But the full syllable not infrequently occurs:I lóokëd báckSur. 4;I néver próvëd nóneWyatt, 39. It is characteristic of Spenser’s archaistic style, and is often met with in the Elizabethan dramatists; Shakespeare, however, uses it much more frequently in his earlier than in his later plays. The more recent poets admit it in single cases:said:vánishédKeats, Lamia, p. 202.
§104.The final-eis treated in Modern English poetry in the same manner as in Modern High German: it may be either used as a thesis, or be slurred over, or become quite silent. In Middle English, however, the treatment of the final-edepends much more on the following word than on the etymological origin of the-e. It becomes mute, of course, mostly beforehor a vowel, but is generally preserved (as a thesis) or slurred before a consonant. This rule has, however, many exceptions.
Orm and other poets of the beginning of the thirteenth century give the finaleits full syllabic value in certain classes of words in which Chaucer[134]in the second half of the fourteenth century generally slurs it.
These words are the pronounshire,oure,ȝoure,here,myne,thyne(also spelled withoute), if they do not stand in rhyme; the plural formsthise,some,swiche,whiche; the past part. of strong verbs with an originally short root, the inflexionalnbeing apocopated, e.g.come,write,stole; the 2nd pers. sing. of the strong pret., e.g.bare,tooke, except such words assonge,founde, and others of the same group; the preteriteswereandmade; the nounssone,wone; the French words in-ye,-aye,-eye, and, finally, the wordsbefore,tofore,there,heere.
In most of these cases it is easy enough to give examples of the syllabic use of the-e, both from the earliest and from later poets:Off úre sáwless nédeOrm. 11402;þatt úre Láferrd Iésu Crístib. 11403, 11803, &c.;ȝérne hy þónkede óure dríghteAlexius, ii. 35;Annd ȝúre sáwless fóde íss écOrm. 11691, &c.;þatt ȝúre préostess hállȝhennib. 11694;Till híse déore þéowwessib. 11556;Att álle þíne nédeib. 11366, 11914, &c.; Owl and Nightingale, 220, 221, &c.;Cástel gód an míne ríseib. 175, 282;Forgíve hémm hére sínneOrm. 86;Annd wílle iss híre þrídde máhhtib. 11509;For híre héorte wás so grétOwl and N. 43, 44, &c.;At súme síþe hérde ich télleib. 293;þése wíkkede fódeib. 333;And máde mé wíþ him rídeSir Orfeo, 153. &c.
All these words may, however, also be found with slurring or syncopation of thee, even in Early Middle English:Annd þéowwtenn wél wiþþ áll þin máhhtOrm. 11393;þa wǽre he þǽr bikǽcheddib. 11628;Annd súme itt áll forrwérrþennib. 11512;Min héorte atflíhþ and fált mi túngeOwl and N. 37;þár þe úle sóng hir tídeib. 26, 441;þat ich schúlle tó hire fléoib. 442;hewére ischóteib. 23, 53, &c. In later Middle English this is more common:An ýmage óf hire sóneAlexius i. 105;þeróf to gód þei máde here móneib. 32;Sómme þat óf þe ínne wéreAlexius ii. 325;Fáste þey wére ysóught þoróughib. 14;And lóke síre at ȝóure pilgrímeib. 394;And thére our óst bigánChauc. Prol. 827;Entúned ín hire nóseib. 123;Nought gréveth ús youre glórie ánd honóurid. Kn. T. 59;þúrgh yóure géntilnésseib. 62;ánd hire fálse whéelib. 67;And pílgryms wére they álleChauc. Prol. 26, 59;At níght was cóme intó that hóstelríeib. 23;With hím ther wás his sóne, a yóung squyérib. 79;In mótteléye and híghib. 271;cómpanýe in yóutheib. 461;no vílanýe is ítib. 740, &c.
§105.The following examples serve to show the arbitrary use of the final-ein other words, either (a) syllabic, or (b) slurred or syncopated.
1. Infinitive, (a)And stónde úpe gódes knýghtAlexius ii. 269;to télle yów áll the condícióunChauc. Prol. 38. (b)to táke our wéyib. 34;Mén mote ȝeve sílverib. 232.
2. Past part.of strong verbs, (a)ydráwe né ybóreSq. T. 336;þó þe chíld ybóre wásAlexius ii. 37; (b)Ybóre he wás in Rómeib. 6;Though hé were cóme agáinChauc. Sq. T. 96;ycóme from hís viágeid. Prol. 77, &c.
3.Variousinflexional endings of the verb, (a)þát ich réde wé begínneCant. Creat. E. 225;And yét I hópe, pár ma fáyChauc. Sir Thopas l. 2010;and máde fórwardid. Prol. 33;and wénte fór to dóonib. 78;yet hádde hé but lítel góld in cóffreib. 298;And séyde tó her þúsAlexius i. 69;gládly wólde précheChauc. Prol. 480. (b)devóutly wólde he técheib. 481;I trówe ther nówher nón isib. 524;I trówe some ménid. Sq. T. 213;So hádde I spókenid. Prol. 31;hádde he béib. 60;if thát sche sáwe a móusib. 144;chíldren betwéen them hédde þei nóneAlexius i. 31;Bote méte fóunde þeȝ nón saundóuteCant. Creat. O. 62.
4. Inflexional endings of Germanic substantives, (a)His nékke whítChauc. Prol. 238;Of wóodecráftib. 210;whán the sónne wás to résteib. 30;a spánne bróodib. 155;At méte wél itáughtib. 127;Ne óf his spéche dáungeróusib. 517;As wéll in spéche ás in cóntenánceid. Sq. T. 93;of sínne lécheAlexius i. 59;He ȝéde tó a chírche-héiib. 97;ál for lóve míneAlexius ii. 87;of héwe bríghtib. 100;while gód in érþe máde mánCant. Creat. E. 26. (b)Tróuthe and honóurChauc. Prol. 46;Thát no drópe ne fílleib. 131;In hópe to stóndenib. 88;And bý his sýde a swérdib. 112;tó the pýne of hélleCant. Creat. O. 240;þurch príde þat ín his wórd was líȝtib. E. 14.
5. Romanic substantives, (a)átte síege hádde he béChauc.Prol. 56;ín hire sáuce dépeib. 129;Is sígne thát a mánib. 226. (b)And báthed éuery véyne in swích licóurib. 3;of áge he wásib. 81;his bénefíce to hýreib. 507.
6. Adjectives.(a) Chiefly after the definite article, pronouns, and in plural forms:and ín the Gréte SéeChauc. Prol. 59;The téndre cróppes ánd the yónge sónneib. 7;his hálfe cóurs irónneib. 8;wíth his swéete bréetheib. 5;to séken stráunge strondesib. 13;the férste niȝtAlexius i. 55;þat ílke dáyib. 159;þe déde córsib. 420;Póuere mén to clóþe and fédeib. 10, 13, 93, &c.;cómen of hýe kínneAlex. ii. 99;with mílde stéveneib. 72;annd álle fúle lússtessOrm. 11656. (b) Chiefly after the indefinite article, but in other cases as well:Annd álle þe flǽshess kággerléȝȝcOrm. 11655;a fáyr forhéedChauc. Prol. 254;as ís a póure scolérib. 260;as méke as ís a máydeib. 69;a shéef of pécock árwes bríght and kéneib. 104.
7. Adverbs and prepositions.(a)Míldelíche hé him grétteAlexius ii. 296;Ríght abóute nóneib. 387;And sófte bróuȝte hém obéddeib. 23;Ful ófte timeib. 52;Ful lúde sóngenChauc. Sq. T. 55;Abóute prímeid. Kn. T. 1331;abóue érpeCant. Creat. E. 573. (b)Fáste þei wére ysóught þorúghAlexius ii. 14;And éek as lóude as dóthChauc. Prol. 171;Ther ís namóre to séyneib. 314;stílle as ány stóonid. Sq. T. 171;Abóute this kýngid. Kn. T. 1321;Chíldren betwéne hem hédde þei nóneAlexius i. 31;wiþýnne a whýleCant. Creat. O. 29;ȝif ȝít oure lórd abóue þe skýib. O. 186.
8. Numerals.(a)she hádde fýveChauc. Prol. 460;Fúlle séventéne ȝéreAlexius i. 179, 187, 321;of fíue þóusende wínter and ónCant. Creat. E. 462;nóþer férste tíme ne lástib. O. 356. (b)and fíue and twénti wínter and móib. E. 463;táken þe ténde part óf þy gúodib. O. 332;álle þe béstisib. 173;For séventene ȝér hít is gánAlexius i. 194
§106.In poems written in more southern dialects the final-eretains its syllabic value later than in those of the North, in agreement with the actual usage of the dialects of these districts.Sir Tristrem(c. 1300) has still many syllabice’s in thesis; in theCursor Mundi(c. 1320) and theMetrical Homilies(c. 1330) they are not so numerous, and they are still rarer in the poems of Laurence Minot (c. 1352) and of Thomas of Erceldoune. The editor of the last-mentioned poet, Prof. Alois Brandl, rejects the syllabic final-ealtogether in opposition to ten Brink and Luick. In Barbour’sBruce(c. 1375) it is entirelysilent.[135]
But in the later poetry of the North, which was largely under the influence of southern English models, chiefly of Chaucer, many inflexional endings, especially various kinds of final-e, have a metrical value. King James I, one of the most eminent Scottish poets, e.g., is a strict follower of Chaucer in this respect, both in versification and language.[136]This will be shown by the following examples:Myn éyen gán to smértstanza 8;To séken hélp99;that néver chánge wóld83;That féynen óutward136;That ménen wéle137;We wéren áll24;Lýke to an hérte schápin vérilý48;Thús sall on thé my chárge béne iláid120;in lúfe fór a whíle134;Now, swéte bírd, say ónes tó me pépe, I dée for wó; me thínk thou gýnnis slépe57;And ón the smále gréne twístis sát33;Withín a chámber, lárge, równ, and fáire77.
Other Scottish poets, like Dunbar, use the finalein the same way, but much more sparingly:Amáng the gréne ríspis ánd the rédisTerge 56;And gréne lévis dóing of déw doun fléitThrissil and Rois 49;scho sénd the swífte Róib. 78;when Mérche wés with váriand wíndis pastib. 1.
Only the inflexional endings of substantives and of verbs are used by Dunbar somewhat more frequently as full syllables, e.g.:Had máid the bírdis to begín thair hóurisThrissil and Rois 5;of flóuris fórgit néwib. 18;the blástis óf his hórneib. 34;In át the wíndow lúkit bý the dáyib. 10;And hálsit méib. 11;Bálmit in déwib. 20;The pérlit dróppis schúkeTerge 14. Even Lyndesay still uses certain full endings now and then in this way:Éleméntis: intént isMonarchie 247–8;thay cán nocht ús it: abúsitSatire 2897–8;Quhow Í ressávit cónfortMonarchie 132;Lyke áurient péirles ón the twístis hángib. 136. But the final-eis hardly ever found in his verses forming a thesis.
On the other hand some contemporary authors of the South, reckoned as included in the Modern English period, continue to admit in several cases the syllabic final-e, but this can only be regarded as an exception. E. g.The sótë séason, that búd and blóom forth bríngsSurrey, p. 3;Thát the Gréeks bróught to Tróyë tównib. 21;Hersélf in shádow óf the clósë níghtib. 138;Agáinst the búlwark óf the fléshë fráilWyatt 207;But tréated áfter á divérsë fáshionib. 7.
Spenser does not seem to admit syllabic final-e, in spite of his archaic style.
§107.Like the inflexional syllables, the suffixes of derivatives may be treated in a twofold manner. Those of Germanic originfor the most part call for little remark, as many of them have coalesced with the root of the word, and others, as e.g. the syllables-ing,-ness,-y,-ly, can, on account of their phonetic character, only be metrically treated as full syllables. Only a few fluctuate in their metrical treatment, as e.g.-en,-er,-le, mostly after a consonant; these will be dealt with in the section on the slurring of syllables.
Of much greater importance are the formative endings of Romanic origin, especially those which begin with ani,e, oru+ a vowel, as-iage,-ian,-iaunt,-iance,-ience,-ient,-ier,-ioun,-ious,-eous,-uous,-ial,-ual,-iat,-iour. Such endings may either have their full value, or be slurred in rhythm, i.e. they may be treated either as disyllabic or as monosyllabic.
The full forms do not occur frequently in the interior of the line, but mostly in the last foot, where the endings bear the last arsis and offer a convenient rhyme. Hence we conclude, that the slurred pronunciation (synizesis) had in the later Middle English period already become general in ordinary speech, although the full value is in rhyme-words certainly more common: e.g.viáge: pílgrimágeChaucer, Prol. 77–8;langáge: márriágeib. 211–12;térciáne: báneN. Pr. Tale 139–40;córdiál: spéciálProl. 443–4;ethériáll: impériállLyndesay, Monarchie 139–40;curát: licénciátChauc. Prol. 219–20;láste : ecclésiásteib. 707–8;réverénce: cónsciénceib. 225–6;offénce : páciénceKn. T. 225–6;dísposícióun: cónstellációunib. 229–30;prisóun: compássióunib. 251–2;áscendént: páciéntProl. 117–18;obédiént: asséntib. 851–2;óriént: résplendéntLyndesay, Monarchie 140–2;glorióus: précióusib. 28–32, 44–5, 48–52, 75–9, 151–2, &c.;ymágynációun: impréssióun: illusióunJames I, Kingis Quair, st. 12;nációun: mýlióun: méncióunib. st. 78. Slurred endings:Ful wél bilóved and fámuliér was héChauc. Prol. 215;And spéciallýib. 15;a cúrious pýnib. 196;Perpétuellý, not ónly fór a yéerKn. T. 600;Suspécious wás theClerk’s T. 540;This sérgeant cámib. 575, 582, &c.
Later on slurring becomes more frequent, mainly in the North, e.g. in Dunbar’s poems:with váriand wíndis pástThrissil and Rois 1;wíth ane órient blást, ib. 3;So bústeous ár the blástisib. 35;ane ínhibítioun tháirib. 64 (butcondítióun: renówn: fassóun79–82);A rádius crównib. 132; Lyndesay, Monarchie:On sénsuall Lúste9;Lyke áurient péirles136;and búrial bémes142;his régioun áuroráll148;Quhilk sítuate ár166;melódious ármonýe195;off thát mellífluous, fámous232;And síc vaine súperstítioun tó refúse242;The quhílk gaif sápience249.
In the Modern English period of the language slurring of such syllables is the rule, in conformity with the actual pronunciation in prose, contrary to the usage of Chaucer and other Early Middle English poets. Only exceptionally the unshortened use obtains chiefly in earlier Modern English, as the following examples show:
To wóe a máid in wáy of márriáge.Shakesp. Merch.II.ix. 13.My búsiness cánnot bróok this dálliánce.id. Err.IV.i. 59.Becáme the áccents óf the váliánt.id. 2 Henry IV,II.iii. 25.And yét ’tis álmost ’gáinst my cónsciénce.id. Haml. v. ii. 307.I dó volítient, nót obédiént.Mrs. Browning, i, p. 6.The véry chúrches are fúll of sóldiers.Coleridge, Piccolomini. i. sc. 1.And áfter hárd condítións of péace.Surrey, p. 173.Áll the sad spáces óf oblívión.Keats, p. 257.But Brútus sáys he wás ambítióus.Shakesp. Caesar,III.ii. 91.And lóoking róund I sáw, as úsuál.D. G. Rossetti, i. p. 64.
To wóe a máid in wáy of márriáge.Shakesp. Merch.II.ix. 13.My búsiness cánnot bróok this dálliánce.id. Err.IV.i. 59.Becáme the áccents óf the váliánt.id. 2 Henry IV,II.iii. 25.And yét ’tis álmost ’gáinst my cónsciénce.id. Haml. v. ii. 307.I dó volítient, nót obédiént.Mrs. Browning, i, p. 6.The véry chúrches are fúll of sóldiers.Coleridge, Piccolomini. i. sc. 1.And áfter hárd condítións of péace.Surrey, p. 173.Áll the sad spáces óf oblívión.Keats, p. 257.But Brútus sáys he wás ambítióus.Shakesp. Caesar,III.ii. 91.And lóoking róund I sáw, as úsuál.D. G. Rossetti, i. p. 64.
To wóe a máid in wáy of márriáge.
Shakesp. Merch.II.ix. 13.
My búsiness cánnot bróok this dálliánce.id. Err.IV.i. 59.
Becáme the áccents óf the váliánt.id. 2 Henry IV,II.iii. 25.
And yét ’tis álmost ’gáinst my cónsciénce.id. Haml. v. ii. 307.
I dó volítient, nót obédiént.Mrs. Browning, i, p. 6.
The véry chúrches are fúll of sóldiers.
Coleridge, Piccolomini. i. sc. 1.
And áfter hárd condítións of péace.Surrey, p. 173.
Áll the sad spáces óf oblívión.Keats, p. 257.
But Brútus sáys he wás ambítióus.
Shakesp. Caesar,III.ii. 91.
And lóoking róund I sáw, as úsuál.D. G. Rossetti, i. p. 64.
For other examples cf.Metrik, ii. § 40
§108.By the side of this artificial attribution of full syllabic value to Romanic endings which in ordinary pronunciation are contracted, there are many examples of the opposite process, namely the contraction, for metrical purposes, of words that are ordinarily pronounced in full. Both these devices serve the same purpose, that of adjusting the number of syllables to the requirements of the rhythm.
In the former case a syllable which commonly is pronounced quickly and indistinctly is uttered more distinctly and more slowly than in ordinary speech. In the latter, a couple of successive syllables or words are uttered more indistinctly and quickly than in ordinary speech, frequently so much so that a syllable may be entirely suppressed. Hence the slurring of syllables results, according to the degree of contraction, either in a disyllabic thesis, or in the complete coalescence of two syllables. The former takes place if the final unaccented vowel of a polysyllable is run into the following unaccented word consisting of, or beginning with, a vowel, e.g.:
For mány a mán | so hárd is óf his hérte.Chauc. Prol. 229.Nowhér so bísy a mán | as hé ther nás.ib. 321.Wél coude she cárie a mórsel | ánd wel képe.ib. 130.With múchel glórie | and grét solémpnitée.id. Kn. T. 12.Oh! háppy are théy | that háve forgíveness gótt.Wyatt 211.My kíng, my cóuntry I séek, | for whóm I líve.ib. 173.Sórry am Í | to héar what Í have héard.Shakesp. 2 Henry VI,II.i. 193.
For mány a mán | so hárd is óf his hérte.Chauc. Prol. 229.Nowhér so bísy a mán | as hé ther nás.ib. 321.Wél coude she cárie a mórsel | ánd wel képe.ib. 130.With múchel glórie | and grét solémpnitée.id. Kn. T. 12.Oh! háppy are théy | that háve forgíveness gótt.Wyatt 211.My kíng, my cóuntry I séek, | for whóm I líve.ib. 173.Sórry am Í | to héar what Í have héard.Shakesp. 2 Henry VI,II.i. 193.
For mány a mán | so hárd is óf his hérte.
Chauc. Prol. 229.
Nowhér so bísy a mán | as hé ther nás.ib. 321.
Wél coude she cárie a mórsel | ánd wel képe.ib. 130.
With múchel glórie | and grét solémpnitée.id. Kn. T. 12.
Oh! háppy are théy | that háve forgíveness gótt.
Wyatt 211.
My kíng, my cóuntry I séek, | for whóm I líve.
ib. 173.
Sórry am Í | to héar what Í have héard.
Shakesp. 2 Henry VI,II.i. 193.
In cases like these it cannot be supposed that there is actual elision of a syllable, by whichmany a,busy a,carie a,glorie and,happy are,country I,sorry am, would be reduced to regular disyllabic feet. In several of the instances such an assumption is forbidden not only by the indistinctness of pronunciation which it would involve, but also by the caesura.
Further, we find both in Middle and in Modern English poetry many examples of similar sequences in which there is neither elision nor slurring, the syllable ending with a vowel forming the thesis, and the following syllable beginning with a vowel forming the arsis. Hiatus of this kind has always been perfectly admissible in English verse.
And yít he wás but ésy óf dispénse.Chaucer, Prol. 441.Mówbray’s síns so héavy ín his bósom.Shakesp. Rich. II,I.ii. 50
And yít he wás but ésy óf dispénse.Chaucer, Prol. 441.Mówbray’s síns so héavy ín his bósom.Shakesp. Rich. II,I.ii. 50
And yít he wás but ésy óf dispénse.Chaucer, Prol. 441.
Mówbray’s síns so héavy ín his bósom.
Shakesp. Rich. II,I.ii. 50
§109.The second possibility, viz. complete amalgamation of two syllables, may occur if a word with an initial vowel orhis preceded by a monosyllabic word, standing in thesis, e.g.th’estat,th’arrayChauc. Prol. 716;th’ascendentib. 117;t’allege(to allege) Kn. T. 2142;nys(ne ys) ib. 43. Even in Modern English poetry such contractions occur rather frequently:Th’altarSur. 118;t’assayWyatt 157;N’otherib. 21; often also the words are written in full, although the first vowel is metrically slurred or elided:the͡ ónly darlingShakesp. All’s Well,II.i. 110. Yet in all such cases the entire loss of the syllable must not be assumed unless the distinctness of the pronunciation—which must be the only guide in such matters, not the silent reading with the eyes—be sufficientlypreserved.[137]
Accordingly words likethe,toare not so often contracted with the following word, asne, the amalgamation of which, with the verb to which it belongs, is in accordance with normal Middle English usage:nas=ne was,nil=ne wil,nolde=ne wolde,noot=ne woot,niste=ne wiste, e.g.:
There nas no dore that he nolde heve of harre.Chauc. Prol. 550.
There nas no dore that he nolde heve of harre.Chauc. Prol. 550.
There nas no dore that he nolde heve of harre.
Chauc. Prol. 550.
Neither in Middle English nor in Modern English poetry, however, is there any compulsion to use such contractions for the purpose of avoiding thehiatus, which never was prohibited. They merely serve the momentary need of the poet. Forms likeminandthin, it is true, are regularly used by Middle English poets before vowels, andmyandthybefore consonants, and Chaucer applies—according to ten Brink—from,oon,noon,an,-lych,-lychebefore vowels, andfro,a,o,no,-lybefore consonants. But many examples of epic caesura show that ten Brink goes too far in maintaining that hiatus was strictly avoided, e.g.:Whan théy were wónnë; | and ín the Gréete séeProl. 59. This is still more clearly shown by verses in which the final-eforms a necessary thesis before a vowel, e.g.:
Fro the senténcë | óf this trétis lýte.Chauc. Prol. 550.Sir Thopas 2153.Than hád yóur tálë | ál be tóld in váyn.Chauc. Prol. 550.N. Pr. Prol. 3983
Fro the senténcë | óf this trétis lýte.Chauc. Prol. 550.Sir Thopas 2153.Than hád yóur tálë | ál be tóld in váyn.Chauc. Prol. 550.N. Pr. Prol. 3983
Fro the senténcë | óf this trétis lýte.
Chauc. Prol. 550.Sir Thopas 2153.
Than hád yóur tálë | ál be tóld in váyn.
Chauc. Prol. 550.N. Pr. Prol. 3983
§110.Slurring or contraction is still more frequently the result of indistinct pronunciation or entire elision of a vowel in the interior of a word. This is especially the case with e (or another vowel) in the sequence: conson. +e+r+ vowel orh, whereeis slurred over or syncopated: e.g.And báthed év(e)ry véinChauc. Prol. 3;Thy sóv(e)rein témple wól I móst honóurenKn. T. 1549; andév(e)ry tréeSur. 9;the bóist(e)rous wíndsSur. 21;if ám(o)rous fáithWyatt 15;a dáng(e)rous cáseSur. 4, &c. The full pronunciation is, of course, here also possible:and dángeróus distréssSur. 150. Slurring of a vowel is also caused by this combination of sounds formed by two successive words:a bétre envýned mánChauc. Prol. 342;Forgétter of páinWyatt 33. Other words of the same kind areadder,after,anger,beggar,chamber,silver,water, &c.[138]The same rule applies to the groupe+l+ vowel orh(alsol+e+ vowel orh):hire wýmpel͡ ipynched wasChauc. Prol. 151;Atmány a nóble͡ arríveib. 60;nóble͡ and híghWyatt 55;the néedle his fínger prícksShak. Lucrece 319.
If a consonant takes the place of the vowel orhat the end of such a group of sounds, we have a disyllabic thesis instead of slurring:With hórrible féar as óne that gréatly dréadethWyatt 149;The cómmon péople by númbers swárm to úsShak. 3 Hen. VI,IV.ii. 2. Similar slurrings are to be found—although more seldom and mainly in Modern English poetry—with other groups of sounds, e.g.:én’mies swordSur. 137;théat’nerib. 162;prís’nersib. 12. The voweli, also, is sometimes slurred;Incónt(i)nentWyatt, 110;dést(i)nyib. 8, &c. In all these cases we must of course recognize only slurring, not syncopation of the vowel; and in general these words are used with their full syllabic value in the rhythm of a verse.
Another kind of slurring—occurring almost exclusively in Modern English poetry—is effected by contraction of a short vowel with a preceding long one, so that a disyllabic word becomes monosyllabic, e.g.,flower,lower,power,tower,coward,prayer,jewel,cruel,doing,going,being,seeing,dying,playing,praying,knowing, &c.:Whose pówer divíneSur. 118;prayer: prayrWyatt 26;His crúel despíteSur. 7.
All these words are, of course, not less frequently used as disyllables sometimes even when their usual pronunciation is monosyllabic, e.g.:
How óft have Í, my déar and crúël foe.Wyatt 14.I’ll práy a thóusand práyërs fór thy death.Shak. Meas.III.i. 146.There ís no pówer ín the tóngue of mán.id. Merch.IV.i. 241
How óft have Í, my déar and crúël foe.Wyatt 14.I’ll práy a thóusand práyërs fór thy death.Shak. Meas.III.i. 146.There ís no pówer ín the tóngue of mán.id. Merch.IV.i. 241
How óft have Í, my déar and crúël foe.Wyatt 14.
I’ll práy a thóusand práyërs fór thy death.
Shak. Meas.III.i. 146.
There ís no pówer ín the tóngue of mán.id. Merch.IV.i. 241
§111.Other groups of sounds which allow slurring are: vowel +r+ vowel, where the second vowel may be slurred, e.g.,spirit,alarum,warrant,nourish,flourish, &c.;My fáther’s spírit in árms!Shak. Haml.I.ii. 255;flóurishing péopled tównsid. Gentl.V.iv. 3;I wárrant, it wíllid. Haml.I.ii. 243. In the group vowel +v+e(i)+cons. thevis slurred, if a consonant appears as the initial sound of the following word, ande(i)if the following word begins with a vowel. Such words are:heaven,seven,eleven,devil,even,ever,never, &c.; e.g.,and é’en the whóleWyatt 80;had néver his fíllid. 108;disdáin they né’er so múchShak. 1 Hen. VI,V.iii. 98;and drível on péarlsWyatt 195. These words have, of course, not less frequently their fullsyllabic value:Of Héaven gátesWyatt 222;Then sét this drível óut of dóorSur. 79. Alsothbetween vowels may be subjected to slurring, as inwhether,whither,hither,thither,either,neither,rather,further, &c.; e.g.,go ásk him whíther he góesShak. 1 Hen. VI,II.iii. 28;Good Sír, say whéther you’ll ánswer mé or nót, id. Caes.V.iv. 30;Whether óught to ús unknównid. Haml.II.ii. 17.
When a syllabic inflexional ending forms one thesis with a following syllable, as inThe ímages of revóltShak. Lear,II.iv. 91;I hád not quóted himid. Haml.II.i. 112, &c., it is preferable to assume a disyllabic thesis rather than a slurring. Sometimes, however, the-edof past participles (rarely of preterites) of verbs ending intis actually cut off, astormentinstead oftormentedWyatt 137;dejectinstead ofdejectedShak. Haml.III.i. 163.
Contractions of another kind—partly to be explained by negligent colloquial pronunciation—are:ta’en(=taken) Wyatt 182;I’ll(=I will) Shak. Tempest,II.ii. 419;carry ’em(=carry them) id. 2Hen. VI,I.iv. 76, &c.;Ma(d)amid. Gent.II.i. 6;in’s(=in his),doff(=do off),dout(=do out),o’ the(=of the),w’us(=with us),let’s(=let us),thou’rt(=thou art), &c., &c.
Finally, we have to mention the apocopation, for metrical reasons, of unaccented prefixes, as’bove(above),’cause(because),’longs(belongs), &c., which on the whole cannot easily bemisunderstood.[139]
§112. A contrast to these various forms of shortening is presented by thelengtheningof words for metrical purposes, which we have already in part discussed in the preceding chapter (see for examples §87). Disyllabic words are made trisyllabic by inserting ane(or rarelyi) between mute and liquid, e.g.,wond(e)rous,pilg(e)rim,count(e)ry,breth(e)ren,ent(e)rance,child(e)ren,Eng(e)land,troub(e)lous,light(e)ning,short(e)ly,jugg(e)ler,&c.[140]
Among the monosyllabic words or accented endings of words which admit of a disyllabic pronunciation for the sake of metre we have mainly to consider such as have a diphthong in their root, asour,sour,devour,hour,desire,fire,ire,sire,hire,squire,inquire, &c., or such as approach diphthongal pronunciation and therefore admit of being treated as disyllables, e.g.,dear,fear,hear,near,tear,clear,year. The disyllabic use of words of thelatter class is very rare, though a striking example is afforded by the rhymesee her: clearMrs. Browning, iii, p. 57. Some other words, phonetically analogous to these, but popularly apprehended as containing a simple long vowel, asfair,fare,are,here,there,rare,sphere,were,more,door,your, are added to the list by Abbott, but with doubtful correctness (cf.Metrik, ii. 115–17).
§113.In discussing the English Word-accent and its relationship to rhythmic accent it is necessary to consider the Middle English and the Modern English periods separately, for two reasons. First, because the inflexional endings which play an important part in Middle English are almost entirely lost in Modern English, and secondly, because the word-accent of the Romanic element of the language differs considerably in the Middle English period from what it became in Modern English. In the treatment of each period it will be convenient to separate Germanic from Romanic words.
A. Germanic words.The general laws of Germanic accentuation of words, as existing in Old English, have been mentioned above (cf. §§ 18, 19). The same laws are binding also for Middle English and Modern English.
The main law for all accentual versification is this, that verse-accent must always coincide with word-accent. This holds good for all even-beat kinds of verse, as well as for the alliterative line.
The language in all works of the same date and dialect, in whatever kinds of verse they may be written, must obey the same laws of accentuation. For this reason the results derived from the relation in which the word-accent and the metrical value of syllables stand to the verse-accent, with regard to the general laws of accentuation, and especially those of inflexional syllables, must be the same for the language of all even-beat kinds of verse as for that of the contemporary alliterative line, or the verse of Layamon’sBrutand other works written in a similar form of verse and derived from the ancient native metre.
Now, when we wish to ascertain the state of accentuation of forms of words no longer spoken the evidence supplied by the even-beat rhythms is especially valuable. This is so, chiefly because it is much more difficult to make the word-accent agree with the verse-accent in this kind of rhythm, in which itis essential that accented and unaccented syllables should alternate continuously, than in the alliterative line, which allows greater freedom both in the relative position of accented and unaccented syllables and in the numerical proportion between the unaccented and the accented syllables.
In the alliterative line the position of the rhythmic accent depends on the accent of the words which make up the verse. In the even-beat metres on the other hand the regular succession of thesis and arsis is the ruling principle of the versification, on which the rhythmic accent depends, and it is the poet’s task to choose his words according to that requirement. The difficulties to be surmounted in order to bring the word-accent into conformity with the verse-accent will frequently drive the poet using this kind of rhythm to do violence to the accented and, more frequently still, to the unaccented syllables of the word. He will be induced either to contract the unaccented syllables with the accented ones, or to elide the former altogether, or to leave it to the reader to make the word-accent agree with the verse-accent by making use of level stress, or by slurring over syllables, or by admitting disyllabic or even polysyllabic theses in a verse. On the other hand, the poet who writes in the native alliterative long line or in any of its descendants is allowed as a rule to use the words required for his verse in their usual accentuation or syllabic value, or at least in a way approximating very closely to their ordinary treatment in prose. Hence those unaccented syllables which, in even-beat rhythms, are found to be subjected to the same treatment (i.e. to be equally liable to slurring, elision, syncopation, or apocopation, according to the requirements of the verse) must be presumed to have been at least approximately equal in degree of accentual force.
Now when we examine the relation between word-accent and verse-accent in certain poetical works of the first half of the thirteenth century, viz. theOrmulum(which on account of its regularity of rhythm is our best guide), thePater Noster, theMoral Ode, thePassion, and other poems, we arrive at the followingresults:—
§114.The difference in degree of stress among inflexional endings containing ane(sometimesior another vowel) which is alleged by some scholars—viz. that such endings (in disyllabic words) have secondary stress when the root-syllable is long, and are wholly unaccented when it is short—has no existence: in both cases the endings are to be regarded as alike unaccented. For we find that in even-beat measures(especially in theOrmulum) these endings, whether attached to a long or to a short root-syllable, are treated precisely alike in the following importantrespects:—
1. Those inflexional endings which normally occur in the thesis, and which are naturally suited for that position, are found in the arsis only in an extremely small number of instances, which must undoubtedly be imputed to lack of skill on the part of the poet, as e.g. inhallȝhéOrm. 70,nemmnédib. 75, whereas this is very frequent in those disyllabic compounds, the second part of which really has a secondary accent, as e.g.larspéllib. 51,mannkínnib. 277.
2. It is no less remarkable, however, that such syllables as those last mentioned, which undoubtedly bear a secondary accent, are never used by Orm to form the catalectic end of the septenary verse, evidently because they would in consequence of their specially strong accent annul or at least injure the regular unaccented feminine verse-ending. On the other hand, inflexional endings and unaccented terminations containing aneare generally used for that purpose, as on account of their lightness of sound they do not endanger in any way the feminine ending of the catalectic section of the verse. In any case, inflexional syllables following upon long root-syllables cannot have the same degree of stress, and cannot be used for the same rhythmic functions, as the end-syllables of disyllabic compounds, which undoubtedly bear a secondary accent.
Theregularrhythmic employment of the two last-mentioned groups of syllables proves their characteristic difference of stress—the former being wholly unaccented, the latter bearing a secondary accent. Further inquiry into theirregularrhythmic employment of the two similar classes of inflexional endings, those following upon long root-syllables, and those following upon short ones, tends to prove no less precisely that they do not differ in degree of stress, and so that they are both unaccented. For it is easy to show that with regard to syncope, apocope, elision, and slurring they are treated quite in the same way.
Elision of the final-ebefore a vowel or anhtakes place quite in the same way in those inflexional syllables following upon long root-syllables as it does in those less numerous syllables which follow upon short ones, e.g.Annd ȝétt ter tákenn marẹ inóhOrm. 37;Wiþþ állẹ swillc rímẹ alls hér iss séttib. 101;For áll þat ǽfrẹ onn érþẹ is nédib. 121;a wíntrẹ and éc a lóreMoral Ode 1;Wel lóngẹ ic hábbe chíld ibíenib. 3;Icc háfẹ itt dón forrþí þatt állOrm. 115, &c. It is the samewith apocopation:Forr gluternésse wácneþþ áll Galnésses láþe strénncþe, Annd állẹ þe flǽshess kággerleȝȝc Annd álle fúle lússtessOrm. 11653–6; cf. also:þatt hé wass hófenn úpp to kíngib. 8450, andwass hófenn úpp to kíngeib. 8370;o fáderr hállfib. 2269, ando fáderr hállfe2028, &c.; similarly with syncopation, cf.ȝiff þú seȝȝst táttib. 5188, andannd séȝȝest swíllcib. 1512;þet scúlen bén to déaþe idémdMoral Ode 106;for bétere is án elmésse bifórenib. 26, &c.; and again with the slurring of syllables following upon long as well as upon short root-syllables, as the following examples occurring in the first acatalectic sections of septenary verse will show sufficiently:Ál þet bétste þét we héfdenMoral Ode 51;Gódes wísdom ís wel míchelib. 213, &c.
Now as a syllable bearing a secondary accent cannot become mute, as an unaccented syllable does, if required, it is evident that those inflexional syllables which follow upon long root-syllables and frequently do become silent cannot bear that secondary accent which has been ascribed to them by several scholars; on the contrary, all syllables subject in the same way to elision, apocope, syncope, and slurring must have the same degree of stress (i.e. they must be alike unaccented) whether preceded by short or by long root-syllables.
Other terminations of disyllabic words which, though not inflexional, consist, like the inflexional endings, ofe+ consonant, are treated in the same way, e.g. words likefader,moder,finger,heven,sadel,giver, &c. Only those inflexional and derivational endings which are of a somewhat fuller sound, as e.g.,-ing,-ling,-ung,-and,-ish, and now and then even the comparative and superlative endings-er,-est, and the suffixes-lic,-lich,-ly,-y, may be looked upon as bearing a secondary accent, as they may be used at will either in the arsis of the verse or lowered to the state of unaccented syllables as the thesis.
§115.In a trisyllabic simple word the root-syllable, of course, has the primary accent, and of the two following syllables, that which has the fuller sound, has the secondary accent, as ináskedèst,wrítìnge,dággère,clénnèsse,híèste. If, however, the two last syllables are equally destitute of word-accent, as e.g. inclepede,lufede, they are both metrically unaccented; and, as mentioned before (cf. §96), may be shortened either tolufde,clepte, or tolufed,cleped. If they are used, however, as trisyllables in the iambic rhythm they naturally admit of the metrical accent on the last syllable.
It is the same with compounds of nouns or adjectives. The first syllable takes the chief accent, and of the two others thathas the secondary accent which is the root-syllable of the second part of the compound, as infréendshìpe,shírrève, butwódecràft,bóldelỳ.
In verbal compounds the primary accent, in conformity with the Old English usage, generally rests on the root-syllable of the verb, while the first and last syllable are mostly unaccented, as e.g.alihten,bisechen,forgiven,ibidden,ofþunchen. In denominatives, which in Old English have the primary accent on the first syllable, as e.g.ándswarian, both kinds of accentuation are allowed:ánswereandanswére.
In disyllabic and trisyllabic compounds of nouns with certain prefixes, partly accented in Old English, as e.g.al-,un-,for-,mis-,y-,a-,bi-, the primary accent does not rest on these syllables, but on the second syllable, this being the root-syllable of the word, e.g.almíhti,forgétful,unhéele,bihéeste; the first syllable in this case bears a secondary accent if it has a determinative signification, as e.g.al-,mis-,un-, but it is unaccented if it is indifferent to the meaning, as e.g.a-,y-,bi-
§116.A peculiar rhythmical position is held by those words which we may call parathetic compounds.[141]To these belong certain compound nouns formed by two words of almost the same weight from a syntactical and metrical point of view, as e.g.goodman,goodwyf,longswerd, and also by similar composite particles, as e.g.elleswhere,also,into,unto. Although the regular colloquial pronunciation was probably in the Middle English period, as it is in Modern English, with the accent on the first syllable, they may be pronounced with the accent on the second syllable, or at least with level stress, as e.g.goodmán, alsó, intó, &c. To this class also belong certain compounds of adverbs with prepositions, as e.g.herein,therefore,thereof, the only difference being that the usual accent rests here on the last syllable, but may be placed also on the first, as inhereínandhérein,thereófandthéreof, &c.
§117.These gradations of sound in the different words regulate their rhythmical treatment in the verse. In disyllabic words as a rule the syllable with the primary accent is placed in the arsis of the verse, the other syllable, whether it be an unaccented one, or have a secondary accent, is placed in the thesis. Such words as those described in the preceding section may muchmore easily be used with level stress than others. In that case the rhythmical accent rests on the syllable which has the secondary accent, while the syllable which in ordinary speech has the chief accent is used as a thesis.
The ordinary as well as the abnormal use of one and the same word will be illustrated by the followingexample:—