GIGGLESWICK Church had been given to the Priory of Finchale by Henry de Puteaco about 1200, and Finchale was a cell of the Prior and Convent of Durham. So from that date till the Dissolution of the Monasteries the Priors continued to appoint the Vicar. When however in 1548 the church became vacant the rights of the convent were vested in Edward VI and he appointed to the office one of his chaplains John Nowell.
Nothing is known of him. He may have been the brother of Alexander Nowell, a prominent divine both under Mary and her successor, and for a time Head Master of Westminster, Principal of Brasenose College, Oxford, and for over forty years Dean of S. Paul's. This Alexander was a leader of education; he wrote a Catechism that became a school text-book and he assisted to re-founda free school at Middleton. It is not a wholly unsound conjecture, if we suppose that the John Nowell, who assisted to re-found Giggleswick was, if not a brother, at least a member of the same family as Alexander whose home was at Whalley.
We know at least that he was Vicar of Giggleswick till 1558. During his first five years Richard Carr, assisted for a time by Thomas Iveson, was continuing to teach in the small and irregular building of James, his uncle; and as a stipend he was receiving annually £5 6s.8d.
This money ceased to be paid after 1553, in which year on May 26 Edward VI "of happy memory" was pleased to grant a Charter to the School and to endow it with property. This he did at the humble petition of John Nowell, vicar, Henry Tennant, gentleman, and other inhabitants of the town and parish of Giggleswick in Craven.
Quite forgetful of the School's previous existence for over half a century, he ordains that "from henceforth there may and shall be one Grammar School ... which shall be called the Free Grammar School of King Edward the Sixth of Giggleswick, and the same School for ever to continue of one Schoolmaster or Headmaster and of one Under Master or Usher."
This limitation of the teaching staff to oneHeadmaster and one Usher led to serious qualms of conscience among the Governors in the last decade of the eighteenth century, when the revenues and numbers of the School had been very greatly increased. They then added to the number of the staff and discovered that they had contravened the Charter of Edward VI, and this difficulty was one of those that led to the application in 1795 for new Statutes.
It was to be a "free" school, not in any restricted, unusual sense of the word, not free from ecclesiastical interference, that did not come till the nineteenth century, not free from temporal interference, that has never come, but free from fees, giving gratuitous teaching. The Charter was an English document translated into Latin. Hence it is not a question whether the word "libera" can ever be understood in the sense of gratuitous. The Latin word is used as being not the exact, but the nearest equivalent of the English. The Free Grammar School undoubtedly meant exemption from fees and all other meanings are heresies of the nineteenth century, fostered only too willingly by those guardians of Grammar Schools, who were not eager to fill their class-rooms with boys from the locality free of charge and so to exclude the sons of "strangers" who were ready to pay for the privilege. The Charter then named eight men of the more discreet andhonest inhabitants of the Town and Parish of Giggleswick to be Governors of the said School. They were:
John Nowell, Vicar.William Catterall, of Newhall.Henry Tennant, Gentleman.Thomas Procter, of Cletehop.Hugh Newhouse, of Giggleswick.William Browne, of Settle.Roger Armisted, of Knight Stayneforde.William Bankof Fesar.
The Vicar, for the time being, must always be a Governor and with one other he had the sole power of summoning the rest to a meeting. Collectively they could appoint the Headmaster and Usher, make elections to their own body, when any other than the Vicar died or left the neighbourhood, and make statutes and ordinances for the government of the School with the advice of the Bishop of the Diocese. If the Vicar should infringe the said statutes they could for the time being elect another of the inhabitants into his place. They were a corporate body and could have a common seal.
An endowment was provided for them out of the confiscated property of S. Andrewes College, Acaster, in the parishe of Styllingflete in the Countie and Citie of York. Acaster had been founded about 1470 and consisted of three distinct schools, Grammar, Song and Writing, the last intended to "teach all such things asbelonged to Scrivener Craft." The property included land in North Cave, South and North Kelthorpe and Brampton. A further grant was made of land in Edderwick, Rise and Aldburgh which had formed part of the endowment of the Chantry of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the parish of Rise and Aldburgh.
These lands were situated in the East Riding and their whole value amounted annually to £23 3s.of which they had to pay an annual rent to the King of sixty-three shillings. The Trustees were further allowed to purchase or receive gifts of land, etc., for the maintenance of the School, provided that such additional endowment did not exceed the clear yearly value of £30.
The grant does not sound over-generous, but it is necessary to multiply money to twenty times its value, in order to obtain a clear estimate of it in this century. On such a computation it would amount to £400 a year after paying the King's rent, and in addition, it would be possible to acquire by gifts or legacies another £600, making a possible income of £1,000. The Common Seal that the Governors used is of an origin altogether obscure. It represents presumably the Virgin and Child while below is the figure of a man praying. Round the rim are the words:
Sigillum Prebendarii de Bulidon
It may be that Bulidon has in course of time been corrupted and that some modernized form of it exists, with records of a collegiate church. It is quite clearly the seal of a canon or prebendary, but as yet no one has discovered his church or his name. Perhaps Nowell was a prebendary and this was his seal, which he transferred to the Governors for their corporate use.
The Governors were empowered to make "de tempore in tempus" fit and wholesome Statutes and Ordinances in writing concerning the Governors ... how they shall behave and bear themselves in their office ... and for what causes they may be removed; and touching the manner and form of choosing and nominating of the chief master and undermaster, and touching the ordering, government and direction of the chief master and undermaster and of the scholars of the said School, which said Statutes were to be inviolately observed from time to time for ever.
No record remains of Statutes made in accordance with this royal permission until thirty-nine years later. Custom no doubt played a great part in the government of the School and it continued steadily on the lines first laid down by James Carr. But towards the close of the century the country was awakening from the materialism which had girt it round. Thedanger of invasion had passed away. The seeds of religious fervour were bearing fruit. A militant, assertive Puritanism was vigorously putting forward its feelers throughout the length and breadth of England, nor was education the last to be affected. Throughout history it has been the aim of the enthusiast to make education conform to a single standard. Sometimes it has been the value of the disputation, sometimes of the sense of Original Sin, sometimes of the classics. At the close of the sixteenth century Original Sin had become an important factor in the theories of the expert, and its presence is marked in the Giggleswick Ancient Statutes of 1592.
On Sunday the 2nd of July, 1592, between the hours of three and five in the afternoon, Christopher Foster, public notary and one of the Proctors of the Consistory Court at York, appeared personally before John, Archbishop of York, in the great chamber of the Palace at Bishopthorp. He there presented his letters mandatory, sealed with the common seal, for Christopher Shute, Clerk, Bachelor of Divinity, Vicar of the Parish Church of Giggleswick, Henry Tenant, Antony Watson, Richard Chewe, gentlemen, Thos. Banckes, and Roger Carre, yeomen.
He had brought with him "Letters Patent wrote on vellum of the late King Edward theSixth of happy memory concerning the foundacion of the said ffree Grammar School and sealed with the great seal of England." These he shewed to the Archbishop together with certain wholesome Statutes and Ordinances, which they had determined upon. The Archbishop consented to deliberate concerning the matter and consulted with counsel learned in the law in that behalf. Later on the 3rd day of October after mature deliberation, he was pleased to transmit the said Statutes to be registered in the Chancellor's Court at York by the hands of John Benet, Doctor of Laws and Vicar General. The Statutes were accordingly confirmed and remained valid for over two hundred years.
The Governors bound themselves to choose from time to time men of true and sound religion, fearing God and of honest conversation. In spite of these somewhat grandiose qualifications it was found necessary to make a second regulation by which each Governor on his election should protest and swear before the Vicar of Giggleswick and the rest of the Governors to be true and faithful towards the School and its emoluments and profits and not to purloin or take away any of the commodities of the same, whereby it might be impoverished or impaired in any respect.
The third paragraph provided for the election of a new governor in case of a vacancy occurringthrough removal from the district or "if any of them be convicted of any notorious cryme:" in his place was to be chosen a godly, discreet, and sober person. Once, at least, every half-year they were to visit the School and examine the labours of the Master and Usher and also the proceedings of the Scholars in good literature. If any fault was to be found in the observation of the Statutes on the part of the Master or Usher or Scholars, the Governors had the right, of admonishing the offenders and if after admonition twice given amendment was not made, they could remove them. On the other hand the control of the Master over the Scholars was not absolute, but was shared with the Governors.
Finally they were to see to the revenues of the School, and to pay stipends to the Master and Usher, "neither shall they make any wilful waste of the profits but be content with a moderate allowance, when they are occupied about the business of the said School."
The Master.
The Master was to be a man fearing God, of true religion and godly conversation, not given to dicing, carding, or any other unlawful games. These Statutes were the outcome of custom and it is not unreasonable to suppose that while such general expressions astrue religion and godly conversation represented the national feeling of the time, particular prohibitions of dicing and carding had reference to special weaknesses of the contemporary Master. Thus at Dronfield in 1579 the Master was particularly enjoined not to curse or revile his scholars.
The three following clauses refer to the instruction of the Scholars in godly Authors for Christian Religion, and other meet and honest Authors for more Knowledge of the Liberal Sciences. He shall once every week catechize his Scholars in the Knowledge of the Christian Religion and other godly Duties to the end their Obedience in Life may answer to their proceedings in godly Literature.
He shall not teach them any unsavoury or Popish doctrines or infect their young wits with heresies. He shall not use in the School any language to his Scholars which be of riper years and proceedings but only the Latin, Greek or Hebrew, nor shall he willingly permit the use of the English Tongue to them which are or shall be able to speak Latin. These are regulations typical of the century and we shall return to them more fully on a later page.
Giggleswick was a free school but it was clearly not intended to be only a local school, for the Master was to teach indifferently, that is to say, impartially, the Poor as well as the Rich,and the Parishioner as well as the Stranger, and, as they shall profit in learning, so he shall prefer them, without respect of persons.
Vacations were to consist of two weeks at Easter, three weeks at Christmas, and three weeks to be by the said Master appointed when he thinketh it most convenient for his Scholars to be exercised in writing under a Scrivener for their better exercise in that faculty; provided that he could also upon any convenient occasion grant an intermission from study, in any afternoon, whensoever he seeth the same expedient or necessary. He himself could not be absent at any other time above six days, in any one quarter without the special license of the Governors.
For these pains and labours he was to receive as recompense the yearly stipend of twenty marks or £13 6s.8d.of lawful English money, to be paid twice in the year in equal portions at the feast of S. Peter Advincula and at the feast of the Purification of Our Lady. Lastly he was not to "begyne to teache or dismiss the schoole without convenient prayers and thankesgyveing in that behalfe publiquely to be used."
The Usher.
The Usher likewise was to be a man "of sounde religion and sober lyfe and able to trainup the youth in godliness and vertue:" obedient to the Master and directed by him in his teaching. Every year he was to prefer one whole form or "seedge" to the Master's erudition and if they failed, he would stand subject to censure from the Master and Governors.
He was not to absent himself more than four days in any quarter without license from the Master and Governors and in the absence of the Master was to supply his office. For this he received just half the former's yearly stipend, or £6 13s.4d., to be paid in equal portions twice in the year.
Together they had to begin work every morning at 6-30, "if they shall see it expedient," and continue till 11-0 a.m. Then they had a rest till 1-0 o'clock, after which they worked till 5-0 p.m.; except during the winter season when the times of beginning of the school and dismissing of the same shall be left to the discretion of the Master. They could with the assent of the Archbishop of York and upon admonition twice given be expelled from their office or upon one admonition or two be fined or censured according to the quality of their offence.
The Scholars.
The Governors alone, with the consent of the Master, could expulse a Scholar for rebelliously and obstinately withstanding theMaster or Usher; but if any scholar, upon proof first had, should be found altogether negligent or incapable of learning, at the discretion of the Master he could be returned to his friends to be brought up in some other honest trade and exercise of life.
They could not be absent without leave: and if they did not obey the two Prepositors, by the Master to be appointed for order and quietness in the School they were to be subject to the severe censure of the Master or Usher. Lastly if they behaved themselves irreverently at home or abroad towards their parents, friends, or any others whatsoever, or complained of correction moderately given them by the Master or Usher, they were to be severely corrected for the same.
The stipends of the Master and Usher were not wholly ungenerous. Mulcaster, who had founded Merchant Taylors' School and had two hundred and fifty boys under his charge received only £10: at Rotherham the Grammar Master received £10 15s.4d.; this was in 1483 but it was extremely good pay for the period. Even Eton College which had a revenue of over £1,000 at the time of Edward VI's Chantry Commissioners' Report was only paying its Schoolmaster £10. It is true that these Schools had also a varying number of boys paying small fees, but such additional income was not partof the foundation. For Giggleswick with a revenue of £20 (exclusive of the King's rent of £3 3s.) and a further possible revenue of £30, to pay the whole of its £20 as a stipend to the Headmaster and Usher was a distinctly liberal proceeding.
The discretionary power of the Master with regard to the discipline of the School appears to be greatly limited. He is bidden appoint two prepositors, he is even advised as to some particular occasions on which he shall correct the scholars. But these regulations probably only codify existing custom, and in practice, no doubt, the Master would find himself almost entirely free from control. Nevertheless such regulations were not without their danger.
FROM the fifteenth century at least the local Grammar School was the normal place of education for all classes but the highest. In 1410 an action for trespass was brought by two masters of Gloucester Grammar School against a third master, who had set up an unlicensed school in the town and "whereas they used to take forty pence or two shillings a quarter, they now only took twelve pence," and therefore they claimed damages. In the course of the argument the Chief Justice declared that "if a man retains a Master in his house to teach his children, he damages the common Master of the town, but yet he will have no action."
Instances such as this tend to shew that it was the exception for boys to be taught either at home by a private tutor or under a man other than the Public Schoolmaster.
In England, Schools, from the first, that is from their introduction together with Christianity, had been exclusively ecclesiastical institutions and were under ecclesiastical authority and regulation. In 1215 the Fourth Lateran Council had said that there should be a Schoolmaster in every Cathedral, and that he should be licensed by the Bishop. In 1290 at Canterbury the Master had even the power of excommunicating his Scholars. At a later date many chantry priests by the founder's direction, a few voluntarily undertook the task of teaching. In 1547 they were compelled to do so by a law, which after a year was rendered nugatory by the confiscation of Chantries. In 1558 Elizabeth ordained that every Schoolmaster and Teacher should take the oath, not only of Supremacy but also of Allegiance. Even after the Reformation they had still to get the Bishop's license and this continued till the reign of Victoria, save for a brief period during the Commonwealth, when County Committees and Major-Generals took the responsibility.
The curriculum in Schools at the beginning of the sixteenth century consisted of what was called the Trivium, Grammar, Dialectic, and Rhetoric. The Quadrivium or Music, Arithmetic, Geometry and Astronomy, was relegated to the Universities and only pursued by very few. In 1535 Henry VIII wished "laten,greken, and hebrewe to be by my people applied and larned." Latin was not in those days a mere method of training the youthful mind, it was much more a practically useful piece of knowledge. It was a standard of communication and a storehouse of phrases. It was taught in the most approved fashion, as a language to be spoken to fit them, as Brinsley says, "if they shall go beyond the seas, as gentlemen who go to travel. Factors for merchants and the like."
Almost every boy learned his Latin out of the same book. Lily's Grammar was ordered to supplant all others in 1540. The smallest local Grammar Schools had much the same text-books and probably as good scholars as Eton or Winchester or Westminster. The Master and Scholars must not talk any language other than Latin, Greek or Hebrew according to the Giggleswick Statutes, and at Eton and Westminster the same rule applied; at those Schools any boy discovered talking English was punished with the name of Custos, a title which involved various unpleasant duties.
Greek and Hebrew are both in the Giggleswick curriculum. Hallam says that in 1500 not more than three or four persons could be mentioned, who had any tincture of Greek. Colet, in his re-foundation Statutes of S. Paul's School ordained that future Headmasters "must be learned in good and clean Latin Literature" and also "in Greek, if such may be gotten." But towards the close of the century Greek had become well-established. Durham introduced it in 1593, the Giggleswick Statutes imply its use in 1592, and Camden, Headmaster of Westminster, in 1597 brought out a Greek Grammar, which became as universal as Lily's Latin Grammar.
Of Hebrew there are few records, and none at Giggleswick, it was probably allotted very little time, and certainly at the Universities, it was for long at a very low ebb.
With regard to English very little was done. Erasmus was responsible for a slightly wider outlook and he encouraged History in Latin books and in a less degree Geography as a method of illustration. Mulcaster who published his book "Positions" in 1561 deplored the fact that education still began with Latin, although religion was no longer "restrained to Latin." The Giggleswick Statutes set it forth that the Master shall instruct his scholars—for more knowledge of the Liberal Sciences and catechize them every week in the knowledge of Christian Religion.
If the Liberal Sciences were the appointed task, and, if in addition, he must speak Latin or Greek or Hebrew, the boy of 1592, long as his school hours undoubtedly were, would be welloccupied. We have no evidence on the point, but we can conjecture from other sources the nature of the knowledge of Christian Religion that they were expected to have.
The Primer was the layman's service-book, and consisted largely of matter taken from the Horæ or Hours of the Blessed Virgin Mary:
This litel child his litel book lerninge,As he sat in the scole at his prymer.
This litel child his litel book lerninge,As he sat in the scole at his prymer.
In 1545 Henry VIII had issued a new edition in consequence of the Reformation and he now set it forth as the only edition to be used, and emphasized the importance of learning in the vernacular, the Pater Noster—Ave Maria—Creed—and Ten Commandments.
The Primer was a book of devotion, the Catechism was rather a summary of doctrines. Alexander Nowell, Dean of S. Paul's and possibly a brother of the Giggleswick John Nowell had published a Catechism in 1570, which supplanted all others even those "sett fourth by the Kinges majesties' authoritie for all scolemaisters to teache," and it was Nowell's Catechism that the School Statutes expected to be used.
The Bible was not definitely a school subject till 1604, and although it was in earlier use in some places of education, there is no mention of it at Giggleswick. There is however onemore religious aspect of school life that was very general and is mentioned in these particular Statutes. The Master shall not begin to teache or dismiss the School without convenient Prayers and Thanksgivings. The Prayers would probably consist of the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Creed.
Of Grace there is no mention, but in 1547 Edward VI had issued injunctions that "All Graces to be said at dinner and supper shall be always said in the English Tongue."
Every year the Master was allowed to appoint three weeks for the boys to be exercised in writing under a Scrivener. There were in Yorkshire peripatetic Scriveners, who used to wander from school to school and teach them for a few weeks in the year, after which the writing in the school would be neglected. At Durham School the writing had to be encouraged by a system of prizes, by which the best writer in the class would receive every Saturday all the pens and paper of his fellows in the form. St. Bees Grammar School in 1583 tried a similar system from another point of view, they paid the Usher 4d.yearly for every boy "that he shall teach to write, so long as he takes pains with them." But paper was a very great expense; for by the year 1600 there were only two paper factories in England and the price for small folio size was nearly 4d.a quire.Writing indeed was only beginning to be common in the schools, it had long been looked upon merely as a fine art and for ordinary purposes children had been taught by means of sand spread over a board. Henceforward steps are taken all over England to ensure its teaching; at first the expert, the Scrivener, goes round from school to school, but later the ability of the Ushers improves and no longer need they fear the competition of a rival, they begin to teach the boys themselves and writing becomes a part of the ordinary curriculum.
It will be recognized that there is a central motive of religion pervading the teaching and conduct of schools towards the close of the sixteenth century, and in the seventeenth, as there always had been. "We have filled our children's bones with sin" says Hezekiah Woodward, "and it is our engagement to do all we can to root out that which we have been a means to root in so fast." A more serious spirit was abroad. The young man was to abstain from singing or humming a tune in company "especially if he has an unmusical or rough voice." Schoolmasters were to abstain from "dicing and carding," scholars from misdemeanour and irreverent behaviour towards others.
Latin, Greek and Hebrew, became the "holy languages" because they were so closely allied with the Sacred Scriptures. Throughouteducation a deeper sense of the value of religious teaching, a deeper conviction that sin was detestable, a greater respect for outward sobriety fastened upon the minds of those who were responsible for education, and the children whom they trained grew up to be the fathers and mothers of the intense enthusiasts, who enforced religious freedom by the execution of their King.
CHRISTOPHER Shute was appointed Vicar of Giggleswick in 1576. He had been a Sizar of Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, in 1561 and graduated B.A. in 1564, M.A. 1568, and B.D. in 1580. He was a writer on religious subjects and published "A Compendious Forme and Summe of Christian Doctrine, meete for well-disposed Families" and among other writings "A verie Godlie and necessary Sermon preached before the young Countess of Cumberland in the North, the 24th of November, 1577."
After he had been appointed Vicar of Giggleswick by Queen Elizabeth, he took a very sincere interest in the fortunes of the School, and at his suggestion and Henry Tennant's the Statutes of 1592 were set forth. In 1599 he began a Minute-Book to record "all constitutions, orders, eleccions, decrees, statutes, ordinances, graunts, accounts, reckenninges and rents for the free Grammar Schoole of Giggleswickof the donacion and grant of the most famous king of late memorie, Edward the Sixt by the grace of God, King of England, Fraunce, Ireland, etc. Beginning the five and twentieth daie of March, Anno Domini, 1599. Annoque regni Reginæ Elizabethæ etc. quadragesimo primo." These being Governors:
Christopher Shute, Vicar.John Catterall.Henrie Tennant.Anthony Watsonne.Richard Chewe.Thomas Bankes.Henrie Somerscales.Richard Franclaund.
He did not give the book definitely until 1604 "ad usum legum, decretorum, electionum, compitorum," and there are no entries in it between the years 1599 and 1603.
The period during which Christopher Shute was a Governor was marked by great prosperity in the fortunes of the School. During the first twenty years of the new century, many rich gifts were received. The first of these that is recorded is in 1603 when John Catterall, Esquire, of Newhall, leased to his fellow Governors a meadow in Rathmell for "their only use and behoof" for twenty-one years; the Governors leased it in their turn for an annual rent of 33s.4d.and eventually, though the exact date is not mentioned, John Catterall bought it backfor a fixed sum of £13 6s.8d.and an annual rent of 33s.4d.as the former lessee had not paid his rent.
In 1603 also, William Clapham, Vicar of "Runtoun in the county of Northfolke by his last will and testament bearing daite the fyft day of July, 1603," bequeathed to the schoole the patronage, free gift and advowson of the Churches and Rectories of Fulmodestone, Croxton and Rolleston in the county of Norfolk, "And the yearlie pension or porcionn paiable out of them of iiijli.viijs.viijd.I will that iiijli.thereof be yearlie for ever imploied towards the maytaynance or fynding of a poore scholer of the said schoole of Gigleswick, being of the said parish of Gigleswicke or Clapham, to be kept to Learning in somme Colledge in Cambridge: Provided alwaies and my will is that he shall be one of the Claphams or Claphamsons, if there shall be anie of those names meete and fitte theirfore, and to have the said yearly allowance of iiijli.for the space of seaven yeares, if he continue and abide in Cambridge so long." ... "And the other viijs.viijd.I will that the one half theirof shall be bestowed yearlie toward a potacionn amongst the poore schollers of the same schoole, for the tyme being one Saincte Gregories daie, and the other half distributed amongst the poore of the said parish of Gigleswick yearlie onEaster daie for ever, to be ordered, governed and distributed from tyme to tyme by the Feoffees, overseers, governors, and rulers of the said Schoole for the tyme being, whereof one to be a Clapham if their be anie of the name in the same parish meet for that office."
Potations, thus provided for by William Clapham, were common to many schools and were gifts of food and beer by the Master to the Scholars, who in their turn were expected to bring gifts of money and thus enable the Master of a Free School to get an addition to his pay. At Nottingham Dame Mellers in 1512 did "straitlye enjoyne that the Scholemaister, and Usshers, nor any of them, have, make, nor use any potacions, cock-fighte or drinking with his or their wiffe at wiffes' hoost or hoostices, but only twice in the yeare nor take any other giftes or avayles, whereby the Schollers or their Frendes should be charged, but at the playsure of the frends of the Scholers, save the wages to be payde by the sayde Gardyans." On the other hand in the Hartlebury School Statutes, 1565, it is written "the said Schoolmaster shall ... take the profitts of all such Cocke-fights and potations as be comonlie used in Scholes." At Cambridge "they have a potation of Figgs, Reasons and Almons, Bonnes and Beer at the charge of the sayed Determiners."
Such was the custom and William Claphamevidently intended by his gift of 4s.4d.to relieve the Master from the expense and allow the gifts to be pure profit. Unfortunately no record has been traced of any gifts though there are entries in the Minute-Books of payment of expenses on March 12, 1626, "charges this day vis.vid.," which probably refer to the expenditure upon the scholars. Such mention is quite exceptional up till the close of the seventeenth century. The usual accounts are much briefer, giving no details of expenditure but mentioning the balance onlye.g."their remaineth in the hands of John Banks fifty-eight pounds eighteen shillings sixpence."
In time Clapham's bequest increased in value and was reckoned in the Exhibition Account. Certainly from 1767 the Exhibition Account gave something towards the cost of the Potation. In 1767 it was £1 7s.0d., in 1770, 11s.3d.In 1782 it becomes a fixed sum of £1 10s.4d.and the Governors make up the rest from another account. In one year 1769 it was regarded as a joint expenditure by the Governors and Masters. During the last twenty years of the eighteenth century the expenditure averaged £2 10s.0d.In 1814 it was £8 1s.2d., thus proving independently that the numbers of the School must have increased considerably. In 1839 figs and bread are mentioned as having been bought and theCharity Commissioners' Report of 1825 says that beer had ceased to be provided. The figs and bread continued to be distributed till 1861, after which the practice ceased.
The Scholarship to "some colledge in Cambridge" was gradually merged with other gifts in a general Exhibition Account and it is only rarely possible to distinguish a holder of the Clapham Exhibition. Indeed £4 was not a luxurious sum as time went on.
On June 29th, 1604 Henry Tennant of Cleatopp, who had already shewn himself eager for the welfare of the School by supporting the petition of Christopher Shute for the confirmation of the Statutes, gave £100 to the Governors of the School. With this money they were to buy lands or rent charges "to and for such use, purpose and intent that the yearly revenues, yssues, and profittes ... shall and maie be by them ... emploied first for and towardes the better mantaynance of Josias Shute, one of the sonnes of the said Christopher Shute, in Cambridge, until such tyme as he shall be admitted to be Master of Arts in the said Universitie, and from yeare to yeare for ever for and towards the releiving and mantayninge of such schollers within the Universitie of Cambridge, one after another successivelie, as shall be naturallie borne within the said parish of Giggleswick and instructedand brought upp to learning at the said free Grammer Schoole, and as shall be elected and chosen out of the said Schoole by the Master and Governors ... to be fitt for that purpose." Each one was to receive the money until he became Master of Arts, so long as he did not defer the time beyond the customary limit nor remove nor discontinue his place.
This gift Tennant confirmed in his will of July 5 in the same year with a further gift of all his lands and hereditaments in Settle and the "ancient yearlie rent of five shillings be it more or lesse." This was to "go towards the procuringe and obtayninge of an Exhibicioun for a poore scholler or seizer in somme one Colledge in Cambridge until ... he shall or may be Bachelor of Arts.... The same poore scholler to be borne within the parish of Giggleswick and brought upp at the schoole their att learninge and to be elected ... by the Maister and Governors." Clapham's advowsons and rent-charge were sold by the Governors on June 20, 1604, to "one Symon Paycock, of Barney, and Robart Claphamson, of Hamworth, in the countie of Northfolk, clarke" in consideration of the payment of one hundred marks and the lands in Settle left by Henry Tennant were sold to Antonie Procter, of Cleatopp, on January 14, 1604 for £40. These two sums together with Henry Tennant's former gift of £100 helped to makeup £240, with which the Governors on January 19, 1609, bought a rent-charge of £14 13s.4d., which has been paid them ever since. Being a rent-charge, it is not liable to fluctuation.
The first elections were made on February 14, 1604. Josias Shute did not take his B.A. degree till 1605 nor his M.A. till 1609, so that the clause in Henry Tennant's will referring to him still held and he was receiving the interest on £100, but there is also the interest on the lands in Settle which had been sold for £40 and were bringing in £4 yearlie.
Thomas, one of the sons of Christopher Shute, and Alexander Bankes, of Austwick, in the parish of Clapham (also a relative of one of the Governors) were elected to the two Exhibitions. But as Clapham's money continued for seven yeares, they were each to receive £4 a year for four years and to divide the Clapham Exhibition during the next three years, if both continued in the University. This was done "for their better mantaynance and to take awaie emulation."
Thereafter elections were frequently made, until the merging of the funds in the general foundation of the School by the scheme of 1872.
In 1507, the half-acre of land on which James Carr, capellanus, had built his school had been leased for seventy-nine years for a yearly rent of "xijd.of good and lawfull moneye ofEngland," and when the seventy-nine years were up, the lease was to be renewable on a payment of 6s.8d.Clearly it had been renewed in 1586 but no record remains. In 1610 "on the ffourteenth daie of December, Sir Gervysse Helwysse and Sir Richard Williamson were owners in ffee farme of the Rectorie and Parsonage of Giglesweke." Durham had ceased to possess it, on the Confiscation of Finchale Priory, and in 1601 Robert Somerskayles had bought it of the Crown.
Sir Gervysse Helwysse and Sir Richard Williamson "in consideracion of a certeyne somme of money to them in hand paid, but especially at the request and mediacion of the said Christofer Shutt" sold "all that house comonly called the Schoolehouse in Giglesweke afforesaid and that close adioyneing therto, called the Schoolehouse garth, parcell of the said Rectorye."
The amount of the "certeyne somme of monye" is not declared. The land now belonged to the School, but the xijd.yearly had still to be paid as part of the fee farm rent, payable for the Rectory to the King's majesty.
The next important bequest comes from Richard Carr, Vicar of Hockleigh in Essex, who died in 1616. He was a great-grandson of the brother of James, the founder of the School. The family interest was maintained and at his deathhe left a house in Maldon, called Seely House Grove, with all its appurtenances to his wife Joan and after her death to the "Societye, Companie and Corporation of Christe Colledge in Cambridge." He also bequeathed direct to the College "a tenement at Hackwell alias Hawkwell in the Countie of Essex called Mount Bovers or Munde Bovers."
These lands "during the naturall life of my foresaid wife, Joane" were to be used for the provision of five Scholarships at £5 apiece and after the death of Joane the whole estate was to provide eight Scholarships at £5, and two Fellowships at twenty marks (£13 6s.8d.) apiece. The Scholarships were to continue until the holder had time to "commence Master of Arts," if he abode so long, and the Fellowships until they had time to "commence Bachelor of Divinitie."
The Scholars had to be born in the parish of Giggleswick or be children "lawfullie begotten of my brother-in-law, Robert Thornton and my sister Jeanet, his wife, in the parish of Clapham and of their children's posteritie for ever." They must have been brought up in the free School of Giggleswick and were to be "chosen from the poorer sort though they be not altogether so learned, as other scholars, who have richer friends." If any of the founder's kin were not immediately ready for the Scholarship, it couldbe held over for one year and the amount for that year distributed among the Sizars of the College. Never more than four of his kin might hold the Scholarship at one time.
The Fellowships were to be offered to his two nephews "Richard Carr, now of Peterhouse, and Robert Thornton, of Jesus Colledge in Cambridge." If they should be unable to accept them the "Maister and Fellowes of Christe Colledge" shall elect fellows from the number only of those "who have or at least have had some of the aforesaid scholarships and none other to be capable of them."
The College Authorities were asked to provide convenient chambers and studies for both Fellows and Scholars and to account them as Fellows and Scholars of the College.
In consequence of the provision that the Scholars were to be elected from "the poorer sort" an agreement was made in 1635 by which those elected were allowed to receive the £5 and yet go to another College. For £5 was quite inadequate and at Christ's "by reason of the poverty of the holders, no Fellow is found willing to undertake for them as a Tutor in respect of the hazard thereof." Tempest Thornton is the only name recorded as a Giggleswick Fellow and he held office in 1625. The reason why no other was ever elected is given in a letter from Thomas Atherton, Fellow of Christ's, writtenMay 29, 1718, to Richard Ellershaw, Vicar of Giggleswick, in which he says that it was "owing to our having lost that part of the Estate thus bequeathed us called Seely House Grove, which was sued for and recovered a great while ago by some or other that laid claim to it."
The farms in Hockley and Maldon are still in their possession and one of them retains its name, Munde Bowers. Never more than six Scholarships a year had been given and in 1718 the income was £31 a year. In 1890 there were apparently two Carr Exhibitions of £50 a year each, while at the present day there is one of £50 tenable for three years, but it is possible that in a few years another Exhibition may be given occasionally.
In 1619 the term of Christopher Shute's Headmastership drew to a close. He resigned and his place was taken by the Rev. Robert Dockray. It cannot be ascertained how long Shute had been Master, for the earliest expenditure which is entered in the Minute-Book was in 1615 and therein:
This entry establishes the fact that one Christopher Shute was Master in 1615 and the receipts continue in his name for four years until 1619. Tradition says that the Vicar andMaster were one and the same person, but there are certain difficulties in the way. In the first place the Vicar was over seventy years of age, secondly there is no Grace Book or extant contemporary writing or extract from the Parish Registers, in which he is called both Vicar and Master. Thirdly, the Vicar's son, Josias, is said to have been educated by his father, until he was of an age to go to the Grammar School. On the other hand Shute may have undertaken the work of the Master for a few years only and owing to some especial necessity, which has not been recorded. Secondly there is no record of any Christopher Shute, other than the Vicar, who in 1615 could have acted as Master. Nathaniel Shute had a son Christopher, who was later a Fellow of Christ's, Cambridge, but at this date he was still a boy. Thirdly the signatures in the Minute-Book of both Master and Vicar are very similar.
The year 1619 is the latest date at which the Vicar took any active part in the advancement of the School and his work may be briefly summarised. With Henry Tennant, he had petitioned Archbishop Piers for his assent to the Statutes, which they had drawn up. In 1599 he had procured a parchment-covered book, which he called "Liber Christopheri Shute et amicorum" and in 1604 he presented it to the School. The book contains elections ofScholars, elections of Governors, Accounts, Receipts, etc.; it is not full of important matter, but is rather a bare record of certain facts.
In 1610 he was responsible with Robert Bankes and John Robinson for the purchase of the land on which the School stood, and during his mastership the Clapham, Tennant and Carr bequests were made. Such benefactions in themselves denote the fame of the School, and the result of its teaching is seen in the pupils it sent forth.
Nathaniel Shute was born at Giggleswick "his father, Christopher Shute being the painful Vicar thereof." He was educated at the School and went thence to Christ's College, Cambridge; he became a most excellent scholar and solid preacher, though nothing of his work remains save the Corona Caritatis, a sermon preached at the funeral of Master Fishbourn. He died in 1638.
Josias Shute, born in 1588, was the brother of Nathaniel and from Giggleswick went on to Trinity College, Cambridge. In 1611 he became Rector of S. Mary Wolnoth, Lombard Street, and remained there over thirty years. He was "the most precious jewell ever seen in Lombard Street," but suffered much during the civil disturbances of the reign. Charles I made him Archdeacon of Colchester in 1642, and he died on June 14, 1643. His funeral sermon was preached by Ephraim Udall.