989.Fr.; Περὶ αὐταρκείας; p. 9: καὶ τί ἔχει δυσχερὲς ἣ ἐπίπονον ἡ πενία.
989.Fr.; Περὶ αὐταρκείας; p. 9: καὶ τί ἔχει δυσχερὲς ἣ ἐπίπονον ἡ πενία.
990.Ibid.
990.Ibid.
991.Ibid.Cephalus inRep.i gives a more balanced judgment.
991.Ibid.Cephalus inRep.i gives a more balanced judgment.
992.Ibid., pp. 6 f., citing Bion on the answer of poverty to her accusers. Cf. Aristoph.Plutus558 f. on the power of poverty, cited by Ruskin,Aratra Pentel., IV, 139 (Vol. XX, 296).
992.Ibid., pp. 6 f., citing Bion on the answer of poverty to her accusers. Cf. Aristoph.Plutus558 f. on the power of poverty, cited by Ruskin,Aratra Pentel., IV, 139 (Vol. XX, 296).
993.Fr. iv. B, p. 34, he attacks the opposite thesis.
993.Fr. iv. B, p. 34, he attacks the opposite thesis.
994.Ibid., ll. 5 f.; p. 35, good doctrine for a tramp; p. 34.
994.Ibid., ll. 5 f.; p. 35, good doctrine for a tramp; p. 34.
995.Ibid., ll. 13 ff.
995.Ibid., ll. 13 ff.
996.Ibid., pp. 36 f., a comparison of Aristides and Callias.
996.Ibid., pp. 36 f., a comparison of Aristides and Callias.
997.Fr. iv. A, p. 28, purporting to be the answer of Crates as to what he would gain by being a philosopher.
997.Fr. iv. A, p. 28, purporting to be the answer of Crates as to what he would gain by being a philosopher.
998.Cf.infra; also Cic.De fin.iii. 10. 33 f.; Zeller,op. cit., III, 1, 214.
998.Cf.infra; also Cic.De fin.iii. 10. 33 f.; Zeller,op. cit., III, 1, 214.
999.Cic.Paradox.6, on the thesis that only the wise are rich.
999.Cic.Paradox.6, on the thesis that only the wise are rich.
1000.SenecaBenef.vii. 3. 2 f.; 6. 3; 8. 1.
1000.SenecaBenef.vii. 3. 2 f.; 6. 3; 8. 1.
1001.Diog. L. vii. 125. On both the citations above, cf. Zeller, III, 1, 251.
1001.Diog. L. vii. 125. On both the citations above, cf. Zeller, III, 1, 251.
1002.Called Citieus, born 320B.C., of Semitic descent.
1002.Called Citieus, born 320B.C., of Semitic descent.
1003.Stoic Vet. Fr., ed. Arnim, 1905, I, 47, fr. 190 (Stob.Ecl.ii. 7. 5, pp. 57 f., ed. Wachs.); Diog. L. vii. 101 f., 103-5.
1003.Stoic Vet. Fr., ed. Arnim, 1905, I, 47, fr. 190 (Stob.Ecl.ii. 7. 5, pp. 57 f., ed. Wachs.); Diog. L. vii. 101 f., 103-5.
1004.Von Arnim,op. cit., p. 53, fr. 220; Cic.De fin.v. 84: “At Zeno eum (mendicum) non beatum modo, sed etiam divitem dicere ausus est.”
1004.Von Arnim,op. cit., p. 53, fr. 220; Cic.De fin.v. 84: “At Zeno eum (mendicum) non beatum modo, sed etiam divitem dicere ausus est.”
1005.Von Arnim (p. 52, fr. 216 [Stob.Ecl.ii. 7. 11g, pp. 991., ed. Wachs.]) cites Zeno as placing among the goods of the σπουδαῖος man the fact that he is οἰκονομικός and χρηματιστικός, while the φαῦλοι are opposite; cf. also p.100.
1005.Von Arnim (p. 52, fr. 216 [Stob.Ecl.ii. 7. 11g, pp. 991., ed. Wachs.]) cites Zeno as placing among the goods of the σπουδαῖος man the fact that he is οἰκονομικός and χρηματιστικός, while the φαῦλοι are opposite; cf. also p.100.
1006.Von Arnim, p. 61, fr. 264 (Clem. Alex.Strom.v. 12. 76, p. 691p).
1006.Von Arnim, p. 61, fr. 264 (Clem. Alex.Strom.v. 12. 76, p. 691p).
1007.Von Arnim, p. 62, fr. 268 (Diog. L. vii. 33): νόμισμα δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἀλλαγῆς ἕνεκεν οἴεσθαι δεῖν κατασκευάζειν οὔτ᾽ ἀποδημίας ἕνεκεν. Oncken (op. cit., p. 48) thinks that the Stoics were forerunners of the physiocrats.
1007.Von Arnim, p. 62, fr. 268 (Diog. L. vii. 33): νόμισμα δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἀλλαγῆς ἕνεκεν οἴεσθαι δεῖν κατασκευάζειν οὔτ᾽ ἀποδημίας ἕνεκεν. Oncken (op. cit., p. 48) thinks that the Stoics were forerunners of the physiocrats.
1008.Plut.De Alex. Fort.i. 6: ἡ πολὺ θαυμαζομένη πολιτεία τοῦ ... Ζήνονος. He says that it agreed in principle with the states of Plato and Lycurgus. Cf. Poehlmann,op. cit., II, 341 ff., but cf.infra, p.140f. Cf. n. 2, above. Ar.Pol.ii. 4. 1266a: εἰσὶ δέ τινες πολιτεῖαι καὶ ἄλλαι, etc., shows that a series of ideal states had preceded his, though he says Plato’s was the most radical.
1008.Plut.De Alex. Fort.i. 6: ἡ πολὺ θαυμαζομένη πολιτεία τοῦ ... Ζήνονος. He says that it agreed in principle with the states of Plato and Lycurgus. Cf. Poehlmann,op. cit., II, 341 ff., but cf.infra, p.140f. Cf. n. 2, above. Ar.Pol.ii. 4. 1266a: εἰσὶ δέ τινες πολιτεῖαι καὶ ἄλλαι, etc., shows that a series of ideal states had preceded his, though he says Plato’s was the most radical.
1009.Plut. De Alex. Fort.i. 6.
1009.Plut. De Alex. Fort.i. 6.
1010.Diog. L. vii. 33, 131; cf. nn. 3 and 5 above.
1010.Diog. L. vii. 33, 131; cf. nn. 3 and 5 above.
1011.Diog. L. vii. 131; 33.
1011.Diog. L. vii. 131; 33.
1012.Poehlmann,op. cit., II, 342, n. 1.
1012.Poehlmann,op. cit., II, 342, n. 1.
1013.Cf. above, n. 5;Athen.xiii. 561c.
1013.Cf. above, n. 5;Athen.xiii. 561c.
1014.Cf. Poehlmann,op. cit., I, 11, n. 8; also 346.
1014.Cf. Poehlmann,op. cit., I, 11, n. 8; also 346.
1015.Diog. L. vii. 33.
1015.Diog. L. vii. 33.
1016.On this double tendency in the Stoics, and reasons therefore, cf. Souchon (op. cit., pp. 173 f.); Poehlmann (op. cit., II, 342 f., and I, 111) and Wolf (op. cit., pp. 116 ff.) exaggerate their socialistic tendency. For further discussion, cf.infra. Cf. L. Stein,Soc. Frage, pp. 171-80.
1016.On this double tendency in the Stoics, and reasons therefore, cf. Souchon (op. cit., pp. 173 f.); Poehlmann (op. cit., II, 342 f., and I, 111) and Wolf (op. cit., pp. 116 ff.) exaggerate their socialistic tendency. For further discussion, cf.infra. Cf. L. Stein,Soc. Frage, pp. 171-80.
1017.280-206B.C.Aristo and Cleanthes, successors of Zeno, also emphasized similar doctrines in relation to wealth. Cf. von Arnim, I, p. 89, frs. 396, 397, 398, from Aristo;ibid., p. 137, fr. 617, from Cleanthes.
1017.280-206B.C.Aristo and Cleanthes, successors of Zeno, also emphasized similar doctrines in relation to wealth. Cf. von Arnim, I, p. 89, frs. 396, 397, 398, from Aristo;ibid., p. 137, fr. 617, from Cleanthes.
1018.Ibid., II, 79, fr. 240; III, 28, fr. 117; p. 29, frs. 122, 123; p. 32, fr. 135.
1018.Ibid., II, 79, fr. 240; III, 28, fr. 117; p. 29, frs. 122, 123; p. 32, fr. 135.
1019.Ibid., III, 156, fr. 598; p. 159, fr. 618; p. 155, fr. 593.
1019.Ibid., III, 156, fr. 598; p. 159, fr. 618; p. 155, fr. 593.
1020.Ibid., p. 155, fr. 597.
1020.Ibid., p. 155, fr. 597.
1021.Ibid., p. 160, fr. 629, “Lucro autem numquam sapiens studet.”
1021.Ibid., p. 160, fr. 629, “Lucro autem numquam sapiens studet.”
1022.Ibid., p. 169, fr. 623: μόνον δὲ τὸν σπουδαῖον ἄνορα χρηματιστικὸν εἶναι, γινώσκοντα ἀφ᾽ ὧν, χρηματιστέον, καὶ πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ μέχρι πότε.
1022.Ibid., p. 169, fr. 623: μόνον δὲ τὸν σπουδαῖον ἄνορα χρηματιστικὸν εἶναι, γινώσκοντα ἀφ᾽ ὧν, χρηματιστέον, καὶ πότε καὶ πῶς καὶ μέχρι πότε.
1023.Von Arnim, III, 168, fr. 674.
1023.Von Arnim, III, 168, fr. 674.
1024.Ibid., p. 36, frs. 151, 152, “Bonum ex malo non fit: divitiae fiunt: fiunt autem ex avaritia divitiae ergo non sunt bonum” (SenecaEp.87. 22).
1024.Ibid., p. 36, frs. 151, 152, “Bonum ex malo non fit: divitiae fiunt: fiunt autem ex avaritia divitiae ergo non sunt bonum” (SenecaEp.87. 22).
1025.Von Arnim, p. 172, fr. 686 (Stob.Ecl.ii. 7, p. 109, 10): .... λόγους κατηλεύειν, οὐ φαμένων δεῖν ἀπὸ παιδείας παρὰ τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων χρηματίζεσθαι.
1025.Von Arnim, p. 172, fr. 686 (Stob.Ecl.ii. 7, p. 109, 10): .... λόγους κατηλεύειν, οὐ φαμένων δεῖν ἀπὸ παιδείας παρὰ τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων χρηματίζεσθαι.
1026.Von Arnim, p. 86, fr. 352: ἄνθρωπος γὰρ ἐκ φύσεως δοῦλος οὐδείς; p. 87, fr. 358; cf. p.141, n. 7, above.
1026.Von Arnim, p. 86, fr. 352: ἄνθρωπος γὰρ ἐκ φύσεως δοῦλος οὐδείς; p. 87, fr. 358; cf. p.141, n. 7, above.
1027.Ibid., fr. 357.
1027.Ibid., fr. 357.
1028.Ibid., 89, fr. 365; p. 86, frs. 356, 354.
1028.Ibid., 89, fr. 365; p. 86, frs. 356, 354.
1029.Ibid., p. 86, fr. 355; p. 88, fr. 362; p. 89, 364. Cf. Espinas,Hist. des doctrines èconomiques, 56 f., on the Stoics’ attitude toward labor and slavery: “Ni les Cyniques ni les Stoiciens ne méprisaient le travail”; “La seule servitude déshonorante est celle des passions et du vice.”
1029.Ibid., p. 86, fr. 355; p. 88, fr. 362; p. 89, 364. Cf. Espinas,Hist. des doctrines èconomiques, 56 f., on the Stoics’ attitude toward labor and slavery: “Ni les Cyniques ni les Stoiciens ne méprisaient le travail”; “La seule servitude déshonorante est celle des passions et du vice.”
1030.Poehlmann (op. cit., II, 342 f. and notes), citing von Arnim, III, 77, fr. 314, ὁ νόμος πάντων ἐστὶ βασιλεύς, etc., thinks Chrysippus’ principle of the law of reason as king of all is anti-individualistic. He cites also Cic.De fin.iii. 19 (64), where the individual seems to be made to exist for the sake of the whole. But cf. above, p.140f. and notes.
1030.Poehlmann (op. cit., II, 342 f. and notes), citing von Arnim, III, 77, fr. 314, ὁ νόμος πάντων ἐστὶ βασιλεύς, etc., thinks Chrysippus’ principle of the law of reason as king of all is anti-individualistic. He cites also Cic.De fin.iii. 19 (64), where the individual seems to be made to exist for the sake of the whole. But cf. above, p.140f. and notes.
1031.Cf. Diog. L. vii. 131, and above, p.140, nn. 7 f.
1031.Cf. Diog. L. vii. 131, and above, p.140, nn. 7 f.
1032.Op. cit., p. 171.
1032.Op. cit., p. 171.
1033.Cf. above, on Cynics and Stoics, andinfra; cf. even in Plato,Laws679A-B.
1033.Cf. above, on Cynics and Stoics, andinfra; cf. even in Plato,Laws679A-B.
1034.The Socratics were the pioneers in this regard also. On the unhistorical character of the alleged early communism in Sparta, cf. Poehlmann,op. cit., I, 75 ff. and 100 f.; on this triple tendency in the post-Aristotelian social thought, cf.ibid., pp. 99 ff., on “Der Sozialstaat der Legende und das sozialistische Naturrecht”; also Souchon, p. 172.
1034.The Socratics were the pioneers in this regard also. On the unhistorical character of the alleged early communism in Sparta, cf. Poehlmann,op. cit., I, 75 ff. and 100 f.; on this triple tendency in the post-Aristotelian social thought, cf.ibid., pp. 99 ff., on “Der Sozialstaat der Legende und das sozialistische Naturrecht”; also Souchon, p. 172.
1035.Cf. above, p.140.
1035.Cf. above, p.140.
1036.Cf. PorphyryDe abstin.iv. 1. 2; Mueller,F.H.G., II, 233. His Βίος Ἑλλάδοσς was a history of the degeneration of Greek civilization from the primitive ideal. Cf. Poehlmann,op. cit., I, 109 and n. 1, on his influence on Rousseau, who refers to him. Cf.ibid., n. 2, for a similar idea of a golden age in Theoc. xii. 15.
1036.Cf. PorphyryDe abstin.iv. 1. 2; Mueller,F.H.G., II, 233. His Βίος Ἑλλάδοσς was a history of the degeneration of Greek civilization from the primitive ideal. Cf. Poehlmann,op. cit., I, 109 and n. 1, on his influence on Rousseau, who refers to him. Cf.ibid., n. 2, for a similar idea of a golden age in Theoc. xii. 15.
1037.On his social ideas, cf. Poehlmann, I, 113 ff.
1037.On his social ideas, cf. Poehlmann, I, 113 ff.
1038.Strabo vii, p. 463 (F.H.G., I, 256, fr. 76).
1038.Strabo vii, p. 463 (F.H.G., I, 256, fr. 76).
1039.Nic. Damasc. (F.H.G., III, fr. 123): διὰ τὴν τοῦ βίου κοινότητα καὶ δικαιοσύνην. Cf. alsoibid., I, 257, fr. 78, Ephorus.
1039.Nic. Damasc. (F.H.G., III, fr. 123): διὰ τὴν τοῦ βίου κοινότητα καὶ δικαιοσύνην. Cf. alsoibid., I, 257, fr. 78, Ephorus.
1040.Ibid.; also fr. 76: πρός τε ἀλλήλους εὐνομοῦνται κοινὰ πάντα ἔχοντες τά τε ἄλλα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τέκνα καὶ τὴν ὅλην συγγένειαν.
1040.Ibid.; also fr. 76: πρός τε ἀλλήλους εὐνομοῦνται κοινὰ πάντα ἔχοντες τά τε ἄλλα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ τέκνα καὶ τὴν ὅλην συγγένειαν.
1041.Panathen.178: ἀλλὰ παρὰ σφίσι μὲν αὐτοῖς ἰσονομίαν καταστῆσαι καὶ δημοκρατίαν τοιαύτην, οἵαν περ χρὴ τοὺς μέλλοντας ἄπαντα τὸν χρόνον ὁμονοήσειν; also 153; for an idealized picture of early Athenian life, cf.Paneg.79;Areop.31; 32, 35, 44, 83; cited by Poehlmann,op. cit., I, 136 f.
1041.Panathen.178: ἀλλὰ παρὰ σφίσι μὲν αὐτοῖς ἰσονομίαν καταστῆσαι καὶ δημοκρατίαν τοιαύτην, οἵαν περ χρὴ τοὺς μέλλοντας ἄπαντα τὸν χρόνον ὁμονοήσειν; also 153; for an idealized picture of early Athenian life, cf.Paneg.79;Areop.31; 32, 35, 44, 83; cited by Poehlmann,op. cit., I, 136 f.
1042.Cf. Polybius vi. 45, and Poehlmann’s note (I, 122).
1042.Cf. Polybius vi. 45, and Poehlmann’s note (I, 122).
1043.Book vi. 10; 48; etc.; cf. Poehlmann, as above.
1043.Book vi. 10; 48; etc.; cf. Poehlmann, as above.
1044.Cf. hisLycurgus, especially 8, 9, 10, 3, 25, 30, 31.
1044.Cf. hisLycurgus, especially 8, 9, 10, 3, 25, 30, 31.
1045.Cf. Poehlmann, I, 122 and n. 3.
1045.Cf. Poehlmann, I, 122 and n. 3.
1046.Cf. above, notes p.143, nn. 4-6. especially 6.
1046.Cf. above, notes p.143, nn. 4-6. especially 6.
1047.Cf. above, p.140.
1047.Cf. above, p.140.
1048.Cf. above, p.62, n. 6.
1048.Cf. above, p.62, n. 6.
1049.Op. cit., II, 359 ff., though he has been too ready to see in them a direct analogy to modern socialism.
1049.Op. cit., II, 359 ff., though he has been too ready to see in them a direct analogy to modern socialism.
1050.Book viii of hisPhilipp. Histories(Athen.xii. 517dff.).
1050.Book viii of hisPhilipp. Histories(Athen.xii. 517dff.).
1051.Cf. Poehlmann, I, 362 ff.
1051.Cf. Poehlmann, I, 362 ff.
1052.Mueller,F.H.G., II, 392, fr. 13; cf. 386 ff.
1052.Mueller,F.H.G., II, 392, fr. 13; cf. 386 ff.
1053.Diod. i. 6. 93; 4, a platonic ideal.
1053.Diod. i. 6. 93; 4, a platonic ideal.
1054.Ibid.v. 45. 3 ff.
1054.Ibid.v. 45. 3 ff.
1055.Ibid.45. 3.
1055.Ibid.45. 3.
1056.Diod. v. 45. 5; 46. 1 shows that the artisans were included in the communism.
1056.Diod. v. 45. 5; 46. 1 shows that the artisans were included in the communism.
1057.Ibid.45. 4: τοὺς κάρπους ἀναφέρουσιν εἰς τὸ κοινόν, etc.; though prizes were given for excellence in farming.
1057.Ibid.45. 4: τοὺς κάρπους ἀναφέρουσιν εἰς τὸ κοινόν, etc.; though prizes were given for excellence in farming.
1058.Ibid.ii. 55-60.
1058.Ibid.ii. 55-60.
1059.Ibid.59.6: ἐναλλάξ δὲ αὐτοὺς τοὺς μὲν ἀλλήλοις διακονεῖν, τοὺς δὲ ἁλιεύειν, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὰς τέχνας εἶναι, ἄλλους δὲ περὶ ἄλλα τῶν χρησίμων ἀσχολεῖσθαι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκ περιόδου κυκλικῆς λειτουργεῖν, πλὴν τῶν ἤδη γεγηρακότων. Cf. p.34, n. 1, above, on Ruskin’s idea that all should do some head and some hand work. Poehlmann (II, 391, n. 2) compares it to the socialism of Bebel. The implication that Plato’s state is distinguished from this, as a society of citizens who do not work (402 f.), is hardly fair. The proper distinction is rather that Plato insists that each citizen do the particular kind of work for which he is best fitted. It is needless to ask which had the saner view, from the economic or any other standpoint. Jambulus’ repudiation of the division of labor in the interest of equality is certainly one of the most radical measures ever suggested in the history of communism.
1059.Ibid.59.6: ἐναλλάξ δὲ αὐτοὺς τοὺς μὲν ἀλλήλοις διακονεῖν, τοὺς δὲ ἁλιεύειν, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὰς τέχνας εἶναι, ἄλλους δὲ περὶ ἄλλα τῶν χρησίμων ἀσχολεῖσθαι, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐκ περιόδου κυκλικῆς λειτουργεῖν, πλὴν τῶν ἤδη γεγηρακότων. Cf. p.34, n. 1, above, on Ruskin’s idea that all should do some head and some hand work. Poehlmann (II, 391, n. 2) compares it to the socialism of Bebel. The implication that Plato’s state is distinguished from this, as a society of citizens who do not work (402 f.), is hardly fair. The proper distinction is rather that Plato insists that each citizen do the particular kind of work for which he is best fitted. It is needless to ask which had the saner view, from the economic or any other standpoint. Jambulus’ repudiation of the division of labor in the interest of equality is certainly one of the most radical measures ever suggested in the history of communism.
1060.Op. cit., p. 195; Roscher is, of course, extreme in his appreciation.
1060.Op. cit., p. 195; Roscher is, of course, extreme in his appreciation.
1061.Cf. Brants,Les théories écon. au XIII et XIV siècle; Espinas,Histoire des doctrines économiques, pp. 72 ff.; Haney,op. cit., pp. 69 ff.
1061.Cf. Brants,Les théories écon. au XIII et XIV siècle; Espinas,Histoire des doctrines économiques, pp. 72 ff.; Haney,op. cit., pp. 69 ff.
1062.In hisDe origine, natura, jure, et mutationibus monetarum(fourteenth century). On their dependence upon Aristotle, cf. Zmavc,Zeitschr. f. d. gesammt. Staatswiss., 1902, pp. 54 and 77 f.; andArchiv f. d. Gesch. der Phil., 1899, 407 ff.
1062.In hisDe origine, natura, jure, et mutationibus monetarum(fourteenth century). On their dependence upon Aristotle, cf. Zmavc,Zeitschr. f. d. gesammt. Staatswiss., 1902, pp. 54 and 77 f.; andArchiv f. d. Gesch. der Phil., 1899, 407 ff.
1063.Cf. Souchon, pp. 199 f., who observes that the Greek moral goal was perfection of the individual through the state, while that of the Middle Ages was individual salvation to another world.
1063.Cf. Souchon, pp. 199 f., who observes that the Greek moral goal was perfection of the individual through the state, while that of the Middle Ages was individual salvation to another world.
1064.Cf. Oncken,op. cit., p. 38.
1064.Cf. Oncken,op. cit., p. 38.
1065.He calls Plato the “master of economy” (Fors Clav.[Vol. XXVIII, 717]); cf. also Vol. XXXVIII, 112 on his Platonic discipleship. He says (Arrows of the Chace, Vol. XXXIV, 547): “The economy I teach is Xenophon’s”; cf. also Vol. XXXVII, 550, Letter to Professor Blackie, II: “My own political economy is literally only the expansion and explanation of Xenophon’s.” Cf. Vol. XXXI, Intro., pp. xv ff.; Vol. XVII, pp. xlix and 18; cf. his preface to his translation of theEconomicus; cf. also E. Barker,Pol. Thought in England from Herbert Spencer to the Present Day(“Home University Library”), pp. 191-96, who emphasizes this Greek influence. Cf. above, p.23, n. 5;64, n. 3.
1065.He calls Plato the “master of economy” (Fors Clav.[Vol. XXVIII, 717]); cf. also Vol. XXXVIII, 112 on his Platonic discipleship. He says (Arrows of the Chace, Vol. XXXIV, 547): “The economy I teach is Xenophon’s”; cf. also Vol. XXXVII, 550, Letter to Professor Blackie, II: “My own political economy is literally only the expansion and explanation of Xenophon’s.” Cf. Vol. XXXI, Intro., pp. xv ff.; Vol. XVII, pp. xlix and 18; cf. his preface to his translation of theEconomicus; cf. also E. Barker,Pol. Thought in England from Herbert Spencer to the Present Day(“Home University Library”), pp. 191-96, who emphasizes this Greek influence. Cf. above, p.23, n. 5;64, n. 3.
1066.Barker, cited above, in n. 2, also emphasizes this fact. Cf. the edition of Ruskin above cited, Introduction to Vol. XVII, an excellent discussion of Ruskin’s economic ideas and their influence, for a bibliography (p. cxii) and citations from many modern economists on the subject; e.g., the notable address in 1885, in recognition of his work, signed by a number of leading English economists; the striking citations from Ingram; from Stimson (Quarterly Journal of Economics, II [1888], 445), that the future political economy will make its bricks for building “from Ruskin’s earth rather than from Ricardo’s straw”; from the late regius professor of modern history at Oxford, “The political economy of today is the political economy of John Ruskin, and not that of John Bright or even of John Stewart Mill.”
1066.Barker, cited above, in n. 2, also emphasizes this fact. Cf. the edition of Ruskin above cited, Introduction to Vol. XVII, an excellent discussion of Ruskin’s economic ideas and their influence, for a bibliography (p. cxii) and citations from many modern economists on the subject; e.g., the notable address in 1885, in recognition of his work, signed by a number of leading English economists; the striking citations from Ingram; from Stimson (Quarterly Journal of Economics, II [1888], 445), that the future political economy will make its bricks for building “from Ruskin’s earth rather than from Ricardo’s straw”; from the late regius professor of modern history at Oxford, “The political economy of today is the political economy of John Ruskin, and not that of John Bright or even of John Stewart Mill.”
1067.P. 46, n. 3 (Wagner,Die Akad. Nat.-oek. und der Socialismus, 1895).
1067.P. 46, n. 3 (Wagner,Die Akad. Nat.-oek. und der Socialismus, 1895).
1068.Op. cit., p. 201.
1068.Op. cit., p. 201.
Transcriber’s Notes:Missing or obscured punctuation was corrected.Typographical errors were silently corrected.
Transcriber’s Notes:
Missing or obscured punctuation was corrected.
Typographical errors were silently corrected.