Chapter 77

[509]Digby 51, 13th Century, fols. 79-114, “Liber iiii tractatuum Batolomei Alfalisobi in sciencia judiciorum astrorum.... Et perfectus est eius translatio de Arabico in Latinum a Tiburtino Platone cui Deus parcat die Veneris hora tertia XXa die mensis Octobris anno Domini MCXXVIII (sic) XV die mensis Saphar anno Arabum DXXXIII (sic) in civitate Barchinona....” The date of translation is given as October 2, 1138, in CUL 1767, 1276 A.D., fols. 240-76, “Liber 4 Partium Ptholomei Auburtino Palatone.”[510]It is found in an edition printed at Venice in 1493, “per Bonetum locatellum impensis nobilis viri Octaviani scoti civis Modoetiensis.”[511]In the British Museum are editions of Venice, 1484, 1493, 1519; Paris, 1519; Basel, 1533; Louvain, 1548; it was also printed in 1551, 1555, 1578.[512]In the British Museum are but three editions of the Greek text, all with an accompanying Latin translation: Nürnberg, 1535; Basel, 1553; and 1583.[513]Studien über Claudius Ptolemäus, 1894.[514]“C’était la capitulation de la science.” Bouché-Leclercq inRev. Hist., LXV, 257, note 3.[515]In the medieval Latin translation the Slavs replace the Scythians of Ptolemy’s text.[516]Indeed, Hephaestion’s first two books are nothing but Ptolemy repeated. About contemporary with Ptolemy seems to have been Vettius Valens whose astrological work is extant: Vettius Valens,Anthologiarum libri primum ediditGuilelmus Kroll, Berlin, 1908. See also CCAGpassimconcerning both Hephaestion and Vettius Valens, and Engelbrecht,Hephästion von Theben und sein astrologisches Compendium, Vienna, 1887.[517]James Finlayson,Galen: Two Bibliographical Demonstrations in the Library of the Faculty of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow, 1895. Since then I believe that the only work of Galen to be translated into English isOn the Natural Faculties, ed. A. J. Brock, 1916 (Loeb Library).[518]J. F. Payne,The Relation of Harvey to his Predecessors and especially to Galen: Harveian Oration of 1896, inThe Lancet, Oct. 24, 1896, p. 1136.[519]In the Teubner texts:Scriptora minora, 1-3, ed. I. Marquardt, I. Mueller, G. Helmreich, 1884-1893;De victu, ed. Helmreich, 1898;De temperamentis, ed. Helmreich, 1904;De usu partium, ed. Helmreich, 1907, 1909.InCorpus Medicorum Graecorum, V, 9, 1-2, 1914-1915,The Hippocratic Commentaries, ed. Mewaldt, Helmreich, Westenberger, Diels, Hieg.[520]Carolus Gottlob Kühn,Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia, Leipzig, 1821-1833, 21 vols. My citations will be to this edition, unless otherwise specified. An older edition which is often cited is that of Renatus Charterius, Paris, 1679, 13 vols.[521]The article on Galen in PW regards some of the treatises as printed in Kühn as almost unreadable.[522]Although Kühn’s Index fills a volume, it is far from dependable.[523]Liddell and Scott often fail to allude to germane passages in Galen’s works, even when they include, with citation of some other author, the word he uses.[524]Perhaps at this point a similarly candid confession by the present writer is in order. I have tried to do a little more than Dr. Payne in his modesty seems ready to admit of himself, and to look over carefully enough not to miss anything of importance those works which seemed at all likely to bear upon my particular interest, the history of science and magic. In consequence I have examined long stretches of text from which I have got nothing. For the most part, I thought it better not to take time to read the Hippocratic commentaries. At first I was inclined to depend upon others for Galen’s treatises on anatomy and physiology, but finally I read most of them in order to learn at first hand of his argument from design and his attitude towards dissection. Further than this the reader can probably judge for himself from my citations as to the extent and depth of my reading. My first draft was completed before I discovered that Puschmann had made considerable use of Galen for medical conditions in the Roman Empire in hisHistory of Medical Education, English translation, London, 1891, pp. 93-113. For the sake of a complete and well-rounded survey I have thought it best to retain those passages where I cover about the same ground. I have been unable to procure T. Meyer-Steineg,Ein Tag im Leben des Galen, Jena, 1913. 63 pp.[525]For an account of the MSS see H. Diels,Berl. Akad. Abh.(1905), 58ff. Some fragments of Galen’s work on medicinal simples exist in a fifth century MS of Dioscorides at Constantinople and have been reproduced by M. Wellmann inHermes, XXXVIII (1903), 292ff. The first two books of his περὶ τῶν ἐν ταῖς τροφαῖς δυνάμεων were discovered in a Wolfenbüttel palimpsest of the fifth or sixth century by K. Koch; seeBerl. Akad. Sitzb.(1907), 103ff.[526]Lancet(1896), p. 1135.[527]For these see V. Rose,Analecta Graeca et Latina, Berlin, 1864. As a specimen of these medieval Latin translations may be mentioned a collection of some twenty-six treatises in one huge volume which I have seen in the library of Balliol College, Oxford: Balliol 231, a large folio, early 14th century (a note of ownership was added in 1334 at Canterbury) fols. 437, double columned pages. For the titles andincipitsof the individual treatises see Coxe (1852).[528]A. Merx, “Proben der syrischen Uebersetzung von Galenus’ Schrift über die einfachen Heilmittel,”Zeitsch. d. Deutsch. Morgendl. Gesell.XXXIX (1885), 237-305.[529]Payne,Lancet(1896), p. 1136.[530]Ch. V. Daremberg,Exposition des connaissances de Galien sur l’anatomie, la physiologie, et la pathologie du système nerveux, Paris, 1841.[531]Lancet(1896), p. 1140.[532]Brock (1916), p. xvi, says in 131 A.D. Clinton,Fasti Romani, placed it in 130.[533]These details are from theDe cognoscendis curandisque animi morbis, cap. 8, Kühn, V, 40-44.[534]De naturalibus facultatibus, III, 10, Kühn, II, 179.[535]Kühn, X, 609 (De methodo medendi); also XVI, 223; and XIX, 59.[536]De anatom. administ., Kühn, II, 217, 224-25, 660. See also XV, 136; XIX, 57.[537]His recorded astronomical observations extend from 127 to 151 A.D.[538]Kühn, X, 16.[539]Fragments du commentaire de Galien sur le Timée de Platon, were published for the first time, both in Greek and a French translation, together with anEssai sur Galien considéré comme philosophe, by Ch. Daremberg, Paris, 1848.[540]Kühn, XIII, 599-600.[541]Clinton,Fasti Romani, I, 151 and 155, speaks of a first visit of Galen to Rome in 162 and a second in 164, but he has misinterpreted Galen’s statements. When Galen speaks of his second visit to Rome, he means his return after the plague.[542]Kühn, XIX, 15.[543]Kühn, XIV, 622, 625, 648; see also I, 54-57. and XII, 263.[544]Kühn, XIV, 649-50.[545]R. M. Briau,L’Archiatrie Romaine, Paris, 1877, however, held that Galen never received the official title,archiater; see p. 24, “il est difficile de comprendre pourquoi le médecin de Pergame qui donnait des soins à l’empereur Marc Aurèle, ne fut jamais honoré de ce titre.” But he is given the title in at least one medieval MS—Merton 219, early 14th century, fol. 36v—“Incipit liber Galieni archistratos medicorum de malitia complexionis diversae.”[546]De venae sectione, Kühn, XIX, 524.[547]Kühn, XIII, 362-63; for another allusion to this fire see XIV, 66. Also II, 216; XIX, 19 and 41.[548]For the statements of this paragraph see Kühn, XIV, 603-5, 620-23.[549]Kühn, X, 114.[550]Kühn, XIV, 599-600.[551]Kühn, X, 1, 76.[552]Kühn, X, 609.[553]Kühn, X, 4-5.[554]Kühn, X, 10.[555]Kühn, XII, 909, 916, and in vol. XIV the entire treatiseDe remediis parabilibus.[556]Kühn, X, 560.[557]Kühn, X, 1010-11.[558]Kühn, XIII, 571-72.[559]Kühn, XIV, 62, and see Puschmann,History of Medical Education(1891), p. 108.[560]Kühn, XIV, 10, 30, 79; and see Puschmann (1891), 109-11, where there is bibliography of the subject.[561]Kühn, X, 792.[562]Kühn, XIV, 26.[563]The meaning of the word “apothecary” is explained as follows in a fourteenth century manuscript at Chartres which is a miscellany of religious treatises with a bestiary and lapidary and bears the title, “Apothecarius moralis monasterii S. Petri Carnotensis.”“Apothecarius est, secundum Hugucium, qui nonnullas diversarum rerum species in apothecis suis aggregat.. .. Apothecarius dicitur is qui species aromaticas et res quacunque arti medicine et cirurgie necessarias habet penes se et venales exponit,” fol. 3. “According to Hugutius an apothecary is one who collects samples of various commodities in his stores. An apothecary is called one who has at hand and exposes for sale aromatic species and all sorts of things needful in medicine and surgery.”[564]The nest of the fabled cinnamon bird was supposed to contain supplies of the spice, which Herodotus (III, 111) tells us the Arabian merchants procured by leaving heavy pieces of flesh for the birds to carry to their nests, which then broke down under the excessive weight. In Aristotle’sHistory of Animals(IX, 13) the nests are shot down with arrows tipped with lead. For other allusions to the cinnamon bird in classical literature see D’Arcy W. Thompson,A Glossary of Greek Birds, Oxford, 1895, p. 82.[565]Kühn, XIV, 64-66.[566]Ad Pisonem de theriaca, Kühn, XIV, 217.[567]Kühn, XIII, 704.[568]Kühn, XII, 168-78.[569]M. Berthelot, “Sur les voyages de Galien et de Zosime dans l’Archipel et en Asie, et sur la matière médicale dans l’antiquité,” inJournal des Savants(1895), pp. 382-7. The article is chiefly devoted to showing that an alchemistic treatise attributed to Zosimus copies Galen’s account of his trips to Lemnos and Cyprus. Of such future copying of Galen we shall encounter many more instances.As for theterra sigillata, C. J. S. Thompson, in a paper on “Terra Sigillata, a famous medicament of ancient times,” published in theProceedings of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medical Sciences, London, 1913, Section XXIII, pp. 433-44, tells of various medieval substitutes for the Lemnian earth from other places, and of the interesting religious ceremony, performed in the presence of the Turkish officials on only one day in the year by Greek monks who had replaced the priestess of Diana. Pierre Belon witnessed it on August 6th, 1533. By that time there were many varieties of the tablets, “because each lord of Lemnos had a distinct seal.” When Tozer visited Lemnos in 1890 the ceremony was still performed annually on August sixth and must be completed before sunrise or the earth would lose its efficacy. Mohammedan khodjas now shared in the religious ceremony, sacrificing a lamb. But in the twentieth century the entire ceremony was abandoned. Through the early modern centuries theterra sigillatacontinued to be held in high esteem in western Europe also, and was included in pharmacopeias as late as 1833 and 1848. Thompson gives a chemical analysis of a sixteenth century tablet of the Lemnian earth and finds no evidence therein of its possessing any medicinal property. Agricola in the sixteenth century wrote in his work on mining (De re metal., ed. Hoover, 1912, II, 31), “It is, however, very little to be wondered at that the hill in the Island of Lemnos was excavated, for the whole is of a reddish-yellow color which furnishes for the inhabitants that valuable clay so especially beneficial to mankind.”[570]Kühn, XIV, 72.[571]Kühn, XII, 226-9. See the article of Berthelot just cited in a preceding note for an explanation of the three names and of Galen’s experience. Mr. Hoover, in his translation of Agricola’s work on metallurgy (1912), pp. 573-4, says, “It is desirable here to enquire into the nature of the substances given by all of the old mineralogists under the Latinized Greek terms, chalcitis, misy, sory, and melanteria.” He cites Dioscorides (V, 75-77) and Pliny (NH, XXXIV, 29-31) on the subject, but not Galen. Yule (1903) I, 126, notes that Marco Polo’s account ofTutiaandSpodium“reads almost like a condensed translation of Galen’s account ofPompholyxandSpodos.”[572]Kühn, XIV, 7-8; XIII, 411-2; XII, 215-6.[573]Kühn, XIV, 22-23, 77-78; XIII, 119.[574]Kühn, XIV, 255-56. The beasts of course were also in demand for the arena.[575]Kühn, X, 456-57, opening passage of the seventh book.[576]περὶ τῶν ἰδίων βιβλίων, Kühn, XIX, 8ff.; and περὶ τῆς τάξεως τῶν ἰδίων βιβλίων, XIX, 49 ff.[577]See, for instance, in theDe methodo medendiitself, X, 895-96 and 955.[578]Kühn, XIV, 651: henceforth this text will generally be cited without name.[579]XIX, 8.[580]II, 217.[581]XIX, 9.[582]XIX, 41.[583]II, 283.[584]XIV, 630.[585]XIX, 34.[586]XV, 109.[587]XIII, 995-96; XIV, 31-32.[588]X, 633. Duruy refers to the passage in hisHistory of Rome(ed. J. P. Mahaffy, Boston, 1886, V, i, 273), but says, “Extensive sanitary works were undertaken throughout all Italy, and the celebrated Galen, who was almost a contemporary, extols their happy effects upon the public health.” But Galen does not have sanitary considerations especially in mind, since he mentions Trajan’s road-building only by way of illustration, comparing his own systematic treatment of medicine to the emperor’s great work in repairing and improving the roads, straightening them by cut-offs that saved distance, but sometimes abandoning an old road that went straight over hills for an easier route that avoided them, filling in wet and marshy spots with stone or crossing them by causeways, bridging impassable rivers, and altering routes that led through places now deserted and beset by wild beasts so that they would pass through populous towns and more frequented areas. The passage thus bears witness to a shifting of population.[589]V, 49.[590]V, 17-19.[591]Mentioned inActs, xviii, 18, “ ... having shorn his head in Cenchrea: for he had a vow.”[592]V, 46-47.[593]X, 3-4.[594]X, 831-36; XIII, 513; XIV, 27-29, and 14-19 on the heating and storage of wine.[595]IV, 777-79.[596]Similarly Milward (1733), p. 102, wrote of Alexander of Tralles, “He has in most distempers a separate article concerning wine and I much doubt whether there be in all nature a more excellent medicine than this in the hands of a skillful and judicious practitioner.”[597]IV, 821.[598]Kühn, VIII, 579, ὡς εἰς Μωϋσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ διατριβὴν ἀφιγμένος νόμων ἀναποδεἍκίτων ἀκούη[599]Ibid., p. 657, θᾶττον γὰρ ἄν τις τοὺς ἀπὸ Μωϋσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ μεταδιδάξειεν I have been unable to find a passage in which, according to Moses Maimonides of the twelfth century in hisAphorismsfrom Galen, Galen said that the wealthy physicians and philosophers of his time were not prepared for discipline as were the followers of Moses and Christ. Perhaps it is a mistranslation of one of the above passages. Particula 24 (56), “medici et philosophi cum aere augmentati non sunt preparati ad disciplinam sicut parati fuerunt ad disciplinam moysis et christi socii predictorum. decimotercio megapulsus.”[600]Kühn, III, 905-7.[601]Kühn, XI, 690-4; XII, 372-5.[602]Finlayson (1895); pp. 8-9; Harnack,Medicinisches aus der ältesten Kirchengeschichte, Leipzig, 1892.[603]Wellmann (1914), p. 16 note.[604]Kühn, IV, 816.[605]Kühn, IV, 815.[606]Quoted by Eusebius, V, 28, and reproduced by Harnack,Medicinisches aus der ältesten Kirchengeschichte, 1892, p. 41, and by Finlayson (1895), pp. 9-10.[607]Kühn, X, 16-17. J. Leminne,Les quatre éléments, inMémoires couronnés par l’Académie de Belgique, vol. 65, Brussels, 1903, traces the influence of the theory in medieval thought.[608]Kuhn, XIII, 763-4.[609]Kühn, I, 428.[610]Kühn, X, 111.[611]Kühn, XII, 166.[612]I, 417.[613]XIV, 250-53.[614]XIII, 948.[615]X, 657.[616]X, 872.[617]XIX, 344-45.[618]More recently Galen’sMateria medicahas been treated of in a German doctoral dissertation by L. Israelson,Die materia medica des Klaudios Galenos, 1894, 204 pp.[619]X, 624.[620]XIV, 253-54.[621]V, 911.[622]X, 817-19.[623]X, 843.[624]XIV, 281.[625]XII, 270-71.[626]X, 368-71.[627]Kühn, VIII, 363. Finlayson (1895), pp. 39-40, gives an English translation of Galen’s full account of the case.[628]Puschmann (1891), pp. 105-6. Vitruvius, too, however (V, iii), states that sound spreads in waves like eddies in a pond.[629]XIII, 435, 893, are two instances.[630]V, 80; XIV, 670.[631]Various treatises on the pulse by Galen will be found in vols. V, IX, and X of Kühn’s edition.[632]Galen’s contributions to the arts of clock-making and time-keeping have been dealt with in an article which I have not had access to and of which I cannot now find even the author and title.[633]XIV, 631-34.[634]C. V. Daremberg,Exposition des connaissances de Galien sur l’anatomie, la physiologie, et la pathologie du système nerveux, Paris, 1841. J. S. Milne discussed “Galen’s Knowledge of Muscular Anatomy” at the International Congress of Medical Sciences held at London in 1913; see pp. 389-400 of the volume devoted to the history of medicine, Section XXIII.[635]Lancet(1896), p. 1139.[636]I have failed to obtain K. F. H. Mark,Herophilus, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Medizin, Carlsruhe, 1838.[637]D’Arcy W. Thompson (1913), 22-23, thinks that the precedence of the heart over all other organs in appearing in the embryo of the chick led Aristotle to locate in it the central seat of the soul.[638]XIV, 626-30.[639]II, 683, 696. This and the other quotations in this paragraph are from Dr. Payne’s Harveian Oration as printed inThe Lancet(1896), pp. 1137-39.[640]Kühn, V, 216, cited by Payne.[641]Kühn, II, 642-49; IV, 703-36, “An in arteriis natura sanguis contineatur.” J. Kidd,A Cursory Analysis of the Works of Galen so far as they relate to Anatomy and Physiology, inTransactions of the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association, VI (1837), 299-336.[642]Lancet(1896), p. 1137, where Payne states that Colombo (De re anatomica, Venet. 1559, XIV, 261) was the first to prove by experiment on the living heart that these veins conveyed blood from the lungs.[643]II, 146-47.[644]II, 384-86.[645]II, 220-21.[646]Augustine testifies in two passages of hisDe anima et eius origine(Migne PL 44, 475-548), that vivisection of human beings was practiced as late as his time, the early fifth century: IV, 3, “Medici tamen qui appellantur anatomici per membra per venas per nervos per ossa per medullas per interiora vitalia etiam vivos homines quamdiu inter manus rimantium vivere potuerunt dissiciendo scrutati sunt ut naturam corporis nossent”; and IV, 6 (Migne, PL 44, 528-9).[647]II, 537.[648]II, 619-20.[649]II, 701.[650]II, 631 ff.[651]XIII, 599-600. Galen states that the pontifex’s term of office was seven months, a fact which perhaps had some astrological bearing.[652]X, 454-55.[653]II, 682.[654]II, 291.[655]IV, 360,et passim.

[510]It is found in an edition printed at Venice in 1493, “per Bonetum locatellum impensis nobilis viri Octaviani scoti civis Modoetiensis.”

[511]In the British Museum are editions of Venice, 1484, 1493, 1519; Paris, 1519; Basel, 1533; Louvain, 1548; it was also printed in 1551, 1555, 1578.

[512]In the British Museum are but three editions of the Greek text, all with an accompanying Latin translation: Nürnberg, 1535; Basel, 1553; and 1583.

[513]Studien über Claudius Ptolemäus, 1894.

[514]“C’était la capitulation de la science.” Bouché-Leclercq inRev. Hist., LXV, 257, note 3.

[515]In the medieval Latin translation the Slavs replace the Scythians of Ptolemy’s text.

[516]Indeed, Hephaestion’s first two books are nothing but Ptolemy repeated. About contemporary with Ptolemy seems to have been Vettius Valens whose astrological work is extant: Vettius Valens,Anthologiarum libri primum ediditGuilelmus Kroll, Berlin, 1908. See also CCAGpassimconcerning both Hephaestion and Vettius Valens, and Engelbrecht,Hephästion von Theben und sein astrologisches Compendium, Vienna, 1887.

[517]James Finlayson,Galen: Two Bibliographical Demonstrations in the Library of the Faculty of Physicians and Surgeons of Glasgow, 1895. Since then I believe that the only work of Galen to be translated into English isOn the Natural Faculties, ed. A. J. Brock, 1916 (Loeb Library).

[518]J. F. Payne,The Relation of Harvey to his Predecessors and especially to Galen: Harveian Oration of 1896, inThe Lancet, Oct. 24, 1896, p. 1136.

[519]In the Teubner texts:Scriptora minora, 1-3, ed. I. Marquardt, I. Mueller, G. Helmreich, 1884-1893;De victu, ed. Helmreich, 1898;De temperamentis, ed. Helmreich, 1904;De usu partium, ed. Helmreich, 1907, 1909.InCorpus Medicorum Graecorum, V, 9, 1-2, 1914-1915,The Hippocratic Commentaries, ed. Mewaldt, Helmreich, Westenberger, Diels, Hieg.

InCorpus Medicorum Graecorum, V, 9, 1-2, 1914-1915,The Hippocratic Commentaries, ed. Mewaldt, Helmreich, Westenberger, Diels, Hieg.

[520]Carolus Gottlob Kühn,Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia, Leipzig, 1821-1833, 21 vols. My citations will be to this edition, unless otherwise specified. An older edition which is often cited is that of Renatus Charterius, Paris, 1679, 13 vols.

[521]The article on Galen in PW regards some of the treatises as printed in Kühn as almost unreadable.

[522]Although Kühn’s Index fills a volume, it is far from dependable.

[523]Liddell and Scott often fail to allude to germane passages in Galen’s works, even when they include, with citation of some other author, the word he uses.

[524]Perhaps at this point a similarly candid confession by the present writer is in order. I have tried to do a little more than Dr. Payne in his modesty seems ready to admit of himself, and to look over carefully enough not to miss anything of importance those works which seemed at all likely to bear upon my particular interest, the history of science and magic. In consequence I have examined long stretches of text from which I have got nothing. For the most part, I thought it better not to take time to read the Hippocratic commentaries. At first I was inclined to depend upon others for Galen’s treatises on anatomy and physiology, but finally I read most of them in order to learn at first hand of his argument from design and his attitude towards dissection. Further than this the reader can probably judge for himself from my citations as to the extent and depth of my reading. My first draft was completed before I discovered that Puschmann had made considerable use of Galen for medical conditions in the Roman Empire in hisHistory of Medical Education, English translation, London, 1891, pp. 93-113. For the sake of a complete and well-rounded survey I have thought it best to retain those passages where I cover about the same ground. I have been unable to procure T. Meyer-Steineg,Ein Tag im Leben des Galen, Jena, 1913. 63 pp.

[525]For an account of the MSS see H. Diels,Berl. Akad. Abh.(1905), 58ff. Some fragments of Galen’s work on medicinal simples exist in a fifth century MS of Dioscorides at Constantinople and have been reproduced by M. Wellmann inHermes, XXXVIII (1903), 292ff. The first two books of his περὶ τῶν ἐν ταῖς τροφαῖς δυνάμεων were discovered in a Wolfenbüttel palimpsest of the fifth or sixth century by K. Koch; seeBerl. Akad. Sitzb.(1907), 103ff.

[526]Lancet(1896), p. 1135.

[527]For these see V. Rose,Analecta Graeca et Latina, Berlin, 1864. As a specimen of these medieval Latin translations may be mentioned a collection of some twenty-six treatises in one huge volume which I have seen in the library of Balliol College, Oxford: Balliol 231, a large folio, early 14th century (a note of ownership was added in 1334 at Canterbury) fols. 437, double columned pages. For the titles andincipitsof the individual treatises see Coxe (1852).

[528]A. Merx, “Proben der syrischen Uebersetzung von Galenus’ Schrift über die einfachen Heilmittel,”Zeitsch. d. Deutsch. Morgendl. Gesell.XXXIX (1885), 237-305.

[529]Payne,Lancet(1896), p. 1136.

[530]Ch. V. Daremberg,Exposition des connaissances de Galien sur l’anatomie, la physiologie, et la pathologie du système nerveux, Paris, 1841.

[531]Lancet(1896), p. 1140.

[532]Brock (1916), p. xvi, says in 131 A.D. Clinton,Fasti Romani, placed it in 130.

[533]These details are from theDe cognoscendis curandisque animi morbis, cap. 8, Kühn, V, 40-44.

[534]De naturalibus facultatibus, III, 10, Kühn, II, 179.

[535]Kühn, X, 609 (De methodo medendi); also XVI, 223; and XIX, 59.

[536]De anatom. administ., Kühn, II, 217, 224-25, 660. See also XV, 136; XIX, 57.

[537]His recorded astronomical observations extend from 127 to 151 A.D.

[538]Kühn, X, 16.

[539]Fragments du commentaire de Galien sur le Timée de Platon, were published for the first time, both in Greek and a French translation, together with anEssai sur Galien considéré comme philosophe, by Ch. Daremberg, Paris, 1848.

[540]Kühn, XIII, 599-600.

[541]Clinton,Fasti Romani, I, 151 and 155, speaks of a first visit of Galen to Rome in 162 and a second in 164, but he has misinterpreted Galen’s statements. When Galen speaks of his second visit to Rome, he means his return after the plague.

[542]Kühn, XIX, 15.

[543]Kühn, XIV, 622, 625, 648; see also I, 54-57. and XII, 263.

[544]Kühn, XIV, 649-50.

[545]R. M. Briau,L’Archiatrie Romaine, Paris, 1877, however, held that Galen never received the official title,archiater; see p. 24, “il est difficile de comprendre pourquoi le médecin de Pergame qui donnait des soins à l’empereur Marc Aurèle, ne fut jamais honoré de ce titre.” But he is given the title in at least one medieval MS—Merton 219, early 14th century, fol. 36v—“Incipit liber Galieni archistratos medicorum de malitia complexionis diversae.”

[546]De venae sectione, Kühn, XIX, 524.

[547]Kühn, XIII, 362-63; for another allusion to this fire see XIV, 66. Also II, 216; XIX, 19 and 41.

[548]For the statements of this paragraph see Kühn, XIV, 603-5, 620-23.

[549]Kühn, X, 114.

[550]Kühn, XIV, 599-600.

[551]Kühn, X, 1, 76.

[552]Kühn, X, 609.

[553]Kühn, X, 4-5.

[554]Kühn, X, 10.

[555]Kühn, XII, 909, 916, and in vol. XIV the entire treatiseDe remediis parabilibus.

[556]Kühn, X, 560.

[557]Kühn, X, 1010-11.

[558]Kühn, XIII, 571-72.

[559]Kühn, XIV, 62, and see Puschmann,History of Medical Education(1891), p. 108.

[560]Kühn, XIV, 10, 30, 79; and see Puschmann (1891), 109-11, where there is bibliography of the subject.

[561]Kühn, X, 792.

[562]Kühn, XIV, 26.

[563]The meaning of the word “apothecary” is explained as follows in a fourteenth century manuscript at Chartres which is a miscellany of religious treatises with a bestiary and lapidary and bears the title, “Apothecarius moralis monasterii S. Petri Carnotensis.”“Apothecarius est, secundum Hugucium, qui nonnullas diversarum rerum species in apothecis suis aggregat.. .. Apothecarius dicitur is qui species aromaticas et res quacunque arti medicine et cirurgie necessarias habet penes se et venales exponit,” fol. 3. “According to Hugutius an apothecary is one who collects samples of various commodities in his stores. An apothecary is called one who has at hand and exposes for sale aromatic species and all sorts of things needful in medicine and surgery.”

“Apothecarius est, secundum Hugucium, qui nonnullas diversarum rerum species in apothecis suis aggregat.. .. Apothecarius dicitur is qui species aromaticas et res quacunque arti medicine et cirurgie necessarias habet penes se et venales exponit,” fol. 3. “According to Hugutius an apothecary is one who collects samples of various commodities in his stores. An apothecary is called one who has at hand and exposes for sale aromatic species and all sorts of things needful in medicine and surgery.”

[564]The nest of the fabled cinnamon bird was supposed to contain supplies of the spice, which Herodotus (III, 111) tells us the Arabian merchants procured by leaving heavy pieces of flesh for the birds to carry to their nests, which then broke down under the excessive weight. In Aristotle’sHistory of Animals(IX, 13) the nests are shot down with arrows tipped with lead. For other allusions to the cinnamon bird in classical literature see D’Arcy W. Thompson,A Glossary of Greek Birds, Oxford, 1895, p. 82.

[565]Kühn, XIV, 64-66.

[566]Ad Pisonem de theriaca, Kühn, XIV, 217.

[567]Kühn, XIII, 704.

[568]Kühn, XII, 168-78.

[569]M. Berthelot, “Sur les voyages de Galien et de Zosime dans l’Archipel et en Asie, et sur la matière médicale dans l’antiquité,” inJournal des Savants(1895), pp. 382-7. The article is chiefly devoted to showing that an alchemistic treatise attributed to Zosimus copies Galen’s account of his trips to Lemnos and Cyprus. Of such future copying of Galen we shall encounter many more instances.As for theterra sigillata, C. J. S. Thompson, in a paper on “Terra Sigillata, a famous medicament of ancient times,” published in theProceedings of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medical Sciences, London, 1913, Section XXIII, pp. 433-44, tells of various medieval substitutes for the Lemnian earth from other places, and of the interesting religious ceremony, performed in the presence of the Turkish officials on only one day in the year by Greek monks who had replaced the priestess of Diana. Pierre Belon witnessed it on August 6th, 1533. By that time there were many varieties of the tablets, “because each lord of Lemnos had a distinct seal.” When Tozer visited Lemnos in 1890 the ceremony was still performed annually on August sixth and must be completed before sunrise or the earth would lose its efficacy. Mohammedan khodjas now shared in the religious ceremony, sacrificing a lamb. But in the twentieth century the entire ceremony was abandoned. Through the early modern centuries theterra sigillatacontinued to be held in high esteem in western Europe also, and was included in pharmacopeias as late as 1833 and 1848. Thompson gives a chemical analysis of a sixteenth century tablet of the Lemnian earth and finds no evidence therein of its possessing any medicinal property. Agricola in the sixteenth century wrote in his work on mining (De re metal., ed. Hoover, 1912, II, 31), “It is, however, very little to be wondered at that the hill in the Island of Lemnos was excavated, for the whole is of a reddish-yellow color which furnishes for the inhabitants that valuable clay so especially beneficial to mankind.”

As for theterra sigillata, C. J. S. Thompson, in a paper on “Terra Sigillata, a famous medicament of ancient times,” published in theProceedings of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medical Sciences, London, 1913, Section XXIII, pp. 433-44, tells of various medieval substitutes for the Lemnian earth from other places, and of the interesting religious ceremony, performed in the presence of the Turkish officials on only one day in the year by Greek monks who had replaced the priestess of Diana. Pierre Belon witnessed it on August 6th, 1533. By that time there were many varieties of the tablets, “because each lord of Lemnos had a distinct seal.” When Tozer visited Lemnos in 1890 the ceremony was still performed annually on August sixth and must be completed before sunrise or the earth would lose its efficacy. Mohammedan khodjas now shared in the religious ceremony, sacrificing a lamb. But in the twentieth century the entire ceremony was abandoned. Through the early modern centuries theterra sigillatacontinued to be held in high esteem in western Europe also, and was included in pharmacopeias as late as 1833 and 1848. Thompson gives a chemical analysis of a sixteenth century tablet of the Lemnian earth and finds no evidence therein of its possessing any medicinal property. Agricola in the sixteenth century wrote in his work on mining (De re metal., ed. Hoover, 1912, II, 31), “It is, however, very little to be wondered at that the hill in the Island of Lemnos was excavated, for the whole is of a reddish-yellow color which furnishes for the inhabitants that valuable clay so especially beneficial to mankind.”

[570]Kühn, XIV, 72.

[571]Kühn, XII, 226-9. See the article of Berthelot just cited in a preceding note for an explanation of the three names and of Galen’s experience. Mr. Hoover, in his translation of Agricola’s work on metallurgy (1912), pp. 573-4, says, “It is desirable here to enquire into the nature of the substances given by all of the old mineralogists under the Latinized Greek terms, chalcitis, misy, sory, and melanteria.” He cites Dioscorides (V, 75-77) and Pliny (NH, XXXIV, 29-31) on the subject, but not Galen. Yule (1903) I, 126, notes that Marco Polo’s account ofTutiaandSpodium“reads almost like a condensed translation of Galen’s account ofPompholyxandSpodos.”

[572]Kühn, XIV, 7-8; XIII, 411-2; XII, 215-6.

[573]Kühn, XIV, 22-23, 77-78; XIII, 119.

[574]Kühn, XIV, 255-56. The beasts of course were also in demand for the arena.

[575]Kühn, X, 456-57, opening passage of the seventh book.

[576]περὶ τῶν ἰδίων βιβλίων, Kühn, XIX, 8ff.; and περὶ τῆς τάξεως τῶν ἰδίων βιβλίων, XIX, 49 ff.

[577]See, for instance, in theDe methodo medendiitself, X, 895-96 and 955.

[578]Kühn, XIV, 651: henceforth this text will generally be cited without name.

[579]XIX, 8.

[580]II, 217.

[581]XIX, 9.

[582]XIX, 41.

[583]II, 283.

[584]XIV, 630.

[585]XIX, 34.

[586]XV, 109.

[587]XIII, 995-96; XIV, 31-32.

[588]X, 633. Duruy refers to the passage in hisHistory of Rome(ed. J. P. Mahaffy, Boston, 1886, V, i, 273), but says, “Extensive sanitary works were undertaken throughout all Italy, and the celebrated Galen, who was almost a contemporary, extols their happy effects upon the public health.” But Galen does not have sanitary considerations especially in mind, since he mentions Trajan’s road-building only by way of illustration, comparing his own systematic treatment of medicine to the emperor’s great work in repairing and improving the roads, straightening them by cut-offs that saved distance, but sometimes abandoning an old road that went straight over hills for an easier route that avoided them, filling in wet and marshy spots with stone or crossing them by causeways, bridging impassable rivers, and altering routes that led through places now deserted and beset by wild beasts so that they would pass through populous towns and more frequented areas. The passage thus bears witness to a shifting of population.

[589]V, 49.

[590]V, 17-19.

[591]Mentioned inActs, xviii, 18, “ ... having shorn his head in Cenchrea: for he had a vow.”

[592]V, 46-47.

[593]X, 3-4.

[594]X, 831-36; XIII, 513; XIV, 27-29, and 14-19 on the heating and storage of wine.

[595]IV, 777-79.

[596]Similarly Milward (1733), p. 102, wrote of Alexander of Tralles, “He has in most distempers a separate article concerning wine and I much doubt whether there be in all nature a more excellent medicine than this in the hands of a skillful and judicious practitioner.”

[597]IV, 821.

[598]Kühn, VIII, 579, ὡς εἰς Μωϋσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ διατριβὴν ἀφιγμένος νόμων ἀναποδεἍκίτων ἀκούη

[599]Ibid., p. 657, θᾶττον γὰρ ἄν τις τοὺς ἀπὸ Μωϋσοῦ καὶ Χριστοῦ μεταδιδάξειεν I have been unable to find a passage in which, according to Moses Maimonides of the twelfth century in hisAphorismsfrom Galen, Galen said that the wealthy physicians and philosophers of his time were not prepared for discipline as were the followers of Moses and Christ. Perhaps it is a mistranslation of one of the above passages. Particula 24 (56), “medici et philosophi cum aere augmentati non sunt preparati ad disciplinam sicut parati fuerunt ad disciplinam moysis et christi socii predictorum. decimotercio megapulsus.”

[600]Kühn, III, 905-7.

[601]Kühn, XI, 690-4; XII, 372-5.

[602]Finlayson (1895); pp. 8-9; Harnack,Medicinisches aus der ältesten Kirchengeschichte, Leipzig, 1892.

[603]Wellmann (1914), p. 16 note.

[604]Kühn, IV, 816.

[605]Kühn, IV, 815.

[606]Quoted by Eusebius, V, 28, and reproduced by Harnack,Medicinisches aus der ältesten Kirchengeschichte, 1892, p. 41, and by Finlayson (1895), pp. 9-10.

[607]Kühn, X, 16-17. J. Leminne,Les quatre éléments, inMémoires couronnés par l’Académie de Belgique, vol. 65, Brussels, 1903, traces the influence of the theory in medieval thought.

[608]Kuhn, XIII, 763-4.

[609]Kühn, I, 428.

[610]Kühn, X, 111.

[611]Kühn, XII, 166.

[612]I, 417.

[613]XIV, 250-53.

[614]XIII, 948.

[615]X, 657.

[616]X, 872.

[617]XIX, 344-45.

[618]More recently Galen’sMateria medicahas been treated of in a German doctoral dissertation by L. Israelson,Die materia medica des Klaudios Galenos, 1894, 204 pp.

[619]X, 624.

[620]XIV, 253-54.

[621]V, 911.

[622]X, 817-19.

[623]X, 843.

[624]XIV, 281.

[625]XII, 270-71.

[626]X, 368-71.

[627]Kühn, VIII, 363. Finlayson (1895), pp. 39-40, gives an English translation of Galen’s full account of the case.

[628]Puschmann (1891), pp. 105-6. Vitruvius, too, however (V, iii), states that sound spreads in waves like eddies in a pond.

[629]XIII, 435, 893, are two instances.

[630]V, 80; XIV, 670.

[631]Various treatises on the pulse by Galen will be found in vols. V, IX, and X of Kühn’s edition.

[632]Galen’s contributions to the arts of clock-making and time-keeping have been dealt with in an article which I have not had access to and of which I cannot now find even the author and title.

[633]XIV, 631-34.

[634]C. V. Daremberg,Exposition des connaissances de Galien sur l’anatomie, la physiologie, et la pathologie du système nerveux, Paris, 1841. J. S. Milne discussed “Galen’s Knowledge of Muscular Anatomy” at the International Congress of Medical Sciences held at London in 1913; see pp. 389-400 of the volume devoted to the history of medicine, Section XXIII.

[635]Lancet(1896), p. 1139.

[636]I have failed to obtain K. F. H. Mark,Herophilus, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Medizin, Carlsruhe, 1838.

[637]D’Arcy W. Thompson (1913), 22-23, thinks that the precedence of the heart over all other organs in appearing in the embryo of the chick led Aristotle to locate in it the central seat of the soul.

[638]XIV, 626-30.

[639]II, 683, 696. This and the other quotations in this paragraph are from Dr. Payne’s Harveian Oration as printed inThe Lancet(1896), pp. 1137-39.

[640]Kühn, V, 216, cited by Payne.

[641]Kühn, II, 642-49; IV, 703-36, “An in arteriis natura sanguis contineatur.” J. Kidd,A Cursory Analysis of the Works of Galen so far as they relate to Anatomy and Physiology, inTransactions of the Provincial Medical and Surgical Association, VI (1837), 299-336.

[642]Lancet(1896), p. 1137, where Payne states that Colombo (De re anatomica, Venet. 1559, XIV, 261) was the first to prove by experiment on the living heart that these veins conveyed blood from the lungs.

[643]II, 146-47.

[644]II, 384-86.

[645]II, 220-21.

[646]Augustine testifies in two passages of hisDe anima et eius origine(Migne PL 44, 475-548), that vivisection of human beings was practiced as late as his time, the early fifth century: IV, 3, “Medici tamen qui appellantur anatomici per membra per venas per nervos per ossa per medullas per interiora vitalia etiam vivos homines quamdiu inter manus rimantium vivere potuerunt dissiciendo scrutati sunt ut naturam corporis nossent”; and IV, 6 (Migne, PL 44, 528-9).

[647]II, 537.

[648]II, 619-20.

[649]II, 701.

[650]II, 631 ff.

[651]XIII, 599-600. Galen states that the pontifex’s term of office was seven months, a fact which perhaps had some astrological bearing.

[652]X, 454-55.

[653]II, 682.

[654]II, 291.

[655]IV, 360,et passim.

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