Chapter 80

[1017]I, 9-10.[1018]I, 11-13.[1019]II, 22 and 25.[1020]II, 20 and 30; IX, 29.[1021]I, 11; II, 11.[1022]II, 20, 22; III, 18.[1023]Very similar practices are recounted by A. W. Howitt,Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 355-96; “the medicine-men of hostile tribes sneak into the camp in the night, and with a net of a peculiar construction garotte one of the tribe, drag him a hundred yards or so from the camp, cut up his abdomen obliquely, take out the kidney and caul-fat, and then stuff a handful of grass and sand into the wound.”[1024]VI, 26.[1025]II, 22.[1026]I, 10; VII, 14; IX, 23, 29.[1027]II, 28.[1028]II, 6; III, 19.[1029]III, 29.[1030]III, 17.[1031]III, 21.[1032]I, 10; II, 20-21.[1033]III, 16.[1034]II, 23-30.[1035]I, 13.[1036]II, 5. “Surculis et lapillis et id genus frivolis inhalatis.”[1037]III, 18.[1038]III, 21.[1039]III, 23.[1040]III, 25.[1041]II, 28.[1042]Examples are: I, 3, magico susurramine; II, 1, artis magicae nativa cantamina; II, 5, omnis carminis sepulchralis magistra creditur; II, 22, diris cantaminibus somno custodes obruunt; III, 18, tunc decantatis spirantibus fibris; III, 21, multumque cum lucerna secreta collocuta.[1043]I, 11, quo numinis ministerio.[1044]I, 8, saga, inquit, et divina; IX, 29, saga illa et divini potens.[1045]III, 19.[1046]II, 12-14.[1047]VIII, 26-27; IX, 8.[1048]I, 4.[1049]X, 11, 25.[1050]VIII, 24; XI, 22, 25.[1051]I, 5.[1052]II, 26.[1053]IX, 33-34.[1054]II, 11-12.[1055]X, 11. For bibliography on the mandragora see Frazer (1918) I, 377 note 2 in his chapter “Jacob and the Mandrakes.”[1056]VIII, 21.[1057]XI, 1.[1058]Macdonald (1909), p. 128.[1059]VIII, 9.[1060]Cap. 1.[1061]Florida, caps. 24-26.[1062]Caps. 61-63. The following passages from E. A. W. Budge,Egyptian Magic(1899), perhaps furnish an explanation of the true purpose and character of Apuleius’s wooden figure: p. 84, “Under the heading of ‘Magical Figures’ must certainly be included the so-called Ptah-Seker-Ausar figure, which is usually made of wood; it is often solid, but is sometimes made hollow, and is usually let into a rectangular wooden stand which may be either solid or hollow.” To get the protection of Ptah, Seker, and Osiris, says Budge at p. 85, “a figure was fashioned in such a way as to include the chief characteristics of the forms of these gods, and was inserted in a rectangular wooden stand which was intended to represent the coffin or chest out of which the trinity Ptah-Seker-Ausar came forth. On the figure itself and on the sides of the stand were inscribed prayers....” Such a figure in a coffin might well be described by the accusers as the horrible form of a ghost or skeleton.[1063]Cap. 31.[1064]Cap. 42.[1065]Cap. 43.[1066]Caps. 1-3.[1067]Cap. 2.[1068]Caps. 27 and 31. For the same thought applied in the case of medieval men see Gabriel Naudé,Apologie pour tous les grands personages qui out esté faussement soupçonnez de Magie, Paris, 1625.[1069]Cap. 25.[1070]Cap. 47.[1071]Cap. 25.[1072]Caps. 9, 42, 61, 63.[1073]Cap. 28.[1074]Cap. 48.[1075]Cap. 25.[1076]Cap. 26.[1077]Cap. 31.[1078]Cap. 6.[1079]Cap. 13.[1080]Caps. 30, 33.[1081]Cap. 61.[1082]Cap. 53.[1083]Cap. 58.[1084]Cap. 41.[1085]Nicander lived in the second century B.C. under Attalus III of Pergamum. Of his works there are extant theTheriacain 958 hexameters and another poem, theAlexipharmaca, of 630 lines; ed. J. G. Schneider, 1792 and 1816; by O. Schneider, 1856. There is an illuminated eleventh century manuscript of theTheriacain the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, which O. M. Dalton (Byzantine Art and Archaeology, p. 483) says “is evidently a painstaking copy of a very early original, perhaps almost contemporary with Nicander himself.”[1086]Cap. 40.[1087]Caps. 49-51.[1088]Caps. 15-16.[1089]Cap. 40.[1090]Cap. 36.[1091]Cap. 8.[1092]Cap. 85.[1093]Cap. 38.[1094]Cap. 45.[1095]Cap. 51.[1096]Caps. 30, 42.[1097]Cap. 40.[1098]P. 98.[1099]Cap. 35.[1100]So Abt has pointed out:Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei, Giessen, 1908, p. 224.[1101]Caps. 42-43.[1102]Cap. 38.[1103]Cap. 90.[1104]Cap. 97.[1105]Cap. 84.[1106]De mundo, cap. 1;De deo Socratis, cap. 4.[1107]De mens., IV., 7, 73;De ostent., 3, 4, 7, 10, 44, 54.[1108]Cap. 43.[1109]Cap. 6.[1110]De deo Socratis, cap. 8.[1111]Hist. Anim., V, 19.[1112]De deo Socratis, cap. 13.[1113]Ibid., caps. 9-10.[1114]XVIII, 18.[1115]VIII, 14-22.[1116]Epistles 102, 136, 138, in Migne, PL, vol. 33.[1117]Divin. Instit., V, 3.[1118]Codex Laurentianus, plut. 68, 2. The same MS contains theHistoriesandAnnals(XI-XVI) of Tacitus. A subscription to the ninth book of theMetamorphosesindicates that the original manuscript from which this was derived or copied was produced in 395 A.D. and 397 A.D. G. Huet, “Le roman d’Apulée était-il connu au moyen âge,”Le Moyen Age(1917), 44-52, holds that theMetamorphoseswas not known directly to the medieval vernacular romancers. See also B. Stumfall,Das Märchen von Amor und Psyche in Seinem Fortleben, Leipzig, 1907.[1119]CLM 621.[1120]Harleian 3969.[1121]VII, 5.[1122]Ep. 136.[1123]Divin. Instit., V, 2-3.[1124]Concerning other writers named Philostratus and which works should be assigned to each, see Schmid (1913) 608-20.[1125]See article on Apollonius of Tyana in Pauly-Wissowa. Priaulx,The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana, London, 1873, p. 62, found the geography of Apollonius’s Indian travels so erroneous that he came to the conclusion that either Apollonius never visited India, or, if he did, that Damis “never accompanied him but fabricated the journal Philostratus speaks of.”[1126]Priaulx, however, regarded its statements concerning India as such as might have been “easily collected at that great mart for Indian commodities and resort for Indian merchants—Alexandria,” or from earlier authors.[1127]III, 23, 35; IV, 9, 32; V, 20; VI, 12, 16; VII, 10, 12, 15-16.[1128]See the treatise of EusebiusAgainst Apollonius. Lactantius (Divin. Inst., V, 2-3) probably had reference to Hierocles in speaking of a philosopher who had written three books against Christianity and declared the miracles of Apollonius as wonderful as those of Christ.[1129]So Origen says (Against Celsus, VI, 41) and Philostratus implies (I, 3).[1130]See theAgainst Apollonius, caps. 31, 35.[1131]Ἀλέξανδρος, ἢ ψευδόμαντις, cap. 5. In the passage quoted I have used Fowler’s translation.[1132]In other respects, however, I have usually found this translation, which accompanies the Greek text in the recent Loeb Classical Library edition, both racy and accurate, and have employed it in a number of the quotations which follow.[1133]I, 32.[1134]I, 29.[1135]I, 26.[1136]I, 40.[1137]V, 12.[1138]VII, 39.[1139]V, 12.[1140]IV, 18.[1141]VIII, 19.[1142]VIII, 30.[1143]VIII, 7.[1144]VII, 20.[1145]VII, 34.[1146]VII, 39.[1147]VI, 11; III, 43.[1148]VI, 41.[1149]I, 2.[1150]V, 12.[1151]VI, 11.[1152]J. E. Harrison,Themis, Cambridge, 1912, p. 72. “The Buddha himself condemned as worthless the whole system of Vedic sacrifices, including in his ban astrology, divination, spells, omens, and witchcraft; but in the earliest Buddhist stupas known to us, the symbolism is entirely borrowed from the sacrificial lore of the Vedas:” E. B. Havell,A Handbook of Indian Art, 1920, p. 6, and see p. 32 for the birth of Buddha under the sign Taurus.[1153]VI, 10.[1154]III, 12.[1155]III, 16.[1156]III, 13.[1157]III, 12. But perhaps the translation should be, “men who are exceedingly wise.”[1158]III, 15.[1159]III, 46-47.[1160]III, 17.[1161]III, 27.[1162]III, 38-40.[1163]III, 44.[1164]III, 41.[1165]III, 21.[1166]III, 41.[1167]V, 37.[1168]V, 37.[1169]III, 34.[1170]III, 37.[1171]VI, 38.[1172]III, 34.[1173]V, 17.[1174]I, 22.[1175]NH, VIII, 17;Hist. Anim., VI, 31.[1176]VI, 37.[1177]The ancient authorities, pro and con, will be found listed in D. W. Thompson,Glossary of Greek Birds, 106-107. He adds: “Modern naturalists accept the story of the singing swans, asserting that though the common swan cannot sing, yet the Whooper or whistling swan does so. It is certain that the Whooper sings, for many ornithologists state the fact, but I do not think that it can sing very well; at the very best,dant sonitum rauci per stagna loquacia cygni. This concrete explanation is quite inadequate; it is beyond a doubt that the swan’s song (like the halcyon’s) veiled, and still hides, some mystical allusion.”[1178]II, 14.[1179]I, 22. Pliny, NH, VIII, 17, repeats a slightly different popular notion that the lioness tears her womb with her claws and so can bear but once; against this view he cites Aristotle’s statement that the lioness bears five times, as described above.[1180]III, 2.[1181]III, 47; VI, 25. Scylax was a Persian admiral under Darius who traveled to India and wrote an account of his voyages. The work extant under his name is of doubtful authorship (Isaac Vossius,Periplus Scylacis Caryandensis, 1639), but some date it as early as the fourth century B.C.[1182]II, 11-16.[1183]II, 2; III, 4.[1184]II, 28.[1185]III, 1. Greek fire?[1186]III, 48-9.[1187]III, 6; II, 17.[1188]III, 7.[1189]NH, VIII, 11.[1190]III, 8.[1191]III, 9.[1192]III, 7.[1193]III, 8.[1194]II, 14.[1195]II, 40.[1196]III, 27.[1197]III, 21.[1198]III, 1.[1199]VIII, 7.[1200]III, 30.[1201]III, 42.[1202]VIII, 7.[1203]IV, 44.[1204]VIII, 7.[1205]VIII, 7.[1206]VIII, 26; VI, 43. The historian, Dio Cassius, a contemporary of Philostratus, also states that Apollonius announced the assassination of Domitian and even named the assassin in Ephesus on the very day that the event occurred at Rome. His account differs too much from that by Philostratus to have been copied from it. He concludes it with the positive assertion, “This is really what took place, though there should be ten thousand doubters.” (LXVII, 18.)

[1017]I, 9-10.

[1017]I, 9-10.

[1018]I, 11-13.

[1018]I, 11-13.

[1019]II, 22 and 25.

[1019]II, 22 and 25.

[1020]II, 20 and 30; IX, 29.

[1020]II, 20 and 30; IX, 29.

[1021]I, 11; II, 11.

[1021]I, 11; II, 11.

[1022]II, 20, 22; III, 18.

[1022]II, 20, 22; III, 18.

[1023]Very similar practices are recounted by A. W. Howitt,Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 355-96; “the medicine-men of hostile tribes sneak into the camp in the night, and with a net of a peculiar construction garotte one of the tribe, drag him a hundred yards or so from the camp, cut up his abdomen obliquely, take out the kidney and caul-fat, and then stuff a handful of grass and sand into the wound.”

[1023]Very similar practices are recounted by A. W. Howitt,Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 355-96; “the medicine-men of hostile tribes sneak into the camp in the night, and with a net of a peculiar construction garotte one of the tribe, drag him a hundred yards or so from the camp, cut up his abdomen obliquely, take out the kidney and caul-fat, and then stuff a handful of grass and sand into the wound.”

[1024]VI, 26.

[1024]VI, 26.

[1025]II, 22.

[1025]II, 22.

[1026]I, 10; VII, 14; IX, 23, 29.

[1026]I, 10; VII, 14; IX, 23, 29.

[1027]II, 28.

[1027]II, 28.

[1028]II, 6; III, 19.

[1028]II, 6; III, 19.

[1029]III, 29.

[1029]III, 29.

[1030]III, 17.

[1030]III, 17.

[1031]III, 21.

[1031]III, 21.

[1032]I, 10; II, 20-21.

[1032]I, 10; II, 20-21.

[1033]III, 16.

[1033]III, 16.

[1034]II, 23-30.

[1034]II, 23-30.

[1035]I, 13.

[1035]I, 13.

[1036]II, 5. “Surculis et lapillis et id genus frivolis inhalatis.”

[1036]II, 5. “Surculis et lapillis et id genus frivolis inhalatis.”

[1037]III, 18.

[1037]III, 18.

[1038]III, 21.

[1038]III, 21.

[1039]III, 23.

[1039]III, 23.

[1040]III, 25.

[1040]III, 25.

[1041]II, 28.

[1041]II, 28.

[1042]Examples are: I, 3, magico susurramine; II, 1, artis magicae nativa cantamina; II, 5, omnis carminis sepulchralis magistra creditur; II, 22, diris cantaminibus somno custodes obruunt; III, 18, tunc decantatis spirantibus fibris; III, 21, multumque cum lucerna secreta collocuta.

[1042]Examples are: I, 3, magico susurramine; II, 1, artis magicae nativa cantamina; II, 5, omnis carminis sepulchralis magistra creditur; II, 22, diris cantaminibus somno custodes obruunt; III, 18, tunc decantatis spirantibus fibris; III, 21, multumque cum lucerna secreta collocuta.

[1043]I, 11, quo numinis ministerio.

[1043]I, 11, quo numinis ministerio.

[1044]I, 8, saga, inquit, et divina; IX, 29, saga illa et divini potens.

[1044]I, 8, saga, inquit, et divina; IX, 29, saga illa et divini potens.

[1045]III, 19.

[1045]III, 19.

[1046]II, 12-14.

[1046]II, 12-14.

[1047]VIII, 26-27; IX, 8.

[1047]VIII, 26-27; IX, 8.

[1048]I, 4.

[1048]I, 4.

[1049]X, 11, 25.

[1049]X, 11, 25.

[1050]VIII, 24; XI, 22, 25.

[1050]VIII, 24; XI, 22, 25.

[1051]I, 5.

[1051]I, 5.

[1052]II, 26.

[1052]II, 26.

[1053]IX, 33-34.

[1053]IX, 33-34.

[1054]II, 11-12.

[1054]II, 11-12.

[1055]X, 11. For bibliography on the mandragora see Frazer (1918) I, 377 note 2 in his chapter “Jacob and the Mandrakes.”

[1055]X, 11. For bibliography on the mandragora see Frazer (1918) I, 377 note 2 in his chapter “Jacob and the Mandrakes.”

[1056]VIII, 21.

[1056]VIII, 21.

[1057]XI, 1.

[1057]XI, 1.

[1058]Macdonald (1909), p. 128.

[1058]Macdonald (1909), p. 128.

[1059]VIII, 9.

[1059]VIII, 9.

[1060]Cap. 1.

[1060]Cap. 1.

[1061]Florida, caps. 24-26.

[1061]Florida, caps. 24-26.

[1062]Caps. 61-63. The following passages from E. A. W. Budge,Egyptian Magic(1899), perhaps furnish an explanation of the true purpose and character of Apuleius’s wooden figure: p. 84, “Under the heading of ‘Magical Figures’ must certainly be included the so-called Ptah-Seker-Ausar figure, which is usually made of wood; it is often solid, but is sometimes made hollow, and is usually let into a rectangular wooden stand which may be either solid or hollow.” To get the protection of Ptah, Seker, and Osiris, says Budge at p. 85, “a figure was fashioned in such a way as to include the chief characteristics of the forms of these gods, and was inserted in a rectangular wooden stand which was intended to represent the coffin or chest out of which the trinity Ptah-Seker-Ausar came forth. On the figure itself and on the sides of the stand were inscribed prayers....” Such a figure in a coffin might well be described by the accusers as the horrible form of a ghost or skeleton.

[1062]Caps. 61-63. The following passages from E. A. W. Budge,Egyptian Magic(1899), perhaps furnish an explanation of the true purpose and character of Apuleius’s wooden figure: p. 84, “Under the heading of ‘Magical Figures’ must certainly be included the so-called Ptah-Seker-Ausar figure, which is usually made of wood; it is often solid, but is sometimes made hollow, and is usually let into a rectangular wooden stand which may be either solid or hollow.” To get the protection of Ptah, Seker, and Osiris, says Budge at p. 85, “a figure was fashioned in such a way as to include the chief characteristics of the forms of these gods, and was inserted in a rectangular wooden stand which was intended to represent the coffin or chest out of which the trinity Ptah-Seker-Ausar came forth. On the figure itself and on the sides of the stand were inscribed prayers....” Such a figure in a coffin might well be described by the accusers as the horrible form of a ghost or skeleton.

[1063]Cap. 31.

[1063]Cap. 31.

[1064]Cap. 42.

[1064]Cap. 42.

[1065]Cap. 43.

[1065]Cap. 43.

[1066]Caps. 1-3.

[1066]Caps. 1-3.

[1067]Cap. 2.

[1067]Cap. 2.

[1068]Caps. 27 and 31. For the same thought applied in the case of medieval men see Gabriel Naudé,Apologie pour tous les grands personages qui out esté faussement soupçonnez de Magie, Paris, 1625.

[1068]Caps. 27 and 31. For the same thought applied in the case of medieval men see Gabriel Naudé,Apologie pour tous les grands personages qui out esté faussement soupçonnez de Magie, Paris, 1625.

[1069]Cap. 25.

[1069]Cap. 25.

[1070]Cap. 47.

[1070]Cap. 47.

[1071]Cap. 25.

[1071]Cap. 25.

[1072]Caps. 9, 42, 61, 63.

[1072]Caps. 9, 42, 61, 63.

[1073]Cap. 28.

[1073]Cap. 28.

[1074]Cap. 48.

[1074]Cap. 48.

[1075]Cap. 25.

[1075]Cap. 25.

[1076]Cap. 26.

[1076]Cap. 26.

[1077]Cap. 31.

[1077]Cap. 31.

[1078]Cap. 6.

[1078]Cap. 6.

[1079]Cap. 13.

[1079]Cap. 13.

[1080]Caps. 30, 33.

[1080]Caps. 30, 33.

[1081]Cap. 61.

[1081]Cap. 61.

[1082]Cap. 53.

[1082]Cap. 53.

[1083]Cap. 58.

[1083]Cap. 58.

[1084]Cap. 41.

[1084]Cap. 41.

[1085]Nicander lived in the second century B.C. under Attalus III of Pergamum. Of his works there are extant theTheriacain 958 hexameters and another poem, theAlexipharmaca, of 630 lines; ed. J. G. Schneider, 1792 and 1816; by O. Schneider, 1856. There is an illuminated eleventh century manuscript of theTheriacain the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, which O. M. Dalton (Byzantine Art and Archaeology, p. 483) says “is evidently a painstaking copy of a very early original, perhaps almost contemporary with Nicander himself.”

[1085]Nicander lived in the second century B.C. under Attalus III of Pergamum. Of his works there are extant theTheriacain 958 hexameters and another poem, theAlexipharmaca, of 630 lines; ed. J. G. Schneider, 1792 and 1816; by O. Schneider, 1856. There is an illuminated eleventh century manuscript of theTheriacain the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, which O. M. Dalton (Byzantine Art and Archaeology, p. 483) says “is evidently a painstaking copy of a very early original, perhaps almost contemporary with Nicander himself.”

[1086]Cap. 40.

[1086]Cap. 40.

[1087]Caps. 49-51.

[1087]Caps. 49-51.

[1088]Caps. 15-16.

[1088]Caps. 15-16.

[1089]Cap. 40.

[1089]Cap. 40.

[1090]Cap. 36.

[1090]Cap. 36.

[1091]Cap. 8.

[1091]Cap. 8.

[1092]Cap. 85.

[1092]Cap. 85.

[1093]Cap. 38.

[1093]Cap. 38.

[1094]Cap. 45.

[1094]Cap. 45.

[1095]Cap. 51.

[1095]Cap. 51.

[1096]Caps. 30, 42.

[1096]Caps. 30, 42.

[1097]Cap. 40.

[1097]Cap. 40.

[1098]P. 98.

[1098]P. 98.

[1099]Cap. 35.

[1099]Cap. 35.

[1100]So Abt has pointed out:Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei, Giessen, 1908, p. 224.

[1100]So Abt has pointed out:Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei, Giessen, 1908, p. 224.

[1101]Caps. 42-43.

[1101]Caps. 42-43.

[1102]Cap. 38.

[1102]Cap. 38.

[1103]Cap. 90.

[1103]Cap. 90.

[1104]Cap. 97.

[1104]Cap. 97.

[1105]Cap. 84.

[1105]Cap. 84.

[1106]De mundo, cap. 1;De deo Socratis, cap. 4.

[1106]De mundo, cap. 1;De deo Socratis, cap. 4.

[1107]De mens., IV., 7, 73;De ostent., 3, 4, 7, 10, 44, 54.

[1107]De mens., IV., 7, 73;De ostent., 3, 4, 7, 10, 44, 54.

[1108]Cap. 43.

[1108]Cap. 43.

[1109]Cap. 6.

[1109]Cap. 6.

[1110]De deo Socratis, cap. 8.

[1110]De deo Socratis, cap. 8.

[1111]Hist. Anim., V, 19.

[1111]Hist. Anim., V, 19.

[1112]De deo Socratis, cap. 13.

[1112]De deo Socratis, cap. 13.

[1113]Ibid., caps. 9-10.

[1113]Ibid., caps. 9-10.

[1114]XVIII, 18.

[1114]XVIII, 18.

[1115]VIII, 14-22.

[1115]VIII, 14-22.

[1116]Epistles 102, 136, 138, in Migne, PL, vol. 33.

[1116]Epistles 102, 136, 138, in Migne, PL, vol. 33.

[1117]Divin. Instit., V, 3.

[1117]Divin. Instit., V, 3.

[1118]Codex Laurentianus, plut. 68, 2. The same MS contains theHistoriesandAnnals(XI-XVI) of Tacitus. A subscription to the ninth book of theMetamorphosesindicates that the original manuscript from which this was derived or copied was produced in 395 A.D. and 397 A.D. G. Huet, “Le roman d’Apulée était-il connu au moyen âge,”Le Moyen Age(1917), 44-52, holds that theMetamorphoseswas not known directly to the medieval vernacular romancers. See also B. Stumfall,Das Märchen von Amor und Psyche in Seinem Fortleben, Leipzig, 1907.

[1118]Codex Laurentianus, plut. 68, 2. The same MS contains theHistoriesandAnnals(XI-XVI) of Tacitus. A subscription to the ninth book of theMetamorphosesindicates that the original manuscript from which this was derived or copied was produced in 395 A.D. and 397 A.D. G. Huet, “Le roman d’Apulée était-il connu au moyen âge,”Le Moyen Age(1917), 44-52, holds that theMetamorphoseswas not known directly to the medieval vernacular romancers. See also B. Stumfall,Das Märchen von Amor und Psyche in Seinem Fortleben, Leipzig, 1907.

[1119]CLM 621.

[1119]CLM 621.

[1120]Harleian 3969.

[1120]Harleian 3969.

[1121]VII, 5.

[1121]VII, 5.

[1122]Ep. 136.

[1122]Ep. 136.

[1123]Divin. Instit., V, 2-3.

[1123]Divin. Instit., V, 2-3.

[1124]Concerning other writers named Philostratus and which works should be assigned to each, see Schmid (1913) 608-20.

[1124]Concerning other writers named Philostratus and which works should be assigned to each, see Schmid (1913) 608-20.

[1125]See article on Apollonius of Tyana in Pauly-Wissowa. Priaulx,The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana, London, 1873, p. 62, found the geography of Apollonius’s Indian travels so erroneous that he came to the conclusion that either Apollonius never visited India, or, if he did, that Damis “never accompanied him but fabricated the journal Philostratus speaks of.”

[1125]See article on Apollonius of Tyana in Pauly-Wissowa. Priaulx,The Indian Travels of Apollonius of Tyana, London, 1873, p. 62, found the geography of Apollonius’s Indian travels so erroneous that he came to the conclusion that either Apollonius never visited India, or, if he did, that Damis “never accompanied him but fabricated the journal Philostratus speaks of.”

[1126]Priaulx, however, regarded its statements concerning India as such as might have been “easily collected at that great mart for Indian commodities and resort for Indian merchants—Alexandria,” or from earlier authors.

[1126]Priaulx, however, regarded its statements concerning India as such as might have been “easily collected at that great mart for Indian commodities and resort for Indian merchants—Alexandria,” or from earlier authors.

[1127]III, 23, 35; IV, 9, 32; V, 20; VI, 12, 16; VII, 10, 12, 15-16.

[1127]III, 23, 35; IV, 9, 32; V, 20; VI, 12, 16; VII, 10, 12, 15-16.

[1128]See the treatise of EusebiusAgainst Apollonius. Lactantius (Divin. Inst., V, 2-3) probably had reference to Hierocles in speaking of a philosopher who had written three books against Christianity and declared the miracles of Apollonius as wonderful as those of Christ.

[1128]See the treatise of EusebiusAgainst Apollonius. Lactantius (Divin. Inst., V, 2-3) probably had reference to Hierocles in speaking of a philosopher who had written three books against Christianity and declared the miracles of Apollonius as wonderful as those of Christ.

[1129]So Origen says (Against Celsus, VI, 41) and Philostratus implies (I, 3).

[1129]So Origen says (Against Celsus, VI, 41) and Philostratus implies (I, 3).

[1130]See theAgainst Apollonius, caps. 31, 35.

[1130]See theAgainst Apollonius, caps. 31, 35.

[1131]Ἀλέξανδρος, ἢ ψευδόμαντις, cap. 5. In the passage quoted I have used Fowler’s translation.

[1131]Ἀλέξανδρος, ἢ ψευδόμαντις, cap. 5. In the passage quoted I have used Fowler’s translation.

[1132]In other respects, however, I have usually found this translation, which accompanies the Greek text in the recent Loeb Classical Library edition, both racy and accurate, and have employed it in a number of the quotations which follow.

[1132]In other respects, however, I have usually found this translation, which accompanies the Greek text in the recent Loeb Classical Library edition, both racy and accurate, and have employed it in a number of the quotations which follow.

[1133]I, 32.

[1133]I, 32.

[1134]I, 29.

[1134]I, 29.

[1135]I, 26.

[1135]I, 26.

[1136]I, 40.

[1136]I, 40.

[1137]V, 12.

[1137]V, 12.

[1138]VII, 39.

[1138]VII, 39.

[1139]V, 12.

[1139]V, 12.

[1140]IV, 18.

[1140]IV, 18.

[1141]VIII, 19.

[1141]VIII, 19.

[1142]VIII, 30.

[1142]VIII, 30.

[1143]VIII, 7.

[1143]VIII, 7.

[1144]VII, 20.

[1144]VII, 20.

[1145]VII, 34.

[1145]VII, 34.

[1146]VII, 39.

[1146]VII, 39.

[1147]VI, 11; III, 43.

[1147]VI, 11; III, 43.

[1148]VI, 41.

[1148]VI, 41.

[1149]I, 2.

[1149]I, 2.

[1150]V, 12.

[1150]V, 12.

[1151]VI, 11.

[1151]VI, 11.

[1152]J. E. Harrison,Themis, Cambridge, 1912, p. 72. “The Buddha himself condemned as worthless the whole system of Vedic sacrifices, including in his ban astrology, divination, spells, omens, and witchcraft; but in the earliest Buddhist stupas known to us, the symbolism is entirely borrowed from the sacrificial lore of the Vedas:” E. B. Havell,A Handbook of Indian Art, 1920, p. 6, and see p. 32 for the birth of Buddha under the sign Taurus.

[1152]J. E. Harrison,Themis, Cambridge, 1912, p. 72. “The Buddha himself condemned as worthless the whole system of Vedic sacrifices, including in his ban astrology, divination, spells, omens, and witchcraft; but in the earliest Buddhist stupas known to us, the symbolism is entirely borrowed from the sacrificial lore of the Vedas:” E. B. Havell,A Handbook of Indian Art, 1920, p. 6, and see p. 32 for the birth of Buddha under the sign Taurus.

[1153]VI, 10.

[1153]VI, 10.

[1154]III, 12.

[1154]III, 12.

[1155]III, 16.

[1155]III, 16.

[1156]III, 13.

[1156]III, 13.

[1157]III, 12. But perhaps the translation should be, “men who are exceedingly wise.”

[1157]III, 12. But perhaps the translation should be, “men who are exceedingly wise.”

[1158]III, 15.

[1158]III, 15.

[1159]III, 46-47.

[1159]III, 46-47.

[1160]III, 17.

[1160]III, 17.

[1161]III, 27.

[1161]III, 27.

[1162]III, 38-40.

[1162]III, 38-40.

[1163]III, 44.

[1163]III, 44.

[1164]III, 41.

[1164]III, 41.

[1165]III, 21.

[1165]III, 21.

[1166]III, 41.

[1166]III, 41.

[1167]V, 37.

[1167]V, 37.

[1168]V, 37.

[1168]V, 37.

[1169]III, 34.

[1169]III, 34.

[1170]III, 37.

[1170]III, 37.

[1171]VI, 38.

[1171]VI, 38.

[1172]III, 34.

[1172]III, 34.

[1173]V, 17.

[1173]V, 17.

[1174]I, 22.

[1174]I, 22.

[1175]NH, VIII, 17;Hist. Anim., VI, 31.

[1175]NH, VIII, 17;Hist. Anim., VI, 31.

[1176]VI, 37.

[1176]VI, 37.

[1177]The ancient authorities, pro and con, will be found listed in D. W. Thompson,Glossary of Greek Birds, 106-107. He adds: “Modern naturalists accept the story of the singing swans, asserting that though the common swan cannot sing, yet the Whooper or whistling swan does so. It is certain that the Whooper sings, for many ornithologists state the fact, but I do not think that it can sing very well; at the very best,dant sonitum rauci per stagna loquacia cygni. This concrete explanation is quite inadequate; it is beyond a doubt that the swan’s song (like the halcyon’s) veiled, and still hides, some mystical allusion.”

[1177]The ancient authorities, pro and con, will be found listed in D. W. Thompson,Glossary of Greek Birds, 106-107. He adds: “Modern naturalists accept the story of the singing swans, asserting that though the common swan cannot sing, yet the Whooper or whistling swan does so. It is certain that the Whooper sings, for many ornithologists state the fact, but I do not think that it can sing very well; at the very best,dant sonitum rauci per stagna loquacia cygni. This concrete explanation is quite inadequate; it is beyond a doubt that the swan’s song (like the halcyon’s) veiled, and still hides, some mystical allusion.”

[1178]II, 14.

[1178]II, 14.

[1179]I, 22. Pliny, NH, VIII, 17, repeats a slightly different popular notion that the lioness tears her womb with her claws and so can bear but once; against this view he cites Aristotle’s statement that the lioness bears five times, as described above.

[1179]I, 22. Pliny, NH, VIII, 17, repeats a slightly different popular notion that the lioness tears her womb with her claws and so can bear but once; against this view he cites Aristotle’s statement that the lioness bears five times, as described above.

[1180]III, 2.

[1180]III, 2.

[1181]III, 47; VI, 25. Scylax was a Persian admiral under Darius who traveled to India and wrote an account of his voyages. The work extant under his name is of doubtful authorship (Isaac Vossius,Periplus Scylacis Caryandensis, 1639), but some date it as early as the fourth century B.C.

[1181]III, 47; VI, 25. Scylax was a Persian admiral under Darius who traveled to India and wrote an account of his voyages. The work extant under his name is of doubtful authorship (Isaac Vossius,Periplus Scylacis Caryandensis, 1639), but some date it as early as the fourth century B.C.

[1182]II, 11-16.

[1182]II, 11-16.

[1183]II, 2; III, 4.

[1183]II, 2; III, 4.

[1184]II, 28.

[1184]II, 28.

[1185]III, 1. Greek fire?

[1185]III, 1. Greek fire?

[1186]III, 48-9.

[1186]III, 48-9.

[1187]III, 6; II, 17.

[1187]III, 6; II, 17.

[1188]III, 7.

[1188]III, 7.

[1189]NH, VIII, 11.

[1189]NH, VIII, 11.

[1190]III, 8.

[1190]III, 8.

[1191]III, 9.

[1191]III, 9.

[1192]III, 7.

[1192]III, 7.

[1193]III, 8.

[1193]III, 8.

[1194]II, 14.

[1194]II, 14.

[1195]II, 40.

[1195]II, 40.

[1196]III, 27.

[1196]III, 27.

[1197]III, 21.

[1197]III, 21.

[1198]III, 1.

[1198]III, 1.

[1199]VIII, 7.

[1199]VIII, 7.

[1200]III, 30.

[1200]III, 30.

[1201]III, 42.

[1201]III, 42.

[1202]VIII, 7.

[1202]VIII, 7.

[1203]IV, 44.

[1203]IV, 44.

[1204]VIII, 7.

[1204]VIII, 7.

[1205]VIII, 7.

[1205]VIII, 7.

[1206]VIII, 26; VI, 43. The historian, Dio Cassius, a contemporary of Philostratus, also states that Apollonius announced the assassination of Domitian and even named the assassin in Ephesus on the very day that the event occurred at Rome. His account differs too much from that by Philostratus to have been copied from it. He concludes it with the positive assertion, “This is really what took place, though there should be ten thousand doubters.” (LXVII, 18.)

[1206]VIII, 26; VI, 43. The historian, Dio Cassius, a contemporary of Philostratus, also states that Apollonius announced the assassination of Domitian and even named the assassin in Ephesus on the very day that the event occurred at Rome. His account differs too much from that by Philostratus to have been copied from it. He concludes it with the positive assertion, “This is really what took place, though there should be ten thousand doubters.” (LXVII, 18.)


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