Chapter 88

[2294]Hexaemeron, VI, 7. On the other hand, Augustine,De civitate dei, V, 6-7, alludes to the sage who selected a certain hour for intercourse with his wife in order that he might beget a marvelous son.[2295]Seneca in theNatural Questions(VI, 23) called the death of Callisthenes “the eternal crime” of Alexander which all his military victories and conquests could not outweigh,—a passage which did not keep Nero from forcing Seneca to commit suicide.[2296]Reitzenstein,Poimandres, Leipzig, 1904, pp. 308-309.[2297]Res gestaeof Alexander of Macedon, contained in three MSS of the Royal Library in the British Museum, dating according to the catalogue from the eleventh and twelfth centuries: Royal 13-A-I, Royal 12-C-IV, and Royal 15-C-VI, are not the full text of Julius Valerius, but the epitome of which I shall soon speak.[2298]The longer epitome is known from an Oxford MS, Corpus Christi MS 82, and was believed by Meyer to be intermediary between Valerius and the other briefer epitome. Cillié, however, tries to prove the shorter epitome to be the older.[2299]Alexandri Magni Epistola ad Aristotelem de mirabilibus Indiae, first printed withSynesii Epistolae, graece; adcedunt aliorum Epistolae, Venice, 1499; then Bologna, 1501; Basel, 1517; Paris, 1520, fols. 102v-14v, following the Pseudo-Aristotle,Secret of Secrets; etc. These early printed editions give the oldest Latin text, dating back as we have seen to at least 800.Some MSS of the same version are:BM Royal 13-A-I, fols. 51v-78r, a beautifully clear MS of the late 11th century with clubbed strokes. The Epistola is preceded by theEpitome of Valeriusand followed by the correspondence with Dindimus.Royal 12-C-IV, 12th century.Royal 15-C-VI, 12th century.Cotton Nero D VIII, fol. 169.Sloane 1619, 13th century, fols. 12-17.Arundel 242, 15th century, fols. 160-83.BL Laud. Misc. 247, 12th century, fol. 186; preceded at fol. 171 by the “Ortus vita et obitus Alexandri Macedonis,” and followed at fol. 196v by the letter to Dindimus.BN MSS 2874, 4126, 4877, 4880, 5062, 6121, 6365, 6503, 6831, 7561, 8518, 8521A,Epistola de itinere et situ Indiae; 8607,Epistolae eius nomine scriptae; and 2695A, 6186, 6365, 6385, 6811, 6831, 8501A, forResponsio ad Dindimum.CLM 11319, 13th century, fol. 88,Alexandri epistola ad Aristotelem de rebus in India gestis, preceded at fol. 72 by theEpitomeand followed at fol. 97 by theDindimus.In the library of Eton College an imperfect copy of theEpistolafollowsOrosiusin a MS of the early 13th century, 133, BL 4, 6, fols. 85r-87.A somewhat different and later version of theLetter to Aristotlewas published in 1910 at Heidelberg by Friedrich Pfister from a Bamberg MS of the 11th century, together withPalladiusand the correspondence with Dindimus. Pfister believed all these to be translations from the Greek.An Anglo-Saxon version of theLetter to Aristotlewas edited by Cockayne in 1861 (see T. Wright, RS 34; xxvii).[2300]III, 17.[2301]First published by Joachim Camerarius about 1571.[2302]Published withPalladiusby Sir Edward Bisse in 1665; MSS are numerous.[2303]From this same MS Pfister published theLetter to Aristotleand other treatises mentioned above.[2304]Its influence would therefore seem to have been upon the later prose romances and not upon French vernacular poetry. Known at first only in Italy and Germany, its popularity became general in western Europe toward the close of the middle ages.[2305]Harleian 527, fols. 47-56.[2306]Amplon. Quarto 12, fols. 200-201; presumably it includes only those chapters concerned with Nectanebus.[2307]CUL 1429 (Gg. I, 34), 14th century, No. 5, 35 fols. Also in CU Trinity 1041, 14th century, fols. 200v-212v, “De Nectanabo mago quomodo magnum genuerit Alexandrum. Egipti sapientes....”[2308]NH XXXVI, 14 and 19.[2309]De anima, cap. 57, in Migne, PL II, 792.[2310]The former built a Temple of Isis, now a heap of ruins, at Behbit el-Hagar and a colonnade to the Temple of Hibis in the oasis of Khîrgeh; and his name appears upon a gate in the Temple of Mont at Karnak. Besides the Vestibule of Nektanebos at Philae there is a court of Nektanebos before the Temple of the Eighteenth Dynasty at Medinet Habu.[2311]Berthelot (1885), pp. 29-30.[2312]The Syriac version, on the contrary, emphasizes this point less.[2313]Budge’s translation of the Ethiopic version.[2314]CLM 215, fols. 176-94, “Egiptiorum gentem in mathematica magica quam in arte fuisse valentem littere tradunt.”[2315]Pseudo-Callisthenes, I, 4, “casters of horoscopes, readers of signs, interpreters of dreams, ventriloquists, augurs, genethlialogists, the so-called magi to whom divination is an open book.” Budge, Syriac version, p. 4, “The interpreters of dreams are of many kinds and the knowers of signs, those who understand divination, Chaldean augurs and casters of nativities; the Greeks call the signs of the zodiac ‘sorcerers’; and others are counters of the stars. As for me, all of these are in my hands and I myself am an Egyptian prophet, a magus, and a counter of the stars.” Budge,Ethiopic Histories, p. 11, “Then Nectanebus answered and said unto her, ‘Yea. Those who have knowledge of the orbs of heaven are of many kinds. Some are interpreters of dreams, and some have knowledge of what shall happen in the future, and some understand omens, and some cast nativities, and there are besides all those who know magic and who are renowned because they are learned in their art, and some are skilled in the motion of the stars of heaven: but I have full knowledge of all these things.’”[2316]From Fowler’s translation ofAlexander: the False Prophet. See also Plutarch’sAlexander.[2317]The Syriac and Ethiopic versions are somewhat more detailed as to the magic by which Philip’s dream was produced. Budge, Syriac version, p. 8, “Then Nectanebus ... brought a hawk and muttered over it his charms and made it fly away with a small quantity of a drug, and that night it shewed Philip a dream.” Budge,Ethiopic Histories, p. 21, “Then Nectanebus took a swift bird and muttered over it certain charms and names, and ... in one day and one night it traversed many lands and countries and seas, and it came to Philip by night and stopped. And it came to pass at that very hour ... that Philip saw a marvelous dream.”[2318]In another place, however, Albert calls Philip Alexander’s father,De causis et proprietatibus elementorum et planetarum, II, ii, 1.[2319]The story is better told in the Syriac version (Budge, 14-17), where Alexander does not push Nectanebus into the pit until after he has asked the astrologer if he knows his own fate and has been told that Nectanebus is to be slain by his own son. Alexander then attempts to foil fate by pushing Nectanebus into the pit, but only fulfills it. In the Ethiopic version Nectanebus is represented as educating Alexander from his seventh year on in “philosophy and letters and the working of magic and the stars and their seasons.” Aristotle becomes Alexander’s tutor only after the death of Nectanebus. Aristotle, too, is represented as an adept in astrology, amulets, and the use of magic wax images. (Budge,Ethiopic Histories, pp. 31, xlv).[2320]VI, 4.[2321]Royal 13-A-I, fol. 53v.[2322]In CU Trinity 1446 (1250 A. D.)The Romance of Alexanderin French verse by Eustache (or Thomas) of Kent, among 152 pictures listed by James (III, 483-91) are two representing the hero’s colloquy with the moon tree (fol. 31r). Marco Polo also tells of these marvelous trees. And see Roux de Rochelle, “Notice sur l’Arbre du Soleil, ou Arbre Sec, décrit dans la relation des voyages de Marco Polo,” inBulletin de la Société de géographie, série 3, III (1845), 187-94.[2323]For theLetter to AristotleI have employed the Paris, 1520 edition and Royal 13-A-I, which follow the early Latin version. As stated above, Pfister’s edition (Heidelberg, 1910) gives a later version probably translated from the Greek.[2324]There appears to have been no complete edition of Aëtius in Greek. The first eight of his sixteen books were printed at Venice in 1534, and the ninth at Leipzig in 1757, but for the entire sixteen books one must use the Latin translation of Cornarius, Basel, 1542, etc., which I have read in Stephanus,Medicae artis principes, 1567.Recent editions of portions of Aëtius are: Αετιου λογος δωδεκατος πρωτον νυν εκδοθεις ὑπο Γεωργιου Α. Κωστομοιρου, pp. 112, 131, Paris, 1862.Die Augenheilkunde des Aëtius aus Amida, Griechisch und deutsch herausg. von J. Hirschberg, pp. xi, 204, Leipzig, 1899.Aetii sermo sextidecimus et ultimus(Αετιου περι των εν μητρα παθων etc.). Erstens aus HSS veröffentl. mit Abbildungen, etc., v. S. Zervòs, pp. k’, 172, Leipzig, 1901.Αετιου Αμιδινου Λογος δεκατος πεμπτος, ed. S. Zerbos, 1909, in Επιστημονικη Εταιρεια, Αθηνα, vol. 21.My references to Alexander of Tralles are both to the text of Stephanus (1567) and the more recent edition by Theodor Puschmann,Alexander von Tralles, Originaltext und Übersetzung nebst einer einleitenden Abhandlung, Vienna, 1878-9, 2 vols. This gives a more critical text than any previous edition, but unfortunately Puschmann adopted still another arrangement into books than those of the MSS and previous editions, and also in my opinion did not make a sufficient study of the Latin MSS. His introduction contains information concerning Alexander’s life and the MSS and previous editions of his works.A valuable earlier study on Alexander was that of E. Milward, published in 1733 under the title,A Letter to the Honourable Sir Hans Sloane Bart., etc., and in 1734 asTrallianus Reviviscens, 229 pp. Milward was preparing an edition of Alexander of Tralles, but it was never published. His estimate of Alexander’s position in the history of medicine furnishes an incidental picture of interest of the state of medicine in his own time, the early eighteenth century.The old Latin translation of Alexander of Tralles was the first to be printed at Lyons, 1504,Alexandri yatros practica cum expositione glose interlinearis Jacobi de Partibus et (Simonis) Januensis in margine posite; also Pavia, 1520 and Venice 1522. Next appeared a very free Latin translation by Torinus in 1533 and 1541,Paraphrases in libros omnes Alexandri Tralliani. The Greek text of Alexander was first printed by Stephanus (Robert Étienne) in 1548 (ed. J. Goupyl). The Latin translation by Guinther of Andernach, which is included in Stephanus (1567), first appeared in 1549, Strasburg, and was reprinted a number of times.Another work by Puschmann may also be noted:Nachträge zu Alexander Trallianus. Fragmente aus Philumenus und Philagrius nebst einer bisher noch ungedruckten Abhandlung über Augenkrankheiten, Berlin, 1886, inBerliner Studien f. class. Philol. und Archaeol., V, 2; 188 pp., in which he segregates as fragments of Philumenus and Philagrius portions of the text of Alexander as found in the Latin MSS.My references for theDe medicamentisof Marcellus apply to Helmreich’s edition of 1889 in the Teubner series. This edition is based on a single MS of the ninth century at Laon which Helmreich followed Valentin Rose in regarding as the sole extant codex of the work. As a result Rose indulged in ingenious theories to explain how theeditio princepsby Ianus Cornarius, Basel, 1536, included the prefatory letter and other preliminary material not found in the Laon MS, whose first leaves and some others are missing.But as a matter of fact BN 6880, a clear and beautifully written MS of the ninth century, contains theDe medicamentisentire with all the preliminary letters. Moreover, it is evident that theeditio princepswas printed directly from this MS, which contains not only notes by Cornarius but the marks of the compositors.The text of the edition of 1536 was reproduced in the medical collections of Aldus,Medici antiqui, Venice, 1547, and Stephanus,Medicae artis principes, 1567.Jacob Grimm,Über Marcellus Burdigalensis, inAbhandl. d. kgl. Akad. d. Wiss. z. Berlin(1847), pp. 429-60, discusses the evidence for placing Marcellus under the older Theodosius, lists the Celtic words and expressions found in theDe medicamentis, and also one hundred specimens of its folk-lore and magic. This article was reprinted inKleinere Schriften, II (1865), 114-51, where it is followed at pp. 152-72 by a supplementary paper,Über die Marcellischen Formeln, likewise reprinted from the Academy Proceedings for 1855, pp. 51-68.The magic of Marcellus was further treated of by R. Heim,De rebus magicis Marcelli medici, inSchedae philol. Hermanno Usener oblatae(1891), pp. 119-37, where he addsnova magica ex Marcelli libris collatawhich Grimm had omitted.[2325]Marcellus is often called of Bordeaux, notably in Grimm’s article,Über Marcellus Burdigalensis, 1847; also by C. W. King,The Gnostics and their Remains, 1887, p. 219; and by J. G. Frazer,The Golden Bough, I, 23; but there seems to be no definite proof that he was from that city.Jules Combarieu,La musique et la magie, 1909, p. 87, says in reference to the following incantation recommended by Marcellus,tetunc resonco bregan gresso, “Je remarque en passant qu’il faut frotter l’œil en disant cecarmen, et que dans le patois du Midi,bréguaoubrége, signifie frotter. Marcellus, si je ne me trompe, était de Bordeaux.”Grimm, however (1847), p. 455, interpretedbreganas “lies”—“breigan gen. pl. von breag lüge,” and the whole line as in modern Irishteith uainn cre soin go breigan greasa(“fleuch von uns staub hinnen zu der lügen genossen!”).[2326]Stephanus (1567), I, 347,et seq.For an English translation of the text see F. Adams,The Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, London, 1844-1847.[2327]Simia Galieni, according to Guinther in his translation of Alexander of Tralles, Stephanus (1567), I, 131.[2328]Milward (1733), 9-11.[2329]John Friend (or Freind),History of Physick(1725), I, 297.[2330]Puschmann,History of Medical Education, 1891, p. 153.[2331]Milward (1733), p. 11.[2332]J. F. Payne,English Medicine in Anglo-Saxon Times, 1904, pp. 102-8.[2333]Milward (1733), p. 19; Puschmann (1878), I, 104.[2334]Ch. Daremberg,Histoire des Sciences Médicales, Paris, 1870, I, 242.[2335]This general impression received from reading many classical and medieval works I was glad to find confirmed by Milward (1733), p. 29, in the particular case of Alexander of Tralles, of whom he writes: “As our author’s stile is excellent, so likewise is his method, and there is no respect in which he is more distinguished from the other Greek writers in physick than in this. The works of Hippocrates, Galen, and indeed of all of them except it be Aretaeus are not only very voluminous but put together with little or no order, as is evident enough to all such as have been conversant with them.”[2336]Daremberg (1870), I, 258-9, said that a mass of MSS in a score of European libraries contained as yet unidentified Latin translations of Greek medical writers.[2337]BN 10233, 7th century uncial; BN nouv. acq. 1619, 7-8th century, demi-uncial; BN 9332, 9th century, fol. 1-, Oribasii synopsis medica; CLM 23535, 12th century, fols. 72 and 112. V. Rose,Soranus, 1882, pp. iv-v, speaks of a sixth century Latin version ofOribasius.[2338]Tetrabiblos, IV, iii, 15.[2339]Ibid., I, iv, 9, where Galen is not cited, and III, i, 9, where Galen is cited. In Galen,De simplicibus, IX, ii, 19 (Kühn, XII, 207).[2340]Ibid., I, ii, 170, where Galen is not cited;De simplicibus, XI, i, 1 (Kühn, XII, 311-4).[2341]TetrabiblosI, ii, 175; Kühn XII, 356-9. Galen is not cited in this, nor in any of the following passages from theTetrabibloslisted in the notes, unless this is expressly stated.[2342]Tetrabiblosat the beginning, pp. 6-7 in Stephanus (1567).[2343]TetrabiblosIV, i, 33; Kühn XIV, 233, and XII, 250-1.[2344]TetrabiblosI, ii, 109; Kühn XII, 288.[2345]TetrabiblosI, ii, 84; Kühn XII, 253.[2346]TetrabiblosI, ii, 84; Kühn XII, 248, 284-5.[2347]TetrabiblosI, ii, 111; Kühn XII, 291-3.[2348]TetrabiblosII, iv, 34; Kühn XII, 860. Perhaps a closer correspondence than this could be found. In his preceding 33rd chapter, headedCuratio erosorum dentium ex Galeno, Aëtius includes use of the tooth of a dead dog pulverized in vinegar, which is to be held in the mouth, or filling the ear next the tooth with “fumigated earthworms” or with oil in which earthworms have been cooked.[2349]TetrabiblosI, ii, 49.[2350]TetrabiblosIV, i, 39.[2351]TetrabiblosIII, iii, 35.[2352]TetrabiblosII, ii, 12. Marcellus, cap. 20 (p. 188) also speaks of “those who often think that they are made sport of by an incubus.”[2353]Tetrabiblos, I, ii, 177.[2354]Tetrabiblos, IV, i, 86.[2355]Tetrabiblos, I, iii, 164. This passage was printed separately in theUranologionof D. Petavius, Paris, 1630 and 1703.[2356]Agathias,De imperio et rebus gestis Justiniani, Paris, 1860, p. 149.[2357]Milward (1733), p. 17, “he travel’d through Greece, Gaul, Spain, and several other places whose mention we find up and down in his works.”[2358]Puschmann (1878), I, 288, διὸ καὶ γέρων λοιπὸν πειθαρχῶ καὶ κάμνειν οὐκέτι δυνάμενος....[2359]Milward (1733), p. 25.[2360]Puschmann (1878), I, 83.[2361]Milward (1733), p. 27.[2362]Puschmann (1891), 152-3.[2363]Stephanus (1567), I, 131.[2364]Friend (1725), I, 106.[2365]Milward (1733), pp. 65-6, 57et seq.[2366]Ibid., pp. 104, 92-3, 71.[2367]Ibid., pp. 48-9.[2368]See V. Rose,Hermes, VIII, 39;Anecdota, II, 108. I presume that BN 9332, 9th century, fol. 139, “Alexandri hiatrosofiste therapeut(i)con” (libri tres) is the free Latin translation in a Paris MS of the ninth century alluded to by Daremberg (1870), I, 258-9. Puschmann (1878) I, 91-2, in a blind and inadequate account of the Latin MSS, does not mention it, but lists a Monte Cassino codex (97) of the 9-10th century and an Angers MS of the 10-11th century. He also alludes to a MS at Chartres without giving any number or date for it, but probably has reference to Chartres 342, 12th century, fols. 1-139, “Libri tres Alexandri Yatros.” He alludes to BN 6881 and 6882, both 13th century, libri tres de morbis et de morborum curatione; but not to CLM 344, 12-13th century, fols. 1-60, libri III de medicina,—integra versio Latina Lugduni a. 1504 edita. Other MSS are: Gonville and Caius 400, early 13th century, fols. 4v-83v, “Inc. Alexander yatros sophista”; Royal 12-B-XVI, late 13th century, fol. 113, Practica Alexandri.It will be noted that the text in all these Latin MSS is in only three books, but it follows the same order as the twelve books. It is also, at least in the edition of 1504, not as abbreviated as one might infer from Rose. Rather the later editors, Albanus Torinus and Guinther of Andernach, seem to have taken greater liberties with, and made unwarranted additions to Alexander’s text. At the same time the early Latin text treats of some topics such as toothache which are not included in Puschmann’s Greek text, and also includes (II, 79-103, and 104-50) treatments of diseases of the abdomen and spleen for which there seems to be no genuine Greek text and which Puschmann,Nachträge, 1886, has published separately as fragments of Philumenus and Philagrius, medical writers of the first and fourth centuries. His chief reason seems to be that cap. 79 is entitled,De reumate ventris filominis, and cap. 104,Ad splenem philogrius, while cap. 151 is headed,Causa que est ydropicie alexandri. These passages are, however, found in the Latin MSS of Alexander’s work from the first, and the use of Romance words by the unknown Latin translator indicates that the translation was made in the early medieval period,—Puschmann (1886), p. 12.[2369]Puschmann (1878), I, 91.[2370]As in Vendôme 109, 11th century, fol. 1, Mulsa Alexandri (Tralliani), fol. 68v, “De reuma ventris, de libro Alexandri” (not here ascribed, it will be noted, to Philumenus), fol. 71, “De secundo libro Alexandri de cura nefreticorum.” TheMulsa Alexandriis found also in two other 11th century MSS of the same library: Vendôme 172, fol. 1, and 175, fol. 2.In Royal 12-E-XX, 12th century, fols. 146v-151v, “Incipit liber dietarum diversarum medicorum, hoc est Alexandri et aliorum.” This extract, made up of a number of Alexander’s chapters on the diet suitable in different ailments, is often found in the MSS, as here, with the Pseudo-Pliny and was printed as its fifth book in 1509 and 1516.[2371]Puschmann (1878), I, 97.[2372]Milward (1773), p. 179.[2373]Thus in Vendôme 109 (see note 2, p. 577) besides the extracts from Alexander of Tralles we find at fol. 58, “Alexander (Aphrodisiensis) amicus veritatis in tertio libro suo ubi de febribus commemorat.” The Arabs seem to have confused these two Alexanders: see Steinschneider (1862), p. 61; Puschmann (1878), I, 94-5.[2374]See the discussion by Choulant inJanus(1845), p. 52, and Henschel in De Renzi (1852-9) II, 11, of a 12th century MS at Breslau, “Liber Alexandri de agnoscendis febribus et pulsibus et urinis”; also Puschmann (1878) I, 105-6, concerning BN Greek MS 2316, which seems to be a late Greek translation of it,—another instance that a Greek text is not necessarily the original.[2375]Corpus Christi 189, 11-12th century, fols. 1-5, “Antidotum pigra magni Alexandri Macedonii quod facit stomaticis epilenticis.” Steinschneider, cited by Puschmann (1878) I, 106, has also noted the attribution in Hebrew MSS to Alexander the Great of a work on fever, urine, and pulse, presumably identical with that mentioned in the foregoing note.[2376]Stephanus (1567) I, 176, 204, 216, 225; and Puschmann, II, 575, are a few specimens.[2377]Amplon. Quarto 204, 12-13th century, fols. 90-5, Experimentorum Alexandri medici collectio succincta. Digby 79, 13th century, fols. 180-92v, “Alexandrina experimenta de libro percompendiose extractata meliora ut nobis visum est ad singulas egritudines.” Additional 34111, 15th century, fol. 77, “Experimenta Alexandri,” in English.[2378]Stephanus I, 156; Puschmann II, 563.[2379]Milward (1733), p. 168.[2380]Stephanus I, 312; Puschmann II, 579.[2381]Stephanus I, 345, see also 296 and 339; Puschmann I, 407, 437.[2382]Stephanus I, 312; Puschmann II, 579.[2383]Stephanus I, 156; Puschmann I, 565.[2384]Stephanus I, 345; Puschmann I, 437.[2385]Καὶ θαυμαστῶς ὅπως ἀντιπαθείᾳ τινὶ καὶ λόγῳ ἀρρήτῳ.[2386]For the passages in this paragraph see Stephanus I, 156-7, 313; Puschmann I, 561, 567-73.[2387]Stephanus I, 312.[2388]Stephanus I, 281; Puschmann II, 475.[2389]Stephanus I, 296; Puschmann II, 377.[2390]Stephanus I, 313.[2391]Stephanus I, 296; Puschmann II, 377.[2392]Stephanus I, 281; Puschmann II, 475.[2393]Stephanus I, 314; Puschmann II, 585.[2394]If the MSS, which I have not examined, agree with the 1504 edition.[2395]Both in BN 6880 and the edition of Basel, 1536, “Marcellus vir inluster ex magno officio Theodosii Sen. filiis suis salutem d(icit).” In the MS, however, a later hand has written above the now faded line an incorrect copy in which “Theodosii Sen.” is replaced by “theodosiensi.” Helmreich (1889), on the other hand, has replaced “ex magno officio” by “ex magistro officio.” It is perhaps open to doubt whether the “Sen.” goes with “Theodosii” or “Marcellus.”[2396]Cap. 20 (1889), p. 204.[2397]In BN 6880 there are other headings written in capitals than those which mark the openings of the 36 chapters.[2398]Cap. 29 (1889), pp. 304-6.[2399]Cap. 35 (1889), p. 361.[2400]Cap. 8 (1889), p. 80.[2401]Cap. 5 (1889), p. 49.[2402]For such mentions of experience and experiment see the following passages in the 1889 edition, numbers referring to page and line: 31, 7; 34, 3; 35, 14; 44, 2; 53, 1; 58, 21; 64, 34; 65, 30; 66, 26; 72, 22; 73, 7; 74, 2; 77, 9; 80, 28; 81, 29; 89, 3 and 29; 96, 14 and 31; 102, 27; 120, 32; 123, 15; 129, 21; 133, 10; 145, 33; 148, 25; 149, 26; 160, 18; 176, 5; 178, 25; 186, 15; 190, 20; 192, 31; 211, 1; 222, 18; 224, 31; 230, 3; 235, 15; 236, 14; 239, 8 and 26; 242, 8 and 23; 248, 20; 256, 9; 258, 5; 264, 21; 276, 35; 281, 19 and 27; 282, 15; 308, 21; 312, 6 and 19 and 22; 314, 25; 326, 28; 327, 13; 334, 29; 343, 23; 351, 23 and 25; 353, 4; 354, 19; 356, 6; 362, 32; 370, 22 and 37.[2403]Cap. 15 (1889), p. 146.[2404]Cap. 23 (1889), p. 239.[2405]Caps. 20 and 24 (1889), pp. 208 and 244.[2406]Cap. 26 (1889), pp. 264-6.[2407]Cap. 29 (1889), p. 311; and see cap. 28, p. 298.[2408]Cap. 12, p. 123.[2409]Cap. 16, p. 166.[2410]Cap. 23, p. 238.

[2295]Seneca in theNatural Questions(VI, 23) called the death of Callisthenes “the eternal crime” of Alexander which all his military victories and conquests could not outweigh,—a passage which did not keep Nero from forcing Seneca to commit suicide.

[2296]Reitzenstein,Poimandres, Leipzig, 1904, pp. 308-309.

[2297]Res gestaeof Alexander of Macedon, contained in three MSS of the Royal Library in the British Museum, dating according to the catalogue from the eleventh and twelfth centuries: Royal 13-A-I, Royal 12-C-IV, and Royal 15-C-VI, are not the full text of Julius Valerius, but the epitome of which I shall soon speak.

[2298]The longer epitome is known from an Oxford MS, Corpus Christi MS 82, and was believed by Meyer to be intermediary between Valerius and the other briefer epitome. Cillié, however, tries to prove the shorter epitome to be the older.

[2299]Alexandri Magni Epistola ad Aristotelem de mirabilibus Indiae, first printed withSynesii Epistolae, graece; adcedunt aliorum Epistolae, Venice, 1499; then Bologna, 1501; Basel, 1517; Paris, 1520, fols. 102v-14v, following the Pseudo-Aristotle,Secret of Secrets; etc. These early printed editions give the oldest Latin text, dating back as we have seen to at least 800.Some MSS of the same version are:BM Royal 13-A-I, fols. 51v-78r, a beautifully clear MS of the late 11th century with clubbed strokes. The Epistola is preceded by theEpitome of Valeriusand followed by the correspondence with Dindimus.Royal 12-C-IV, 12th century.Royal 15-C-VI, 12th century.Cotton Nero D VIII, fol. 169.Sloane 1619, 13th century, fols. 12-17.Arundel 242, 15th century, fols. 160-83.BL Laud. Misc. 247, 12th century, fol. 186; preceded at fol. 171 by the “Ortus vita et obitus Alexandri Macedonis,” and followed at fol. 196v by the letter to Dindimus.BN MSS 2874, 4126, 4877, 4880, 5062, 6121, 6365, 6503, 6831, 7561, 8518, 8521A,Epistola de itinere et situ Indiae; 8607,Epistolae eius nomine scriptae; and 2695A, 6186, 6365, 6385, 6811, 6831, 8501A, forResponsio ad Dindimum.CLM 11319, 13th century, fol. 88,Alexandri epistola ad Aristotelem de rebus in India gestis, preceded at fol. 72 by theEpitomeand followed at fol. 97 by theDindimus.In the library of Eton College an imperfect copy of theEpistolafollowsOrosiusin a MS of the early 13th century, 133, BL 4, 6, fols. 85r-87.A somewhat different and later version of theLetter to Aristotlewas published in 1910 at Heidelberg by Friedrich Pfister from a Bamberg MS of the 11th century, together withPalladiusand the correspondence with Dindimus. Pfister believed all these to be translations from the Greek.An Anglo-Saxon version of theLetter to Aristotlewas edited by Cockayne in 1861 (see T. Wright, RS 34; xxvii).

Some MSS of the same version are:

BM Royal 13-A-I, fols. 51v-78r, a beautifully clear MS of the late 11th century with clubbed strokes. The Epistola is preceded by theEpitome of Valeriusand followed by the correspondence with Dindimus.

Royal 12-C-IV, 12th century.

Royal 15-C-VI, 12th century.

Cotton Nero D VIII, fol. 169.

Sloane 1619, 13th century, fols. 12-17.

Arundel 242, 15th century, fols. 160-83.

BL Laud. Misc. 247, 12th century, fol. 186; preceded at fol. 171 by the “Ortus vita et obitus Alexandri Macedonis,” and followed at fol. 196v by the letter to Dindimus.

BN MSS 2874, 4126, 4877, 4880, 5062, 6121, 6365, 6503, 6831, 7561, 8518, 8521A,Epistola de itinere et situ Indiae; 8607,Epistolae eius nomine scriptae; and 2695A, 6186, 6365, 6385, 6811, 6831, 8501A, forResponsio ad Dindimum.

CLM 11319, 13th century, fol. 88,Alexandri epistola ad Aristotelem de rebus in India gestis, preceded at fol. 72 by theEpitomeand followed at fol. 97 by theDindimus.

In the library of Eton College an imperfect copy of theEpistolafollowsOrosiusin a MS of the early 13th century, 133, BL 4, 6, fols. 85r-87.

A somewhat different and later version of theLetter to Aristotlewas published in 1910 at Heidelberg by Friedrich Pfister from a Bamberg MS of the 11th century, together withPalladiusand the correspondence with Dindimus. Pfister believed all these to be translations from the Greek.

An Anglo-Saxon version of theLetter to Aristotlewas edited by Cockayne in 1861 (see T. Wright, RS 34; xxvii).

[2300]III, 17.

[2301]First published by Joachim Camerarius about 1571.

[2302]Published withPalladiusby Sir Edward Bisse in 1665; MSS are numerous.

[2303]From this same MS Pfister published theLetter to Aristotleand other treatises mentioned above.

[2304]Its influence would therefore seem to have been upon the later prose romances and not upon French vernacular poetry. Known at first only in Italy and Germany, its popularity became general in western Europe toward the close of the middle ages.

[2305]Harleian 527, fols. 47-56.

[2306]Amplon. Quarto 12, fols. 200-201; presumably it includes only those chapters concerned with Nectanebus.

[2307]CUL 1429 (Gg. I, 34), 14th century, No. 5, 35 fols. Also in CU Trinity 1041, 14th century, fols. 200v-212v, “De Nectanabo mago quomodo magnum genuerit Alexandrum. Egipti sapientes....”

[2308]NH XXXVI, 14 and 19.

[2309]De anima, cap. 57, in Migne, PL II, 792.

[2310]The former built a Temple of Isis, now a heap of ruins, at Behbit el-Hagar and a colonnade to the Temple of Hibis in the oasis of Khîrgeh; and his name appears upon a gate in the Temple of Mont at Karnak. Besides the Vestibule of Nektanebos at Philae there is a court of Nektanebos before the Temple of the Eighteenth Dynasty at Medinet Habu.

[2311]Berthelot (1885), pp. 29-30.

[2312]The Syriac version, on the contrary, emphasizes this point less.

[2313]Budge’s translation of the Ethiopic version.

[2314]CLM 215, fols. 176-94, “Egiptiorum gentem in mathematica magica quam in arte fuisse valentem littere tradunt.”

[2315]Pseudo-Callisthenes, I, 4, “casters of horoscopes, readers of signs, interpreters of dreams, ventriloquists, augurs, genethlialogists, the so-called magi to whom divination is an open book.” Budge, Syriac version, p. 4, “The interpreters of dreams are of many kinds and the knowers of signs, those who understand divination, Chaldean augurs and casters of nativities; the Greeks call the signs of the zodiac ‘sorcerers’; and others are counters of the stars. As for me, all of these are in my hands and I myself am an Egyptian prophet, a magus, and a counter of the stars.” Budge,Ethiopic Histories, p. 11, “Then Nectanebus answered and said unto her, ‘Yea. Those who have knowledge of the orbs of heaven are of many kinds. Some are interpreters of dreams, and some have knowledge of what shall happen in the future, and some understand omens, and some cast nativities, and there are besides all those who know magic and who are renowned because they are learned in their art, and some are skilled in the motion of the stars of heaven: but I have full knowledge of all these things.’”

[2316]From Fowler’s translation ofAlexander: the False Prophet. See also Plutarch’sAlexander.

[2317]The Syriac and Ethiopic versions are somewhat more detailed as to the magic by which Philip’s dream was produced. Budge, Syriac version, p. 8, “Then Nectanebus ... brought a hawk and muttered over it his charms and made it fly away with a small quantity of a drug, and that night it shewed Philip a dream.” Budge,Ethiopic Histories, p. 21, “Then Nectanebus took a swift bird and muttered over it certain charms and names, and ... in one day and one night it traversed many lands and countries and seas, and it came to Philip by night and stopped. And it came to pass at that very hour ... that Philip saw a marvelous dream.”

[2318]In another place, however, Albert calls Philip Alexander’s father,De causis et proprietatibus elementorum et planetarum, II, ii, 1.

[2319]The story is better told in the Syriac version (Budge, 14-17), where Alexander does not push Nectanebus into the pit until after he has asked the astrologer if he knows his own fate and has been told that Nectanebus is to be slain by his own son. Alexander then attempts to foil fate by pushing Nectanebus into the pit, but only fulfills it. In the Ethiopic version Nectanebus is represented as educating Alexander from his seventh year on in “philosophy and letters and the working of magic and the stars and their seasons.” Aristotle becomes Alexander’s tutor only after the death of Nectanebus. Aristotle, too, is represented as an adept in astrology, amulets, and the use of magic wax images. (Budge,Ethiopic Histories, pp. 31, xlv).

[2320]VI, 4.

[2321]Royal 13-A-I, fol. 53v.

[2322]In CU Trinity 1446 (1250 A. D.)The Romance of Alexanderin French verse by Eustache (or Thomas) of Kent, among 152 pictures listed by James (III, 483-91) are two representing the hero’s colloquy with the moon tree (fol. 31r). Marco Polo also tells of these marvelous trees. And see Roux de Rochelle, “Notice sur l’Arbre du Soleil, ou Arbre Sec, décrit dans la relation des voyages de Marco Polo,” inBulletin de la Société de géographie, série 3, III (1845), 187-94.

[2323]For theLetter to AristotleI have employed the Paris, 1520 edition and Royal 13-A-I, which follow the early Latin version. As stated above, Pfister’s edition (Heidelberg, 1910) gives a later version probably translated from the Greek.

[2324]There appears to have been no complete edition of Aëtius in Greek. The first eight of his sixteen books were printed at Venice in 1534, and the ninth at Leipzig in 1757, but for the entire sixteen books one must use the Latin translation of Cornarius, Basel, 1542, etc., which I have read in Stephanus,Medicae artis principes, 1567.Recent editions of portions of Aëtius are: Αετιου λογος δωδεκατος πρωτον νυν εκδοθεις ὑπο Γεωργιου Α. Κωστομοιρου, pp. 112, 131, Paris, 1862.Die Augenheilkunde des Aëtius aus Amida, Griechisch und deutsch herausg. von J. Hirschberg, pp. xi, 204, Leipzig, 1899.Aetii sermo sextidecimus et ultimus(Αετιου περι των εν μητρα παθων etc.). Erstens aus HSS veröffentl. mit Abbildungen, etc., v. S. Zervòs, pp. k’, 172, Leipzig, 1901.Αετιου Αμιδινου Λογος δεκατος πεμπτος, ed. S. Zerbos, 1909, in Επιστημονικη Εταιρεια, Αθηνα, vol. 21.My references to Alexander of Tralles are both to the text of Stephanus (1567) and the more recent edition by Theodor Puschmann,Alexander von Tralles, Originaltext und Übersetzung nebst einer einleitenden Abhandlung, Vienna, 1878-9, 2 vols. This gives a more critical text than any previous edition, but unfortunately Puschmann adopted still another arrangement into books than those of the MSS and previous editions, and also in my opinion did not make a sufficient study of the Latin MSS. His introduction contains information concerning Alexander’s life and the MSS and previous editions of his works.A valuable earlier study on Alexander was that of E. Milward, published in 1733 under the title,A Letter to the Honourable Sir Hans Sloane Bart., etc., and in 1734 asTrallianus Reviviscens, 229 pp. Milward was preparing an edition of Alexander of Tralles, but it was never published. His estimate of Alexander’s position in the history of medicine furnishes an incidental picture of interest of the state of medicine in his own time, the early eighteenth century.The old Latin translation of Alexander of Tralles was the first to be printed at Lyons, 1504,Alexandri yatros practica cum expositione glose interlinearis Jacobi de Partibus et (Simonis) Januensis in margine posite; also Pavia, 1520 and Venice 1522. Next appeared a very free Latin translation by Torinus in 1533 and 1541,Paraphrases in libros omnes Alexandri Tralliani. The Greek text of Alexander was first printed by Stephanus (Robert Étienne) in 1548 (ed. J. Goupyl). The Latin translation by Guinther of Andernach, which is included in Stephanus (1567), first appeared in 1549, Strasburg, and was reprinted a number of times.Another work by Puschmann may also be noted:Nachträge zu Alexander Trallianus. Fragmente aus Philumenus und Philagrius nebst einer bisher noch ungedruckten Abhandlung über Augenkrankheiten, Berlin, 1886, inBerliner Studien f. class. Philol. und Archaeol., V, 2; 188 pp., in which he segregates as fragments of Philumenus and Philagrius portions of the text of Alexander as found in the Latin MSS.My references for theDe medicamentisof Marcellus apply to Helmreich’s edition of 1889 in the Teubner series. This edition is based on a single MS of the ninth century at Laon which Helmreich followed Valentin Rose in regarding as the sole extant codex of the work. As a result Rose indulged in ingenious theories to explain how theeditio princepsby Ianus Cornarius, Basel, 1536, included the prefatory letter and other preliminary material not found in the Laon MS, whose first leaves and some others are missing.But as a matter of fact BN 6880, a clear and beautifully written MS of the ninth century, contains theDe medicamentisentire with all the preliminary letters. Moreover, it is evident that theeditio princepswas printed directly from this MS, which contains not only notes by Cornarius but the marks of the compositors.The text of the edition of 1536 was reproduced in the medical collections of Aldus,Medici antiqui, Venice, 1547, and Stephanus,Medicae artis principes, 1567.Jacob Grimm,Über Marcellus Burdigalensis, inAbhandl. d. kgl. Akad. d. Wiss. z. Berlin(1847), pp. 429-60, discusses the evidence for placing Marcellus under the older Theodosius, lists the Celtic words and expressions found in theDe medicamentis, and also one hundred specimens of its folk-lore and magic. This article was reprinted inKleinere Schriften, II (1865), 114-51, where it is followed at pp. 152-72 by a supplementary paper,Über die Marcellischen Formeln, likewise reprinted from the Academy Proceedings for 1855, pp. 51-68.The magic of Marcellus was further treated of by R. Heim,De rebus magicis Marcelli medici, inSchedae philol. Hermanno Usener oblatae(1891), pp. 119-37, where he addsnova magica ex Marcelli libris collatawhich Grimm had omitted.

Recent editions of portions of Aëtius are: Αετιου λογος δωδεκατος πρωτον νυν εκδοθεις ὑπο Γεωργιου Α. Κωστομοιρου, pp. 112, 131, Paris, 1862.

Die Augenheilkunde des Aëtius aus Amida, Griechisch und deutsch herausg. von J. Hirschberg, pp. xi, 204, Leipzig, 1899.

Aetii sermo sextidecimus et ultimus(Αετιου περι των εν μητρα παθων etc.). Erstens aus HSS veröffentl. mit Abbildungen, etc., v. S. Zervòs, pp. k’, 172, Leipzig, 1901.

Αετιου Αμιδινου Λογος δεκατος πεμπτος, ed. S. Zerbos, 1909, in Επιστημονικη Εταιρεια, Αθηνα, vol. 21.

My references to Alexander of Tralles are both to the text of Stephanus (1567) and the more recent edition by Theodor Puschmann,Alexander von Tralles, Originaltext und Übersetzung nebst einer einleitenden Abhandlung, Vienna, 1878-9, 2 vols. This gives a more critical text than any previous edition, but unfortunately Puschmann adopted still another arrangement into books than those of the MSS and previous editions, and also in my opinion did not make a sufficient study of the Latin MSS. His introduction contains information concerning Alexander’s life and the MSS and previous editions of his works.

A valuable earlier study on Alexander was that of E. Milward, published in 1733 under the title,A Letter to the Honourable Sir Hans Sloane Bart., etc., and in 1734 asTrallianus Reviviscens, 229 pp. Milward was preparing an edition of Alexander of Tralles, but it was never published. His estimate of Alexander’s position in the history of medicine furnishes an incidental picture of interest of the state of medicine in his own time, the early eighteenth century.

The old Latin translation of Alexander of Tralles was the first to be printed at Lyons, 1504,Alexandri yatros practica cum expositione glose interlinearis Jacobi de Partibus et (Simonis) Januensis in margine posite; also Pavia, 1520 and Venice 1522. Next appeared a very free Latin translation by Torinus in 1533 and 1541,Paraphrases in libros omnes Alexandri Tralliani. The Greek text of Alexander was first printed by Stephanus (Robert Étienne) in 1548 (ed. J. Goupyl). The Latin translation by Guinther of Andernach, which is included in Stephanus (1567), first appeared in 1549, Strasburg, and was reprinted a number of times.

Another work by Puschmann may also be noted:Nachträge zu Alexander Trallianus. Fragmente aus Philumenus und Philagrius nebst einer bisher noch ungedruckten Abhandlung über Augenkrankheiten, Berlin, 1886, inBerliner Studien f. class. Philol. und Archaeol., V, 2; 188 pp., in which he segregates as fragments of Philumenus and Philagrius portions of the text of Alexander as found in the Latin MSS.

My references for theDe medicamentisof Marcellus apply to Helmreich’s edition of 1889 in the Teubner series. This edition is based on a single MS of the ninth century at Laon which Helmreich followed Valentin Rose in regarding as the sole extant codex of the work. As a result Rose indulged in ingenious theories to explain how theeditio princepsby Ianus Cornarius, Basel, 1536, included the prefatory letter and other preliminary material not found in the Laon MS, whose first leaves and some others are missing.

But as a matter of fact BN 6880, a clear and beautifully written MS of the ninth century, contains theDe medicamentisentire with all the preliminary letters. Moreover, it is evident that theeditio princepswas printed directly from this MS, which contains not only notes by Cornarius but the marks of the compositors.

The text of the edition of 1536 was reproduced in the medical collections of Aldus,Medici antiqui, Venice, 1547, and Stephanus,Medicae artis principes, 1567.

Jacob Grimm,Über Marcellus Burdigalensis, inAbhandl. d. kgl. Akad. d. Wiss. z. Berlin(1847), pp. 429-60, discusses the evidence for placing Marcellus under the older Theodosius, lists the Celtic words and expressions found in theDe medicamentis, and also one hundred specimens of its folk-lore and magic. This article was reprinted inKleinere Schriften, II (1865), 114-51, where it is followed at pp. 152-72 by a supplementary paper,Über die Marcellischen Formeln, likewise reprinted from the Academy Proceedings for 1855, pp. 51-68.

The magic of Marcellus was further treated of by R. Heim,De rebus magicis Marcelli medici, inSchedae philol. Hermanno Usener oblatae(1891), pp. 119-37, where he addsnova magica ex Marcelli libris collatawhich Grimm had omitted.

[2325]Marcellus is often called of Bordeaux, notably in Grimm’s article,Über Marcellus Burdigalensis, 1847; also by C. W. King,The Gnostics and their Remains, 1887, p. 219; and by J. G. Frazer,The Golden Bough, I, 23; but there seems to be no definite proof that he was from that city.Jules Combarieu,La musique et la magie, 1909, p. 87, says in reference to the following incantation recommended by Marcellus,tetunc resonco bregan gresso, “Je remarque en passant qu’il faut frotter l’œil en disant cecarmen, et que dans le patois du Midi,bréguaoubrége, signifie frotter. Marcellus, si je ne me trompe, était de Bordeaux.”Grimm, however (1847), p. 455, interpretedbreganas “lies”—“breigan gen. pl. von breag lüge,” and the whole line as in modern Irishteith uainn cre soin go breigan greasa(“fleuch von uns staub hinnen zu der lügen genossen!”).

Jules Combarieu,La musique et la magie, 1909, p. 87, says in reference to the following incantation recommended by Marcellus,tetunc resonco bregan gresso, “Je remarque en passant qu’il faut frotter l’œil en disant cecarmen, et que dans le patois du Midi,bréguaoubrége, signifie frotter. Marcellus, si je ne me trompe, était de Bordeaux.”

Grimm, however (1847), p. 455, interpretedbreganas “lies”—“breigan gen. pl. von breag lüge,” and the whole line as in modern Irishteith uainn cre soin go breigan greasa(“fleuch von uns staub hinnen zu der lügen genossen!”).

[2326]Stephanus (1567), I, 347,et seq.For an English translation of the text see F. Adams,The Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, London, 1844-1847.

[2327]Simia Galieni, according to Guinther in his translation of Alexander of Tralles, Stephanus (1567), I, 131.

[2328]Milward (1733), 9-11.

[2329]John Friend (or Freind),History of Physick(1725), I, 297.

[2330]Puschmann,History of Medical Education, 1891, p. 153.

[2331]Milward (1733), p. 11.

[2332]J. F. Payne,English Medicine in Anglo-Saxon Times, 1904, pp. 102-8.

[2333]Milward (1733), p. 19; Puschmann (1878), I, 104.

[2334]Ch. Daremberg,Histoire des Sciences Médicales, Paris, 1870, I, 242.

[2335]This general impression received from reading many classical and medieval works I was glad to find confirmed by Milward (1733), p. 29, in the particular case of Alexander of Tralles, of whom he writes: “As our author’s stile is excellent, so likewise is his method, and there is no respect in which he is more distinguished from the other Greek writers in physick than in this. The works of Hippocrates, Galen, and indeed of all of them except it be Aretaeus are not only very voluminous but put together with little or no order, as is evident enough to all such as have been conversant with them.”

[2336]Daremberg (1870), I, 258-9, said that a mass of MSS in a score of European libraries contained as yet unidentified Latin translations of Greek medical writers.

[2337]BN 10233, 7th century uncial; BN nouv. acq. 1619, 7-8th century, demi-uncial; BN 9332, 9th century, fol. 1-, Oribasii synopsis medica; CLM 23535, 12th century, fols. 72 and 112. V. Rose,Soranus, 1882, pp. iv-v, speaks of a sixth century Latin version ofOribasius.

[2338]Tetrabiblos, IV, iii, 15.

[2339]Ibid., I, iv, 9, where Galen is not cited, and III, i, 9, where Galen is cited. In Galen,De simplicibus, IX, ii, 19 (Kühn, XII, 207).

[2340]Ibid., I, ii, 170, where Galen is not cited;De simplicibus, XI, i, 1 (Kühn, XII, 311-4).

[2341]TetrabiblosI, ii, 175; Kühn XII, 356-9. Galen is not cited in this, nor in any of the following passages from theTetrabibloslisted in the notes, unless this is expressly stated.

[2342]Tetrabiblosat the beginning, pp. 6-7 in Stephanus (1567).

[2343]TetrabiblosIV, i, 33; Kühn XIV, 233, and XII, 250-1.

[2344]TetrabiblosI, ii, 109; Kühn XII, 288.

[2345]TetrabiblosI, ii, 84; Kühn XII, 253.

[2346]TetrabiblosI, ii, 84; Kühn XII, 248, 284-5.

[2347]TetrabiblosI, ii, 111; Kühn XII, 291-3.

[2348]TetrabiblosII, iv, 34; Kühn XII, 860. Perhaps a closer correspondence than this could be found. In his preceding 33rd chapter, headedCuratio erosorum dentium ex Galeno, Aëtius includes use of the tooth of a dead dog pulverized in vinegar, which is to be held in the mouth, or filling the ear next the tooth with “fumigated earthworms” or with oil in which earthworms have been cooked.

[2349]TetrabiblosI, ii, 49.

[2350]TetrabiblosIV, i, 39.

[2351]TetrabiblosIII, iii, 35.

[2352]TetrabiblosII, ii, 12. Marcellus, cap. 20 (p. 188) also speaks of “those who often think that they are made sport of by an incubus.”

[2353]Tetrabiblos, I, ii, 177.

[2354]Tetrabiblos, IV, i, 86.

[2355]Tetrabiblos, I, iii, 164. This passage was printed separately in theUranologionof D. Petavius, Paris, 1630 and 1703.

[2356]Agathias,De imperio et rebus gestis Justiniani, Paris, 1860, p. 149.

[2357]Milward (1733), p. 17, “he travel’d through Greece, Gaul, Spain, and several other places whose mention we find up and down in his works.”

[2358]Puschmann (1878), I, 288, διὸ καὶ γέρων λοιπὸν πειθαρχῶ καὶ κάμνειν οὐκέτι δυνάμενος....

[2359]Milward (1733), p. 25.

[2360]Puschmann (1878), I, 83.

[2361]Milward (1733), p. 27.

[2362]Puschmann (1891), 152-3.

[2363]Stephanus (1567), I, 131.

[2364]Friend (1725), I, 106.

[2365]Milward (1733), pp. 65-6, 57et seq.

[2366]Ibid., pp. 104, 92-3, 71.

[2367]Ibid., pp. 48-9.

[2368]See V. Rose,Hermes, VIII, 39;Anecdota, II, 108. I presume that BN 9332, 9th century, fol. 139, “Alexandri hiatrosofiste therapeut(i)con” (libri tres) is the free Latin translation in a Paris MS of the ninth century alluded to by Daremberg (1870), I, 258-9. Puschmann (1878) I, 91-2, in a blind and inadequate account of the Latin MSS, does not mention it, but lists a Monte Cassino codex (97) of the 9-10th century and an Angers MS of the 10-11th century. He also alludes to a MS at Chartres without giving any number or date for it, but probably has reference to Chartres 342, 12th century, fols. 1-139, “Libri tres Alexandri Yatros.” He alludes to BN 6881 and 6882, both 13th century, libri tres de morbis et de morborum curatione; but not to CLM 344, 12-13th century, fols. 1-60, libri III de medicina,—integra versio Latina Lugduni a. 1504 edita. Other MSS are: Gonville and Caius 400, early 13th century, fols. 4v-83v, “Inc. Alexander yatros sophista”; Royal 12-B-XVI, late 13th century, fol. 113, Practica Alexandri.It will be noted that the text in all these Latin MSS is in only three books, but it follows the same order as the twelve books. It is also, at least in the edition of 1504, not as abbreviated as one might infer from Rose. Rather the later editors, Albanus Torinus and Guinther of Andernach, seem to have taken greater liberties with, and made unwarranted additions to Alexander’s text. At the same time the early Latin text treats of some topics such as toothache which are not included in Puschmann’s Greek text, and also includes (II, 79-103, and 104-50) treatments of diseases of the abdomen and spleen for which there seems to be no genuine Greek text and which Puschmann,Nachträge, 1886, has published separately as fragments of Philumenus and Philagrius, medical writers of the first and fourth centuries. His chief reason seems to be that cap. 79 is entitled,De reumate ventris filominis, and cap. 104,Ad splenem philogrius, while cap. 151 is headed,Causa que est ydropicie alexandri. These passages are, however, found in the Latin MSS of Alexander’s work from the first, and the use of Romance words by the unknown Latin translator indicates that the translation was made in the early medieval period,—Puschmann (1886), p. 12.

It will be noted that the text in all these Latin MSS is in only three books, but it follows the same order as the twelve books. It is also, at least in the edition of 1504, not as abbreviated as one might infer from Rose. Rather the later editors, Albanus Torinus and Guinther of Andernach, seem to have taken greater liberties with, and made unwarranted additions to Alexander’s text. At the same time the early Latin text treats of some topics such as toothache which are not included in Puschmann’s Greek text, and also includes (II, 79-103, and 104-50) treatments of diseases of the abdomen and spleen for which there seems to be no genuine Greek text and which Puschmann,Nachträge, 1886, has published separately as fragments of Philumenus and Philagrius, medical writers of the first and fourth centuries. His chief reason seems to be that cap. 79 is entitled,De reumate ventris filominis, and cap. 104,Ad splenem philogrius, while cap. 151 is headed,Causa que est ydropicie alexandri. These passages are, however, found in the Latin MSS of Alexander’s work from the first, and the use of Romance words by the unknown Latin translator indicates that the translation was made in the early medieval period,—Puschmann (1886), p. 12.

[2369]Puschmann (1878), I, 91.

[2370]As in Vendôme 109, 11th century, fol. 1, Mulsa Alexandri (Tralliani), fol. 68v, “De reuma ventris, de libro Alexandri” (not here ascribed, it will be noted, to Philumenus), fol. 71, “De secundo libro Alexandri de cura nefreticorum.” TheMulsa Alexandriis found also in two other 11th century MSS of the same library: Vendôme 172, fol. 1, and 175, fol. 2.In Royal 12-E-XX, 12th century, fols. 146v-151v, “Incipit liber dietarum diversarum medicorum, hoc est Alexandri et aliorum.” This extract, made up of a number of Alexander’s chapters on the diet suitable in different ailments, is often found in the MSS, as here, with the Pseudo-Pliny and was printed as its fifth book in 1509 and 1516.

In Royal 12-E-XX, 12th century, fols. 146v-151v, “Incipit liber dietarum diversarum medicorum, hoc est Alexandri et aliorum.” This extract, made up of a number of Alexander’s chapters on the diet suitable in different ailments, is often found in the MSS, as here, with the Pseudo-Pliny and was printed as its fifth book in 1509 and 1516.

[2371]Puschmann (1878), I, 97.

[2372]Milward (1773), p. 179.

[2373]Thus in Vendôme 109 (see note 2, p. 577) besides the extracts from Alexander of Tralles we find at fol. 58, “Alexander (Aphrodisiensis) amicus veritatis in tertio libro suo ubi de febribus commemorat.” The Arabs seem to have confused these two Alexanders: see Steinschneider (1862), p. 61; Puschmann (1878), I, 94-5.

[2374]See the discussion by Choulant inJanus(1845), p. 52, and Henschel in De Renzi (1852-9) II, 11, of a 12th century MS at Breslau, “Liber Alexandri de agnoscendis febribus et pulsibus et urinis”; also Puschmann (1878) I, 105-6, concerning BN Greek MS 2316, which seems to be a late Greek translation of it,—another instance that a Greek text is not necessarily the original.

[2375]Corpus Christi 189, 11-12th century, fols. 1-5, “Antidotum pigra magni Alexandri Macedonii quod facit stomaticis epilenticis.” Steinschneider, cited by Puschmann (1878) I, 106, has also noted the attribution in Hebrew MSS to Alexander the Great of a work on fever, urine, and pulse, presumably identical with that mentioned in the foregoing note.

[2376]Stephanus (1567) I, 176, 204, 216, 225; and Puschmann, II, 575, are a few specimens.

[2377]Amplon. Quarto 204, 12-13th century, fols. 90-5, Experimentorum Alexandri medici collectio succincta. Digby 79, 13th century, fols. 180-92v, “Alexandrina experimenta de libro percompendiose extractata meliora ut nobis visum est ad singulas egritudines.” Additional 34111, 15th century, fol. 77, “Experimenta Alexandri,” in English.

[2378]Stephanus I, 156; Puschmann II, 563.

[2379]Milward (1733), p. 168.

[2380]Stephanus I, 312; Puschmann II, 579.

[2381]Stephanus I, 345, see also 296 and 339; Puschmann I, 407, 437.

[2382]Stephanus I, 312; Puschmann II, 579.

[2383]Stephanus I, 156; Puschmann I, 565.

[2384]Stephanus I, 345; Puschmann I, 437.

[2385]Καὶ θαυμαστῶς ὅπως ἀντιπαθείᾳ τινὶ καὶ λόγῳ ἀρρήτῳ.

[2386]For the passages in this paragraph see Stephanus I, 156-7, 313; Puschmann I, 561, 567-73.

[2387]Stephanus I, 312.

[2388]Stephanus I, 281; Puschmann II, 475.

[2389]Stephanus I, 296; Puschmann II, 377.

[2390]Stephanus I, 313.

[2391]Stephanus I, 296; Puschmann II, 377.

[2392]Stephanus I, 281; Puschmann II, 475.

[2393]Stephanus I, 314; Puschmann II, 585.

[2394]If the MSS, which I have not examined, agree with the 1504 edition.

[2395]Both in BN 6880 and the edition of Basel, 1536, “Marcellus vir inluster ex magno officio Theodosii Sen. filiis suis salutem d(icit).” In the MS, however, a later hand has written above the now faded line an incorrect copy in which “Theodosii Sen.” is replaced by “theodosiensi.” Helmreich (1889), on the other hand, has replaced “ex magno officio” by “ex magistro officio.” It is perhaps open to doubt whether the “Sen.” goes with “Theodosii” or “Marcellus.”

[2396]Cap. 20 (1889), p. 204.

[2397]In BN 6880 there are other headings written in capitals than those which mark the openings of the 36 chapters.

[2398]Cap. 29 (1889), pp. 304-6.

[2399]Cap. 35 (1889), p. 361.

[2400]Cap. 8 (1889), p. 80.

[2401]Cap. 5 (1889), p. 49.

[2402]For such mentions of experience and experiment see the following passages in the 1889 edition, numbers referring to page and line: 31, 7; 34, 3; 35, 14; 44, 2; 53, 1; 58, 21; 64, 34; 65, 30; 66, 26; 72, 22; 73, 7; 74, 2; 77, 9; 80, 28; 81, 29; 89, 3 and 29; 96, 14 and 31; 102, 27; 120, 32; 123, 15; 129, 21; 133, 10; 145, 33; 148, 25; 149, 26; 160, 18; 176, 5; 178, 25; 186, 15; 190, 20; 192, 31; 211, 1; 222, 18; 224, 31; 230, 3; 235, 15; 236, 14; 239, 8 and 26; 242, 8 and 23; 248, 20; 256, 9; 258, 5; 264, 21; 276, 35; 281, 19 and 27; 282, 15; 308, 21; 312, 6 and 19 and 22; 314, 25; 326, 28; 327, 13; 334, 29; 343, 23; 351, 23 and 25; 353, 4; 354, 19; 356, 6; 362, 32; 370, 22 and 37.

[2403]Cap. 15 (1889), p. 146.

[2404]Cap. 23 (1889), p. 239.

[2405]Caps. 20 and 24 (1889), pp. 208 and 244.

[2406]Cap. 26 (1889), pp. 264-6.

[2407]Cap. 29 (1889), p. 311; and see cap. 28, p. 298.

[2408]Cap. 12, p. 123.

[2409]Cap. 16, p. 166.

[2410]Cap. 23, p. 238.

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