Chapter 91

[2663]Ibid., II, 30, 373.[2664]Ibid., II, 411, 658, 839.[2665]Ibid., II, 253.[2666]Ibid., I, 738.[2667]Ibid., I, 733-4.[2668]Ibid., II, 19, 148, 150.[2669]Ibid., II, 21, 138-9.[2670]Ibid., I, 526; II, 141.[2671]Quoted by Bishop Gregory Bar-hebraeus in hisSyrian Chronicle: Chwolson, I, 177-80.[2672]Chwolson, I, 195; II, 623.[2673]Ibid., I, 482-3.[2674]Again there seems to be uncertainty as to dates, since the Arabic sources name a caliph who was not contemporary with the philosopher in question: Chwolson, I, 548-9.[2675]Chwolson, I, 485. Chwolson perhaps lays himself open a little to the charge of arguing in a circle, since Thebit’s writings are his main source concerning Sabianism.[2676]Ibid., I, 553-64, for a list of his translations of, extracts from, and commentaries upon Greek works.[2677]Ibid., I, 484.[2678]BN 10260, 16th century, “Incipit liber Karastoni de ponderibus .../ ... editus a Thebit filio Core.” Also in BN 7377B, 14-15th century, #3; 7424, 14th century, #6; Vienna 5203, 15th century, fols. 172-80. For other MSS see Björnbo (1911) 140.[2679]Harleian 13, fol. 118-Thebit de motu octave spere; fol. 120v-Liber Thebith ben Corath de his qui indigent expositione antequam legitur Almagestum; 123-Liber Thebit de ymaginatione spere et circulorum eius diversorum; 124v-Liber Thebith de quantitatibus stellarum et planetarum.Also in Harl. 3647, #11-14; Tanner 192, 14th century, fol. 103-; BN 7195, 14th century, #12-15; Magliabech. XI-117, 14th century; CUL 1767 (Ii. III, 3) 1276 A. D., fols. 86-96; and many other MSS.[2680]Delambre (1819) 73.[2681]Chwolson, I, 551.[2682]BN 6514, #10,Thebit de alchymia; Amplon. Quarto 312, written before 1323 A.D., fol. 29,Notule Thebith contra alchimiam.[2683]A work on judgments is ascribed to him in a Munich MS, CLM 588, 14th century, fol. 189-Thebites de iudiciis; followed by, 220-Liber iudicialis Ptolomei, 233-Libellus de iudiciis, and 238-Modus iudicandi. The treatise on fifteen stars, fifteen herbs, and fifteen stones, which as we have seen is usually ascribed to Hermes or Enoch, is attributed to Thebit in at least one MS, BN 7337, page 129-.[2684]I, 551.[2685]Lyons 328, fols. 70-74, Liber prestigiorum Thebidis (Elbidis) secundum Ptolemeum et Hermetem per Adhelardum bathoniensem translatus, opening, “Quicunque geometria atque philosopia peritus astronomiae expers fuerit ociosus est.” In this MS the treatise closes with the words, “ut prestigiorum artifex facultate non decidat.” This seems to be the only MS known where the translation is ascribed to Adelard of Bath. It seems to have once been part of Avranches 235, 12th century, where the same title is listed in the table of contents. Haskins, in EHR (1911) 495, fails to identify the work, calling it “a treatise on horoscopes.” It is to be noted, however, that Albertus Magnus in listing bad necromantic books on images in theSpeculum astronomiae(cap. xi, Borgnet, X, 641) gives the same Incipit for aliber praestigiorumby Hermes, “Qui geometriae aut philosophiae peritus, expers astronomiae fuerit ...” Undoubtedly the two were the same.[2686]Of John of Seville’s translation the MSS are more numerous. The following will serve as a representative. Royal 12-C-XVIII, 14th century, fols. 10v-12r, “Dixit thebyth bencorat et dixit aristoteles qui philosophiam et geometriam exercet et omnem scientiam legit et ab astronomia vacuus fuerit erit occupatus et vacuus quod dignior geometria et altior philosophia est ymaginum scientia. / Explicit tractatus de imaginibus Thebith Bencorath translatus a Iohanne Hyspalensi atque Limiensi in Limia ex Arabico in Latinum. Sit laus deo maximo.”This is the version cited by Michael Scot in hisLiber Introductorius(Bodleian 266, fol. 200) where he gives the Incipit, “Dixerunt enim thebith benchorath et aristoteles quod si quis philosophiam ...,” etc., substantially as above.But now comes a good joke on Albertus, who has listed among good astronomical books of images (Speculum astronomiae, cap. xi, Borgnet, p. 642) the work of “Thebith eben chorath” opening “Dixit A. qui philosophiam ...” which of course is that just mentioned. Thus he condemns one translation of the same book and approves the other; is he perhaps having some fun at the expense of the opponents of both astrology and necromancy?It will be noted that it is Aristotle, rather than Hermes or Ptolemy, who is cited at the start in John of Seville’s translation. I therefore am uncertain whether Chwolson has our treatise in mind, when he speaks of Thebit’s commenting upon “eine pseudohermetische Schrift über Talismane u.s.w.” In the printed text of 1559 Aristotle and Ptolemy are cited in the first paragraph, but in the MSS Aristotle is cited twice.[2687]Some other MSS differ slightly from the foregoing in their opening words, but perhaps not enough to suggest a third translation:Ashmole 346, 16th century, fols. 113-15v, “Incipit liber de ymaginibus secundum Thebit. In nomine pii et misericordis Dei. Dixit Thebit qui geometrie aut Philosophie expers fuerit.”Bodleian 463 (Bernard 2456), written in Spain, 14th century, fols. 75r-75v, “Dixit thebit bencorat Ar. qui legit phylosophiam et geumetriam et omnem scientiam et alienus fuerit ab astronomia erit impeditus vel occupatus.”The following MSS ascribe the translation to John of Spain and have the usual opening words, “Dixit Thebit ben Corat, Dixit Aristoteles, qui philosophiam, etc.”Digby 194, 15th century, fol. 145v-.S. Marco XI-102, 14th century, fols. 150-53.Berlin 963, 15th century, fol. 140-“Dixit thebit ben corach Cum volueris operari de ymaginibus,” but then at fol. 199, with the usual Incipit.Harleian 80 has the first part missing but ends, fol. 76r, like John’s translation.Still other MSS are:Harleian 3647, 13th century.Sloane 3846, fols. 86v-93; 3847; and 3883, fols. 87-93: all three 17th century.Amplon. Quarto 174, 14th century, fols. 120-1.BN 7282, 15th century, #4, interprete Joanne Hispalensi.Berlin 964, 15th century, fols. 213-5.Vienna 2378, 14th century, fols. 41-63.CLM 27, 14-15th century, fols. 71-77; 59, 15th century, fols. 239-43.Florence II-iii-214, 15th century, fols. 1-4, “Incipit liber Thebit Benchorac de scientia omigarum et imaginum. (D) ixit Aristotiles qui.”[2688]De tribus imaginibus magicis, Frankfurt, 1559.[2689]Mineral.II, iii, 3.[2690]Magliabech. XX-20, fol. 12r; Sloane 1305, fol. 19r.[2691]Conciliator, Diff. X., fol. 16GH, in ed. Venice, 1526.[2692]Commentary on the Sphere, cap. 3.[2693]Also given as Muhammad ibn Zakariya (Abu Bakr) ar-Razi and Abu Bekr Mohammed ben Zachariah.[2694]Withington in hisMedical History, 1894, gives the date as 932, perhaps by a misprint.[2695]Ibn Abi Usaibi’a (1203-1269, himself a physician and son of an oculist) “Sources of Information concerning Classes of Physicians,” compiled at Damascus, 1245-1246, ed. by Müller, Cairo, 1882; and Ibn Khallikan (1211-1282), “Obituaries of Men of Note,” written between 1256 and 1274.For these titles and most of the general account of the life and works of Rasis which follows I am indebted to G. S. A. Ranking’s “The Life and Works of Rhazes,” pp. 237-68, inTransactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, London, 1913.[2696]The list is reproduced by Ranking (1913) in Arabic and Latin, largely on the basis of a MS at the University of Glasgow, which contains a Latin translation by a Greek priest, who died in 1729, of the Arabic work of Usaibi’a, or part of it, mentioned in the previous note: Hunterian Library, MS 44, fols. 1-19v.[2697]I have examined both these editions at the British Museum; Withington does not mention them in hisHistory of Medicine, but cites editions of theContinens, Venice, 1542, andOpera Parva, 1510, and a modern edition (1858) by the Sydenham Society ofOn the Small Pox and Measles. The pages are not numbered in the edition of 1481, so that I shall not be able to give exact references to them.[2698]This was sometimes reproduced separately: see Wolfenbüttel 2885, 15th century, fol. 1, Phisonomia Rasis, fol. 2, Phisonomia Aristetelis, Rasis et Philomenis, summorum magistrorum in philosophia.[2699]It occupies but a little over three pages in the 1481 edition. Since in the middle of the treatise we read “Magister rasis fecit cauterizari quidem artheticum ...,” etc., it is perhaps by a disciple rather than Rasis himself.[2700]79,Dissertatio de causis quae plerorumque hominum animos a praestantissimis ad viliores quosque medicos solent deflectere.124,Liber, Quod medicus acutus non sit ille qui possit omnes curare morbos quoniam hoc non est in hominum potestate...,125,Epistola, Quod artifex omnibus numeris absolutus in quacumque arte non existat nedum in medicina speciatim: et de causa cur imperiti medici, vulgus, et etiam mulieres in civitatibus, foeliciores sint in sanandis quibusdam morbis quam viri doctissimi et de excusatione medici hoc propter.There appears to be a German translation by Steinschneider of this work by Rasis on the success of quacks and charlatans inVirchow’s Archiv f. Pathologische Anatomie, XXXVI, 570-86.[2701]Ranking (1913), #180, 15, 138, 163.[2702]Ibid., #137; also 145,Supplementum libris Plutarchi.[2703]Ibid.#126,Liber, De probatis et experientia compertis in arte medica; per modum syntagmatis est digestus. #205,Liber, Quod in morbis qui determinari atque explicari non possunt oporteat ut medicus sit assiduus apud aegrotantem et debeat uti experimentis ad illos cognoscendos. Et de medici fluctatione.[2704]Ibid.#25, 26, 32-35, 38, 40. I should guess that 201,Arcanum arcanorum de sapientia, was the same as 35,Arcanum arcanorum.[2705]Ibid.#40,Responsio ad philosophum el-Kendi eo quod artem al-Chymi in impossibili posuerit.[2706]Berthelot (1893), I, 68 and 286-7. On the alchemy of Rasis see further in this same volume the chapter,L’Alchimie de Rasis et du Pseudo-Aristote.[2707]BN 6514 and 7156.[2708]Riccardian 119, fol. 35v, “Incipit liber luminis luminum translatus a magistro michahele scotto philosopho.” Printed by J. Wood Brown (1897), p. 240et seq.[2709]Lippmann (1919), p. 400, citing theBiographiesof Albaihaqi (1105-1169).[2710]Ranking, #8.[2711]Ibid.#107.[2712]Ranking, #134. Other titles in mathematics and astronomy are: 73,Liber de sphaeris et mensuris compendiosis; 128,De septem planetis et de sapientia; 155,De quadrato in mathesi epistola; also 109 and 110.[2713]Ibid.#13.[2714]Ibid.#51.[2715]Ibid.#158,De necessitate precationis.[2716]Printed as the Lapidary of Aristotle, Merseburg, 1473, p. 2.[2717]See De la Ville de Mirmont,L’Astrologie chez les Gallo-Romains, Bordeaux, 1904; also published inRevue des Études anciennes, 1902, p. 115-; 1903, p. 255-; 1906, p. 128-.[2718]Goujet (1737), p. 50; cited by C. Jourdain (1838), pp. 28-9.[2719]HL IV, 274-5; V, 182-3; VI, 9-10.[2720]Palat. Lat. 487, fol. 40, opening, “Nouo et insolito siderum ortu infausta quaedam uel tristitia potius quam laeta uel prospera miseris uentura significari mortalibus pene omnia ueterum aestimauit auctoritas.”[2721]HL VII, 137.[2722]Ernest Wickersheimer,Figures médico-astrologiques des neuvième, dixième et onzième siècles, inTransactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, History of Medicine, London, 1913, p. 313et seq.I have not seen A. FischerAberglaube unter den Angelsachsen, Meiningen, 1891, or M. Förster,Die Kleinlitteratur des Aberglaubens im Altenglischen, inArchiv. f. d. Studium d. Neuer. Sprachen, vol. 110, pp. 346-58.[2723]Charles Singer,Studies in the History and Method of Science, Oxford, 1917, Plate XV, opposite p. 40, reproduces this illumination. The MS, BN 7028, seems to have once belonged to the abbey of St. Hilary at Poitiers.[2724]Besides those in France mentioned by Wickersheimer may be noted two of the tenth century at Munich: CLM 18629, fol. 105, “Tabula cosmica cum nominibus ventorum, germanicorum quoque”; CLM 18764, fols. 79-80, “Schema de genitura mundi.” Also Vatic. Lat. 645, 9th century, fol. 66, Ventorum imagines et in circulo Adam in medio ferarum; fol. 66v, Planetarum figura. This same MS contains a conjuration written in a later hand of the eleventh or twelfth century: fol. 4v, “In nomine patris.... Tres angeli ambulaverunt in monte....”For such an astrological diagram in an Arabic work of the tenth century see E. G. Browne (1921), 117-8.[2725]Amiens, fonds Lescalopier, 2, 11th century, fols. 1-12.[2726]For instance, for February, “Bibe agrimoniam et apii semen; oculos turbulentos sanare debes”: for March, “Merum dulce primum bibe, assum balneum usita, sanguinem non minuas, ruta et levestico utere.”[2727]Ibid., fols. 11 and 19.[2728]Pembroke 278, early 14th century, fol. 25, “Compotus est sciencia considerans tempora.”[2729]BN nouv. acq. 1616, 14 leaves.[2730]BN 7299A.[2731]BN 7299A, fols. 35v, 37v, 56r.[2732]Notker is especially famed for his translations with learned commentaries from Latin into German, of which five are extant, namely:The Consolation of Philosophyof Boethius,The Marriage of Mercury and Philologyof Martianus Capella, thePsalter, and Aristotle,De categoriisandDe interpretatione: see Piper,Die Schriften Notkers, Freiburg, 1882-1883, vols. I-III.[2733]BN nouv. acq. 229, fols. 10v-14v.Notker erkenhardo discipulo de IIII questionibus compoti.It seems not to have been printed.[2734]Cotton Tiberius A, III, a MS written in various hands before the Norman conquest, partly in Latin and partly in Anglo-Saxon, and containing among other things the Colloquy of Aelfric. Our item occurs at fol. 34r in Latin with an Anglo-Saxon interlinear version, and at fol. 39v in Anglo-Saxon only.Cotton Titus D, XXVI, 10th century, fols. 10v-11v, gives a slightly different version for some days of the week.[2735]Harleian 3017, 10th century, fols. 63r-64v, CLM 6382, 11th century, fol. 42, Supputatio Esdrae; Incipit, “Kal. Jan. si fuerint dominico die hiems bona erit.”Vatican, Palat. Lat. 235, 10-11th century, fol. 39, “Subputatio quam subputavit Esdras in templo Hierusalem,” opening, “Si in prima feria fuerint kl. Ianuarii hiemps bona erit.”Also found in Egerton 821, fol. 1r, which is of the twelfth century and adds a more elaborate method of divination according to what planet rules the first hour of the first night of January and which of its 28 mansions the moon is in.CLM 9921, 12th century, fol. 1, is a calendar with verses beginning, “Jani prima dies et septima fine timetur.”[2736]Sloane 475, this portion perhaps 11th century, fol. 217r. Other MSS of later date than the period we are now considering are: Harleian 2258, fol. 191, “prognostica a die nativitatis Domini a luna et somniis petita,” predictions from Christmas, the moon, and dreams. CUL 1338, 15th century, fol. 65v, Prognostications derived from the day on which Christmas falls (in Latin); fol. 74v, Prognostications drawn from the day of the week on which the year commences. CU Trinity 1109, 14th century, fol. 148, “Prognostica anni sequentis ex die natalium Domini.”[2737]BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, fol. 12v. Similar later MSS are:Digby 86, 13th century, fols. 32-4, Prognosticatio ex vento in nocte Natalis Domini, and fols. 40v-41r, “Les singnes del jour de Nouel,” predictions in French according to the day of the week on which Christmas falls.Digby 88, 15th century, fol. 77, “Howe all ye yere ys rewlyde by the day that Christemas day fallythe on,” and fol. 40r, “Prognostication from the sight of the sun on Christmas and the ten days following” (Prognosticatio ex visione solis in die Natalis Domini et in decem diebus subsequentibus), and fol. 75, a poem of prognostications for Christmas day. This same MS contains a large number of other brief anonymous treatises in the fields of astrology and divination.[2738]Titus D, XXVI, fol. 9v. Tiberius A, III, fols. 38r and 35r. Cockayne,Leechdomsetc., III, 150-295, in RS vol. 35, published this and a number of other extracts from Tiberius A, III, and other early English MSS.Vienna 2245, 12th century, fols. 59r-69v are devoted to various prognostications, beginning with, “Three days are to be observed above all others,” and ending with, “Thunder at dawn signifies the birth of a king.” A dream book by Daniel follows at fols. 69v-75r.[2739]Vatican Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 40, “In mense Ianuario si tonitru fuerit.” In Egerton 821, 12th century, the significance of thunder is given according to the twelve signs of the zodiac, and we are told of what the Egyptians write, and of famine in Babylon. In CUL 1687, 13-14th century, fols. 68v-69r, Latin verses containing prognostications concerning thunder are followed by “a list of the number of quarters of flour, beer, etc., used in the yearat the monastery” and by “a note on the symbolism of the pastoral staff.”[2740]Combined with the method by the day of the week in BN 7299A, 12th century, fol. 37v.[2741]Tiberius A, III, fol. 63r; Vatican Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 40.[2742]Tiberius A, III, fol. 38v.[2743]Sloane 475, fol. 135v.[2744]Sloane 475, fol. 133r. The method is almost identical with that of the spheres of life and death, of which we shall speak presently. In CU Trinity 987,The Canterbury Psalter, about 1150 A. D., the value assignedDies Solisis 24.[2745]Vatic. Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 40, “De lunae observatione: Luna I omnibus rebus agendis utilis.”Tiberius A, III, fol. 63r, where, however, such parts of the day as morning and evening are further distinguished.Vatic. Palat. Lat. 485, 9th century, fol. 15v, “Ad sanguinem minuendum,” merely states which days of the moon are favorable or unfavorable for blood-letting.St. John’s 17, 1110 A. D., fol. 4, Luna quibus diebus bona est et quibus non; fol. 154v, a table of lucky and unlucky numbers.[2746]Harleian 3017, fol. 58v; the Incipit states that it is by the same author as the preceding Sphere of Pythagoras and Apuleius.Titus D, XXVI, fol. 8.Cotton Caligula A, XV, 10th century, fol. 121v, Latin and Anglo-Saxon.Egerton 821, fol. 32r, is a twelfth century instance.The method seems combined or confused with the Egyptian days in Vatic. Palat. Lat. 485, 9th century, fol. 13v, “Dies aegyptiaci. Signa in quibus aegrotus an periclitare aut evadere non potest,” but opening, “Luna I. qui ceciderit in infirmitatem difficile euadit.”[2747]Harleian 3017, fol. 58v, “Incipit lunarium sancti danihel de nativitate infantium. Luna I qui fuerit natus vitalis erit; Luna II, mediocris erit ... Luna IIII, tractator regum erit ... Luna XII, religiosus erit ... Luna XXX, negotias multas tractabit.”Tiberius A, III, fols. 63r and 34v.Titus D, XXVI, fols. 7v and 6v.[2748]Tiberius A, III, fol. 33v. Titus D, XXVI, fol. 9r. CLM 6382, 11th century, fol. 42, De somni ueris uel mendosis quidam incipiunt in aetatibus lunae exploratis.[2749]Tiberius A, III, fols. 30v-33v, “Finiunt somnia danielis prophete.”Sloane 475, fols. 211-6, is almost identical, but I believe does not mention Daniel as its author.Vatic. Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 39v.BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, is roughly similar but names no author and does not distinguish the fates of boys and girls. It usually states whether slaves who run away and thieves who steal on the day in question will be caught or escape. It opens and closes thus: “Luna prima qui incenditur in ipsa sanabitur et bona et in omnibus dare et accipere et nubere et navigare in mare et vendere et emere et omnis quicumque fugerit in ipsa aut servus aut liber non poterit sed capitur aut qui incendit incendio sanabitur (presumably an allusion to the medical practice of cauterization) et qui natus fuerit vitalis erit .../ ... Luna XXX bona est ambulare in piscatione et qui fugit post multos annos revertitur in loco suo et qui natus fuerit dives erit et honoratissimus erit et qui incadit aut manducet aut non vivet periculo mortis habebit.”Titus D, XXVII, fols. 22-25r, “judicia de diebus quibusdam cuiusque mensis”; fols. 27-9, “argumentum lunare, quando et qualiter observentur tempora ad res agendas.”Of the twelfth century, Vienna 2532, fols. 55-9, “Luna I. Hec dies omnibus egrotantibus utilis est .../ ... Puer natus negotia multa sectabit.”[2750]Sloane 2461, end of 13th century, fols. 62-4. No Biblical character is mentioned for the fifth and sixth days, but we are told that on the seventh day of the moon Abel was slain by Cain.BN 3660A, 16th century, fols. 53r-57r, ascribes the birth of Nebuchadnezzar to the fifth day, leaves the sixth blank, has Abel slain on the seventh, Methusaleh born on the eighth, Lamech on the ninth, and so on.Egerton 821, 12th century, fol. 12r, “Natus est Samuel propheta....”Digby 88, 15th century, fol. 62r, has English verses beginning:“God made Adam the fyrst day of the moone,And the second day Eve good dedis to doone.”A similar poem occurs at fol. 64 of the same MS and in Ashmole 189, fol. 213v.[2751]Ashmole 361, mid 14th century, fols. 156v-158v, “Iste sunt lunaciones quas Adam primus homo disposuit secundum veram experientiam quam etiam suis filiis tradidit et quam maxime Abel et ceteris de posteritate ad quos etiam concordavit Daniel propheta ...”; fol. 159, “Modo agitur de numero lune ad videndum que sit bona vel que mala et usum istarum lunacionum invenerunt Adam et Daniel propheta.”[2752]Canon. Misc. 517, fol. 35r, “Incipit scientia edita ab edri philosopho astrologo et medico.”[2753]BN 3660A, fols. 53r-57r. In the catalogue of Ashburnham MSS at Florence the name of Giovannino di Graziano is connected with a moon-book in Ashburnham 130, 13-15th century, fols. 25-6, “Luna prima Adam natus fuit....” But perhaps this name should go only with some prognostications, exorcisms, and recipes which occur at the close of the predictions for the thirty days of the moon.[2754]Ed. Leemans, 1833-1885.[2755]Bouché-Leclercq (1899), 537-42; (1879-1882), I, 258-65. Berthelot,Alchimistes grecs(1888), I, 86-90. K. Sudhoff (1902), pp. 4-6.[2756]Arundel 319, 13th century, fol. 2r, Versus de faustis vel infaustis nominibus pugnantium, is a medieval Latin example.[2757]Printed among treatises of dubious or spurious authorship with Bede’s works, Migne, PL 90, 963-6; and more recently in Riess’ edition of the fragments of Nechepso and Petosiris (Philologus, Suppl. VI, 1891-1893, pp. 382-3) from Cod. Laur. XXXVIII, 24, 9-10th century, fol. 174v. Wickersheimer (1913), pp. 315-7, notes BN 17868, 10th century, fol. 13. For other MSS see Appendix I to this chapter.[2758]Printed by Paul Lehmann,Apuleiusfragmente,HermesXLIX (1914), 612-20. For a list of some MSS of it see Appendix I at the close of this chapter.[2759]PolycraticusI, 13, ed. Webb, I, 54. Mr. Webb in a note refers to an article in a German periodical (K. Gillert,Neues Archiv d. Gesellschaft f. ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, V, 254) concerning a MS of theSphere of Pythagoraspreserved at Petrograd, but says nothing of the MSS in the British Museum listed in Appendix I to this chapter,—a good illustration of the unnecessary obsequiousness of English towards German scholarship which has frequently prevailed in the past.[2760]A few of them will be found listed in Appendix I to this chapter.[2761]Egerton 821, 12th century, fol. 15r, “Hec est spera quod fecit sanctus Donatus. Quicumque egrotare incipit....” It is followed on the next page by the usual figure for theSphere of Apuleius.[2762]Harleian 1735; the passages referred to in the following account occur at fols. 36v, 41, 43, 29, 44v, 40, and 39v respectively.[2763]See Appendix II to this chapter for a list of MSS other than those mentioned in the following notes.[2764]BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, fol. 12r.[2765]Digby 63, end of 9th century, fol. 36.[2766]Ibid., fols. 40-5.[2767]CU Trinity 1369, 11th century, fol. iv.[2768]BN 7299A, 12th century, fol. 37v.[2769]For further information on this point see Budge,Egyptian Magic, 1899, pp. 225-8; Webster,Rest Days, 1916, pp. 295-7.[2770]Webster (1916), pp. 300-301, however, speaks of 30 in a 14th century MS, 32 in an English MS of Henry VI’s reign, and 31 in another 15th century MS.[2771]Cited by Bouché-Leclercq,L’Astrologie grecque, 1899, pp. 485-6, 623.[2772]De proprietatibus rerum, 1488, Lindelbach, Heidelberg, IX, 20. This is not to say, however, that they always appear in medieval calendars; I did not find them in any of the 14th and 15th century calendars from Apulia and Iapygia published by G. M. Giovene,Kalendaria vetera, Naples, 1828. His calendars consist of little save saints’ days, although in some of them the beginning of dog-days is marked and when the sun enters each sign of the zodiac.[2773]“Black earth” was the name given by the Egyptians to their country.[2774]Imago mundi, II, 109.[2775]Speculum naturale, XVI, 83, printed by Anth. Koburger, Nürnberg, 1485.[2776]HL 25, 329. My impression is that some medieval astronomers also denied to these Egyptian days any astrological importance, since they always came upon the same days of the months without reference to the phases of the moon or courses of the other planets: but I cannot put my hand on such passages.

[2663]Ibid., II, 30, 373.

[2664]Ibid., II, 411, 658, 839.

[2665]Ibid., II, 253.

[2666]Ibid., I, 738.

[2667]Ibid., I, 733-4.

[2668]Ibid., II, 19, 148, 150.

[2669]Ibid., II, 21, 138-9.

[2670]Ibid., I, 526; II, 141.

[2671]Quoted by Bishop Gregory Bar-hebraeus in hisSyrian Chronicle: Chwolson, I, 177-80.

[2672]Chwolson, I, 195; II, 623.

[2673]Ibid., I, 482-3.

[2674]Again there seems to be uncertainty as to dates, since the Arabic sources name a caliph who was not contemporary with the philosopher in question: Chwolson, I, 548-9.

[2675]Chwolson, I, 485. Chwolson perhaps lays himself open a little to the charge of arguing in a circle, since Thebit’s writings are his main source concerning Sabianism.

[2676]Ibid., I, 553-64, for a list of his translations of, extracts from, and commentaries upon Greek works.

[2677]Ibid., I, 484.

[2678]BN 10260, 16th century, “Incipit liber Karastoni de ponderibus .../ ... editus a Thebit filio Core.” Also in BN 7377B, 14-15th century, #3; 7424, 14th century, #6; Vienna 5203, 15th century, fols. 172-80. For other MSS see Björnbo (1911) 140.

[2679]Harleian 13, fol. 118-Thebit de motu octave spere; fol. 120v-Liber Thebith ben Corath de his qui indigent expositione antequam legitur Almagestum; 123-Liber Thebit de ymaginatione spere et circulorum eius diversorum; 124v-Liber Thebith de quantitatibus stellarum et planetarum.Also in Harl. 3647, #11-14; Tanner 192, 14th century, fol. 103-; BN 7195, 14th century, #12-15; Magliabech. XI-117, 14th century; CUL 1767 (Ii. III, 3) 1276 A. D., fols. 86-96; and many other MSS.

Also in Harl. 3647, #11-14; Tanner 192, 14th century, fol. 103-; BN 7195, 14th century, #12-15; Magliabech. XI-117, 14th century; CUL 1767 (Ii. III, 3) 1276 A. D., fols. 86-96; and many other MSS.

[2680]Delambre (1819) 73.

[2681]Chwolson, I, 551.

[2682]BN 6514, #10,Thebit de alchymia; Amplon. Quarto 312, written before 1323 A.D., fol. 29,Notule Thebith contra alchimiam.

[2683]A work on judgments is ascribed to him in a Munich MS, CLM 588, 14th century, fol. 189-Thebites de iudiciis; followed by, 220-Liber iudicialis Ptolomei, 233-Libellus de iudiciis, and 238-Modus iudicandi. The treatise on fifteen stars, fifteen herbs, and fifteen stones, which as we have seen is usually ascribed to Hermes or Enoch, is attributed to Thebit in at least one MS, BN 7337, page 129-.

[2684]I, 551.

[2685]Lyons 328, fols. 70-74, Liber prestigiorum Thebidis (Elbidis) secundum Ptolemeum et Hermetem per Adhelardum bathoniensem translatus, opening, “Quicunque geometria atque philosopia peritus astronomiae expers fuerit ociosus est.” In this MS the treatise closes with the words, “ut prestigiorum artifex facultate non decidat.” This seems to be the only MS known where the translation is ascribed to Adelard of Bath. It seems to have once been part of Avranches 235, 12th century, where the same title is listed in the table of contents. Haskins, in EHR (1911) 495, fails to identify the work, calling it “a treatise on horoscopes.” It is to be noted, however, that Albertus Magnus in listing bad necromantic books on images in theSpeculum astronomiae(cap. xi, Borgnet, X, 641) gives the same Incipit for aliber praestigiorumby Hermes, “Qui geometriae aut philosophiae peritus, expers astronomiae fuerit ...” Undoubtedly the two were the same.

[2686]Of John of Seville’s translation the MSS are more numerous. The following will serve as a representative. Royal 12-C-XVIII, 14th century, fols. 10v-12r, “Dixit thebyth bencorat et dixit aristoteles qui philosophiam et geometriam exercet et omnem scientiam legit et ab astronomia vacuus fuerit erit occupatus et vacuus quod dignior geometria et altior philosophia est ymaginum scientia. / Explicit tractatus de imaginibus Thebith Bencorath translatus a Iohanne Hyspalensi atque Limiensi in Limia ex Arabico in Latinum. Sit laus deo maximo.”This is the version cited by Michael Scot in hisLiber Introductorius(Bodleian 266, fol. 200) where he gives the Incipit, “Dixerunt enim thebith benchorath et aristoteles quod si quis philosophiam ...,” etc., substantially as above.But now comes a good joke on Albertus, who has listed among good astronomical books of images (Speculum astronomiae, cap. xi, Borgnet, p. 642) the work of “Thebith eben chorath” opening “Dixit A. qui philosophiam ...” which of course is that just mentioned. Thus he condemns one translation of the same book and approves the other; is he perhaps having some fun at the expense of the opponents of both astrology and necromancy?It will be noted that it is Aristotle, rather than Hermes or Ptolemy, who is cited at the start in John of Seville’s translation. I therefore am uncertain whether Chwolson has our treatise in mind, when he speaks of Thebit’s commenting upon “eine pseudohermetische Schrift über Talismane u.s.w.” In the printed text of 1559 Aristotle and Ptolemy are cited in the first paragraph, but in the MSS Aristotle is cited twice.

This is the version cited by Michael Scot in hisLiber Introductorius(Bodleian 266, fol. 200) where he gives the Incipit, “Dixerunt enim thebith benchorath et aristoteles quod si quis philosophiam ...,” etc., substantially as above.

But now comes a good joke on Albertus, who has listed among good astronomical books of images (Speculum astronomiae, cap. xi, Borgnet, p. 642) the work of “Thebith eben chorath” opening “Dixit A. qui philosophiam ...” which of course is that just mentioned. Thus he condemns one translation of the same book and approves the other; is he perhaps having some fun at the expense of the opponents of both astrology and necromancy?

It will be noted that it is Aristotle, rather than Hermes or Ptolemy, who is cited at the start in John of Seville’s translation. I therefore am uncertain whether Chwolson has our treatise in mind, when he speaks of Thebit’s commenting upon “eine pseudohermetische Schrift über Talismane u.s.w.” In the printed text of 1559 Aristotle and Ptolemy are cited in the first paragraph, but in the MSS Aristotle is cited twice.

[2687]Some other MSS differ slightly from the foregoing in their opening words, but perhaps not enough to suggest a third translation:Ashmole 346, 16th century, fols. 113-15v, “Incipit liber de ymaginibus secundum Thebit. In nomine pii et misericordis Dei. Dixit Thebit qui geometrie aut Philosophie expers fuerit.”Bodleian 463 (Bernard 2456), written in Spain, 14th century, fols. 75r-75v, “Dixit thebit bencorat Ar. qui legit phylosophiam et geumetriam et omnem scientiam et alienus fuerit ab astronomia erit impeditus vel occupatus.”The following MSS ascribe the translation to John of Spain and have the usual opening words, “Dixit Thebit ben Corat, Dixit Aristoteles, qui philosophiam, etc.”Digby 194, 15th century, fol. 145v-.S. Marco XI-102, 14th century, fols. 150-53.Berlin 963, 15th century, fol. 140-“Dixit thebit ben corach Cum volueris operari de ymaginibus,” but then at fol. 199, with the usual Incipit.Harleian 80 has the first part missing but ends, fol. 76r, like John’s translation.Still other MSS are:Harleian 3647, 13th century.Sloane 3846, fols. 86v-93; 3847; and 3883, fols. 87-93: all three 17th century.Amplon. Quarto 174, 14th century, fols. 120-1.BN 7282, 15th century, #4, interprete Joanne Hispalensi.Berlin 964, 15th century, fols. 213-5.Vienna 2378, 14th century, fols. 41-63.CLM 27, 14-15th century, fols. 71-77; 59, 15th century, fols. 239-43.Florence II-iii-214, 15th century, fols. 1-4, “Incipit liber Thebit Benchorac de scientia omigarum et imaginum. (D) ixit Aristotiles qui.”

[2687]Some other MSS differ slightly from the foregoing in their opening words, but perhaps not enough to suggest a third translation:

Ashmole 346, 16th century, fols. 113-15v, “Incipit liber de ymaginibus secundum Thebit. In nomine pii et misericordis Dei. Dixit Thebit qui geometrie aut Philosophie expers fuerit.”

Bodleian 463 (Bernard 2456), written in Spain, 14th century, fols. 75r-75v, “Dixit thebit bencorat Ar. qui legit phylosophiam et geumetriam et omnem scientiam et alienus fuerit ab astronomia erit impeditus vel occupatus.”

The following MSS ascribe the translation to John of Spain and have the usual opening words, “Dixit Thebit ben Corat, Dixit Aristoteles, qui philosophiam, etc.”

Digby 194, 15th century, fol. 145v-.

S. Marco XI-102, 14th century, fols. 150-53.

Berlin 963, 15th century, fol. 140-“Dixit thebit ben corach Cum volueris operari de ymaginibus,” but then at fol. 199, with the usual Incipit.

Harleian 80 has the first part missing but ends, fol. 76r, like John’s translation.

Still other MSS are:

Harleian 3647, 13th century.

Sloane 3846, fols. 86v-93; 3847; and 3883, fols. 87-93: all three 17th century.

Amplon. Quarto 174, 14th century, fols. 120-1.

BN 7282, 15th century, #4, interprete Joanne Hispalensi.

Berlin 964, 15th century, fols. 213-5.

Vienna 2378, 14th century, fols. 41-63.

CLM 27, 14-15th century, fols. 71-77; 59, 15th century, fols. 239-43.

Florence II-iii-214, 15th century, fols. 1-4, “Incipit liber Thebit Benchorac de scientia omigarum et imaginum. (D) ixit Aristotiles qui.”

[2688]De tribus imaginibus magicis, Frankfurt, 1559.

[2689]Mineral.II, iii, 3.

[2690]Magliabech. XX-20, fol. 12r; Sloane 1305, fol. 19r.

[2691]Conciliator, Diff. X., fol. 16GH, in ed. Venice, 1526.

[2692]Commentary on the Sphere, cap. 3.

[2693]Also given as Muhammad ibn Zakariya (Abu Bakr) ar-Razi and Abu Bekr Mohammed ben Zachariah.

[2694]Withington in hisMedical History, 1894, gives the date as 932, perhaps by a misprint.

[2695]Ibn Abi Usaibi’a (1203-1269, himself a physician and son of an oculist) “Sources of Information concerning Classes of Physicians,” compiled at Damascus, 1245-1246, ed. by Müller, Cairo, 1882; and Ibn Khallikan (1211-1282), “Obituaries of Men of Note,” written between 1256 and 1274.For these titles and most of the general account of the life and works of Rasis which follows I am indebted to G. S. A. Ranking’s “The Life and Works of Rhazes,” pp. 237-68, inTransactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, London, 1913.

For these titles and most of the general account of the life and works of Rasis which follows I am indebted to G. S. A. Ranking’s “The Life and Works of Rhazes,” pp. 237-68, inTransactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, London, 1913.

[2696]The list is reproduced by Ranking (1913) in Arabic and Latin, largely on the basis of a MS at the University of Glasgow, which contains a Latin translation by a Greek priest, who died in 1729, of the Arabic work of Usaibi’a, or part of it, mentioned in the previous note: Hunterian Library, MS 44, fols. 1-19v.

[2697]I have examined both these editions at the British Museum; Withington does not mention them in hisHistory of Medicine, but cites editions of theContinens, Venice, 1542, andOpera Parva, 1510, and a modern edition (1858) by the Sydenham Society ofOn the Small Pox and Measles. The pages are not numbered in the edition of 1481, so that I shall not be able to give exact references to them.

[2698]This was sometimes reproduced separately: see Wolfenbüttel 2885, 15th century, fol. 1, Phisonomia Rasis, fol. 2, Phisonomia Aristetelis, Rasis et Philomenis, summorum magistrorum in philosophia.

[2699]It occupies but a little over three pages in the 1481 edition. Since in the middle of the treatise we read “Magister rasis fecit cauterizari quidem artheticum ...,” etc., it is perhaps by a disciple rather than Rasis himself.

[2700]79,Dissertatio de causis quae plerorumque hominum animos a praestantissimis ad viliores quosque medicos solent deflectere.124,Liber, Quod medicus acutus non sit ille qui possit omnes curare morbos quoniam hoc non est in hominum potestate...,125,Epistola, Quod artifex omnibus numeris absolutus in quacumque arte non existat nedum in medicina speciatim: et de causa cur imperiti medici, vulgus, et etiam mulieres in civitatibus, foeliciores sint in sanandis quibusdam morbis quam viri doctissimi et de excusatione medici hoc propter.There appears to be a German translation by Steinschneider of this work by Rasis on the success of quacks and charlatans inVirchow’s Archiv f. Pathologische Anatomie, XXXVI, 570-86.

[2700]79,Dissertatio de causis quae plerorumque hominum animos a praestantissimis ad viliores quosque medicos solent deflectere.

124,Liber, Quod medicus acutus non sit ille qui possit omnes curare morbos quoniam hoc non est in hominum potestate...,

125,Epistola, Quod artifex omnibus numeris absolutus in quacumque arte non existat nedum in medicina speciatim: et de causa cur imperiti medici, vulgus, et etiam mulieres in civitatibus, foeliciores sint in sanandis quibusdam morbis quam viri doctissimi et de excusatione medici hoc propter.

There appears to be a German translation by Steinschneider of this work by Rasis on the success of quacks and charlatans inVirchow’s Archiv f. Pathologische Anatomie, XXXVI, 570-86.

[2701]Ranking (1913), #180, 15, 138, 163.

[2702]Ibid., #137; also 145,Supplementum libris Plutarchi.

[2703]Ibid.#126,Liber, De probatis et experientia compertis in arte medica; per modum syntagmatis est digestus. #205,Liber, Quod in morbis qui determinari atque explicari non possunt oporteat ut medicus sit assiduus apud aegrotantem et debeat uti experimentis ad illos cognoscendos. Et de medici fluctatione.

[2704]Ibid.#25, 26, 32-35, 38, 40. I should guess that 201,Arcanum arcanorum de sapientia, was the same as 35,Arcanum arcanorum.

[2705]Ibid.#40,Responsio ad philosophum el-Kendi eo quod artem al-Chymi in impossibili posuerit.

[2706]Berthelot (1893), I, 68 and 286-7. On the alchemy of Rasis see further in this same volume the chapter,L’Alchimie de Rasis et du Pseudo-Aristote.

[2707]BN 6514 and 7156.

[2708]Riccardian 119, fol. 35v, “Incipit liber luminis luminum translatus a magistro michahele scotto philosopho.” Printed by J. Wood Brown (1897), p. 240et seq.

[2709]Lippmann (1919), p. 400, citing theBiographiesof Albaihaqi (1105-1169).

[2710]Ranking, #8.

[2711]Ibid.#107.

[2712]Ranking, #134. Other titles in mathematics and astronomy are: 73,Liber de sphaeris et mensuris compendiosis; 128,De septem planetis et de sapientia; 155,De quadrato in mathesi epistola; also 109 and 110.

[2713]Ibid.#13.

[2714]Ibid.#51.

[2715]Ibid.#158,De necessitate precationis.

[2716]Printed as the Lapidary of Aristotle, Merseburg, 1473, p. 2.

[2717]See De la Ville de Mirmont,L’Astrologie chez les Gallo-Romains, Bordeaux, 1904; also published inRevue des Études anciennes, 1902, p. 115-; 1903, p. 255-; 1906, p. 128-.

[2718]Goujet (1737), p. 50; cited by C. Jourdain (1838), pp. 28-9.

[2719]HL IV, 274-5; V, 182-3; VI, 9-10.

[2720]Palat. Lat. 487, fol. 40, opening, “Nouo et insolito siderum ortu infausta quaedam uel tristitia potius quam laeta uel prospera miseris uentura significari mortalibus pene omnia ueterum aestimauit auctoritas.”

[2721]HL VII, 137.

[2722]Ernest Wickersheimer,Figures médico-astrologiques des neuvième, dixième et onzième siècles, inTransactions of the Seventeenth International Congress of Medicine, Section XXIII, History of Medicine, London, 1913, p. 313et seq.I have not seen A. FischerAberglaube unter den Angelsachsen, Meiningen, 1891, or M. Förster,Die Kleinlitteratur des Aberglaubens im Altenglischen, inArchiv. f. d. Studium d. Neuer. Sprachen, vol. 110, pp. 346-58.

[2723]Charles Singer,Studies in the History and Method of Science, Oxford, 1917, Plate XV, opposite p. 40, reproduces this illumination. The MS, BN 7028, seems to have once belonged to the abbey of St. Hilary at Poitiers.

[2724]Besides those in France mentioned by Wickersheimer may be noted two of the tenth century at Munich: CLM 18629, fol. 105, “Tabula cosmica cum nominibus ventorum, germanicorum quoque”; CLM 18764, fols. 79-80, “Schema de genitura mundi.” Also Vatic. Lat. 645, 9th century, fol. 66, Ventorum imagines et in circulo Adam in medio ferarum; fol. 66v, Planetarum figura. This same MS contains a conjuration written in a later hand of the eleventh or twelfth century: fol. 4v, “In nomine patris.... Tres angeli ambulaverunt in monte....”For such an astrological diagram in an Arabic work of the tenth century see E. G. Browne (1921), 117-8.

For such an astrological diagram in an Arabic work of the tenth century see E. G. Browne (1921), 117-8.

[2725]Amiens, fonds Lescalopier, 2, 11th century, fols. 1-12.

[2726]For instance, for February, “Bibe agrimoniam et apii semen; oculos turbulentos sanare debes”: for March, “Merum dulce primum bibe, assum balneum usita, sanguinem non minuas, ruta et levestico utere.”

[2727]Ibid., fols. 11 and 19.

[2728]Pembroke 278, early 14th century, fol. 25, “Compotus est sciencia considerans tempora.”

[2729]BN nouv. acq. 1616, 14 leaves.

[2730]BN 7299A.

[2731]BN 7299A, fols. 35v, 37v, 56r.

[2732]Notker is especially famed for his translations with learned commentaries from Latin into German, of which five are extant, namely:The Consolation of Philosophyof Boethius,The Marriage of Mercury and Philologyof Martianus Capella, thePsalter, and Aristotle,De categoriisandDe interpretatione: see Piper,Die Schriften Notkers, Freiburg, 1882-1883, vols. I-III.

[2733]BN nouv. acq. 229, fols. 10v-14v.Notker erkenhardo discipulo de IIII questionibus compoti.It seems not to have been printed.

[2734]Cotton Tiberius A, III, a MS written in various hands before the Norman conquest, partly in Latin and partly in Anglo-Saxon, and containing among other things the Colloquy of Aelfric. Our item occurs at fol. 34r in Latin with an Anglo-Saxon interlinear version, and at fol. 39v in Anglo-Saxon only.Cotton Titus D, XXVI, 10th century, fols. 10v-11v, gives a slightly different version for some days of the week.

Cotton Titus D, XXVI, 10th century, fols. 10v-11v, gives a slightly different version for some days of the week.

[2735]Harleian 3017, 10th century, fols. 63r-64v, CLM 6382, 11th century, fol. 42, Supputatio Esdrae; Incipit, “Kal. Jan. si fuerint dominico die hiems bona erit.”Vatican, Palat. Lat. 235, 10-11th century, fol. 39, “Subputatio quam subputavit Esdras in templo Hierusalem,” opening, “Si in prima feria fuerint kl. Ianuarii hiemps bona erit.”Also found in Egerton 821, fol. 1r, which is of the twelfth century and adds a more elaborate method of divination according to what planet rules the first hour of the first night of January and which of its 28 mansions the moon is in.CLM 9921, 12th century, fol. 1, is a calendar with verses beginning, “Jani prima dies et septima fine timetur.”

[2735]Harleian 3017, 10th century, fols. 63r-64v, CLM 6382, 11th century, fol. 42, Supputatio Esdrae; Incipit, “Kal. Jan. si fuerint dominico die hiems bona erit.”

Vatican, Palat. Lat. 235, 10-11th century, fol. 39, “Subputatio quam subputavit Esdras in templo Hierusalem,” opening, “Si in prima feria fuerint kl. Ianuarii hiemps bona erit.”

Also found in Egerton 821, fol. 1r, which is of the twelfth century and adds a more elaborate method of divination according to what planet rules the first hour of the first night of January and which of its 28 mansions the moon is in.

CLM 9921, 12th century, fol. 1, is a calendar with verses beginning, “Jani prima dies et septima fine timetur.”

[2736]Sloane 475, this portion perhaps 11th century, fol. 217r. Other MSS of later date than the period we are now considering are: Harleian 2258, fol. 191, “prognostica a die nativitatis Domini a luna et somniis petita,” predictions from Christmas, the moon, and dreams. CUL 1338, 15th century, fol. 65v, Prognostications derived from the day on which Christmas falls (in Latin); fol. 74v, Prognostications drawn from the day of the week on which the year commences. CU Trinity 1109, 14th century, fol. 148, “Prognostica anni sequentis ex die natalium Domini.”

[2737]BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, fol. 12v. Similar later MSS are:Digby 86, 13th century, fols. 32-4, Prognosticatio ex vento in nocte Natalis Domini, and fols. 40v-41r, “Les singnes del jour de Nouel,” predictions in French according to the day of the week on which Christmas falls.Digby 88, 15th century, fol. 77, “Howe all ye yere ys rewlyde by the day that Christemas day fallythe on,” and fol. 40r, “Prognostication from the sight of the sun on Christmas and the ten days following” (Prognosticatio ex visione solis in die Natalis Domini et in decem diebus subsequentibus), and fol. 75, a poem of prognostications for Christmas day. This same MS contains a large number of other brief anonymous treatises in the fields of astrology and divination.

[2737]BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, fol. 12v. Similar later MSS are:

Digby 86, 13th century, fols. 32-4, Prognosticatio ex vento in nocte Natalis Domini, and fols. 40v-41r, “Les singnes del jour de Nouel,” predictions in French according to the day of the week on which Christmas falls.

Digby 88, 15th century, fol. 77, “Howe all ye yere ys rewlyde by the day that Christemas day fallythe on,” and fol. 40r, “Prognostication from the sight of the sun on Christmas and the ten days following” (Prognosticatio ex visione solis in die Natalis Domini et in decem diebus subsequentibus), and fol. 75, a poem of prognostications for Christmas day. This same MS contains a large number of other brief anonymous treatises in the fields of astrology and divination.

[2738]Titus D, XXVI, fol. 9v. Tiberius A, III, fols. 38r and 35r. Cockayne,Leechdomsetc., III, 150-295, in RS vol. 35, published this and a number of other extracts from Tiberius A, III, and other early English MSS.Vienna 2245, 12th century, fols. 59r-69v are devoted to various prognostications, beginning with, “Three days are to be observed above all others,” and ending with, “Thunder at dawn signifies the birth of a king.” A dream book by Daniel follows at fols. 69v-75r.

Vienna 2245, 12th century, fols. 59r-69v are devoted to various prognostications, beginning with, “Three days are to be observed above all others,” and ending with, “Thunder at dawn signifies the birth of a king.” A dream book by Daniel follows at fols. 69v-75r.

[2739]Vatican Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 40, “In mense Ianuario si tonitru fuerit.” In Egerton 821, 12th century, the significance of thunder is given according to the twelve signs of the zodiac, and we are told of what the Egyptians write, and of famine in Babylon. In CUL 1687, 13-14th century, fols. 68v-69r, Latin verses containing prognostications concerning thunder are followed by “a list of the number of quarters of flour, beer, etc., used in the yearat the monastery” and by “a note on the symbolism of the pastoral staff.”

[2740]Combined with the method by the day of the week in BN 7299A, 12th century, fol. 37v.

[2741]Tiberius A, III, fol. 63r; Vatican Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 40.

[2742]Tiberius A, III, fol. 38v.

[2743]Sloane 475, fol. 135v.

[2744]Sloane 475, fol. 133r. The method is almost identical with that of the spheres of life and death, of which we shall speak presently. In CU Trinity 987,The Canterbury Psalter, about 1150 A. D., the value assignedDies Solisis 24.

[2745]Vatic. Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 40, “De lunae observatione: Luna I omnibus rebus agendis utilis.”Tiberius A, III, fol. 63r, where, however, such parts of the day as morning and evening are further distinguished.Vatic. Palat. Lat. 485, 9th century, fol. 15v, “Ad sanguinem minuendum,” merely states which days of the moon are favorable or unfavorable for blood-letting.St. John’s 17, 1110 A. D., fol. 4, Luna quibus diebus bona est et quibus non; fol. 154v, a table of lucky and unlucky numbers.

[2745]Vatic. Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 40, “De lunae observatione: Luna I omnibus rebus agendis utilis.”

Tiberius A, III, fol. 63r, where, however, such parts of the day as morning and evening are further distinguished.

Vatic. Palat. Lat. 485, 9th century, fol. 15v, “Ad sanguinem minuendum,” merely states which days of the moon are favorable or unfavorable for blood-letting.

St. John’s 17, 1110 A. D., fol. 4, Luna quibus diebus bona est et quibus non; fol. 154v, a table of lucky and unlucky numbers.

[2746]Harleian 3017, fol. 58v; the Incipit states that it is by the same author as the preceding Sphere of Pythagoras and Apuleius.Titus D, XXVI, fol. 8.Cotton Caligula A, XV, 10th century, fol. 121v, Latin and Anglo-Saxon.Egerton 821, fol. 32r, is a twelfth century instance.The method seems combined or confused with the Egyptian days in Vatic. Palat. Lat. 485, 9th century, fol. 13v, “Dies aegyptiaci. Signa in quibus aegrotus an periclitare aut evadere non potest,” but opening, “Luna I. qui ceciderit in infirmitatem difficile euadit.”

[2746]Harleian 3017, fol. 58v; the Incipit states that it is by the same author as the preceding Sphere of Pythagoras and Apuleius.

Titus D, XXVI, fol. 8.

Cotton Caligula A, XV, 10th century, fol. 121v, Latin and Anglo-Saxon.

Egerton 821, fol. 32r, is a twelfth century instance.

The method seems combined or confused with the Egyptian days in Vatic. Palat. Lat. 485, 9th century, fol. 13v, “Dies aegyptiaci. Signa in quibus aegrotus an periclitare aut evadere non potest,” but opening, “Luna I. qui ceciderit in infirmitatem difficile euadit.”

[2747]Harleian 3017, fol. 58v, “Incipit lunarium sancti danihel de nativitate infantium. Luna I qui fuerit natus vitalis erit; Luna II, mediocris erit ... Luna IIII, tractator regum erit ... Luna XII, religiosus erit ... Luna XXX, negotias multas tractabit.”Tiberius A, III, fols. 63r and 34v.Titus D, XXVI, fols. 7v and 6v.

Tiberius A, III, fols. 63r and 34v.

Titus D, XXVI, fols. 7v and 6v.

[2748]Tiberius A, III, fol. 33v. Titus D, XXVI, fol. 9r. CLM 6382, 11th century, fol. 42, De somni ueris uel mendosis quidam incipiunt in aetatibus lunae exploratis.

[2749]Tiberius A, III, fols. 30v-33v, “Finiunt somnia danielis prophete.”Sloane 475, fols. 211-6, is almost identical, but I believe does not mention Daniel as its author.Vatic. Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 39v.BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, is roughly similar but names no author and does not distinguish the fates of boys and girls. It usually states whether slaves who run away and thieves who steal on the day in question will be caught or escape. It opens and closes thus: “Luna prima qui incenditur in ipsa sanabitur et bona et in omnibus dare et accipere et nubere et navigare in mare et vendere et emere et omnis quicumque fugerit in ipsa aut servus aut liber non poterit sed capitur aut qui incendit incendio sanabitur (presumably an allusion to the medical practice of cauterization) et qui natus fuerit vitalis erit .../ ... Luna XXX bona est ambulare in piscatione et qui fugit post multos annos revertitur in loco suo et qui natus fuerit dives erit et honoratissimus erit et qui incadit aut manducet aut non vivet periculo mortis habebit.”Titus D, XXVII, fols. 22-25r, “judicia de diebus quibusdam cuiusque mensis”; fols. 27-9, “argumentum lunare, quando et qualiter observentur tempora ad res agendas.”Of the twelfth century, Vienna 2532, fols. 55-9, “Luna I. Hec dies omnibus egrotantibus utilis est .../ ... Puer natus negotia multa sectabit.”

[2749]Tiberius A, III, fols. 30v-33v, “Finiunt somnia danielis prophete.”

Sloane 475, fols. 211-6, is almost identical, but I believe does not mention Daniel as its author.

Vatic. Palat. Lat. 235, fol. 39v.

BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, is roughly similar but names no author and does not distinguish the fates of boys and girls. It usually states whether slaves who run away and thieves who steal on the day in question will be caught or escape. It opens and closes thus: “Luna prima qui incenditur in ipsa sanabitur et bona et in omnibus dare et accipere et nubere et navigare in mare et vendere et emere et omnis quicumque fugerit in ipsa aut servus aut liber non poterit sed capitur aut qui incendit incendio sanabitur (presumably an allusion to the medical practice of cauterization) et qui natus fuerit vitalis erit .../ ... Luna XXX bona est ambulare in piscatione et qui fugit post multos annos revertitur in loco suo et qui natus fuerit dives erit et honoratissimus erit et qui incadit aut manducet aut non vivet periculo mortis habebit.”

Titus D, XXVII, fols. 22-25r, “judicia de diebus quibusdam cuiusque mensis”; fols. 27-9, “argumentum lunare, quando et qualiter observentur tempora ad res agendas.”

Of the twelfth century, Vienna 2532, fols. 55-9, “Luna I. Hec dies omnibus egrotantibus utilis est .../ ... Puer natus negotia multa sectabit.”

[2750]Sloane 2461, end of 13th century, fols. 62-4. No Biblical character is mentioned for the fifth and sixth days, but we are told that on the seventh day of the moon Abel was slain by Cain.BN 3660A, 16th century, fols. 53r-57r, ascribes the birth of Nebuchadnezzar to the fifth day, leaves the sixth blank, has Abel slain on the seventh, Methusaleh born on the eighth, Lamech on the ninth, and so on.Egerton 821, 12th century, fol. 12r, “Natus est Samuel propheta....”Digby 88, 15th century, fol. 62r, has English verses beginning:“God made Adam the fyrst day of the moone,And the second day Eve good dedis to doone.”A similar poem occurs at fol. 64 of the same MS and in Ashmole 189, fol. 213v.

[2750]Sloane 2461, end of 13th century, fols. 62-4. No Biblical character is mentioned for the fifth and sixth days, but we are told that on the seventh day of the moon Abel was slain by Cain.

BN 3660A, 16th century, fols. 53r-57r, ascribes the birth of Nebuchadnezzar to the fifth day, leaves the sixth blank, has Abel slain on the seventh, Methusaleh born on the eighth, Lamech on the ninth, and so on.

Egerton 821, 12th century, fol. 12r, “Natus est Samuel propheta....”

Digby 88, 15th century, fol. 62r, has English verses beginning:

“God made Adam the fyrst day of the moone,And the second day Eve good dedis to doone.”

“God made Adam the fyrst day of the moone,

And the second day Eve good dedis to doone.”

A similar poem occurs at fol. 64 of the same MS and in Ashmole 189, fol. 213v.

[2751]Ashmole 361, mid 14th century, fols. 156v-158v, “Iste sunt lunaciones quas Adam primus homo disposuit secundum veram experientiam quam etiam suis filiis tradidit et quam maxime Abel et ceteris de posteritate ad quos etiam concordavit Daniel propheta ...”; fol. 159, “Modo agitur de numero lune ad videndum que sit bona vel que mala et usum istarum lunacionum invenerunt Adam et Daniel propheta.”

[2752]Canon. Misc. 517, fol. 35r, “Incipit scientia edita ab edri philosopho astrologo et medico.”

[2753]BN 3660A, fols. 53r-57r. In the catalogue of Ashburnham MSS at Florence the name of Giovannino di Graziano is connected with a moon-book in Ashburnham 130, 13-15th century, fols. 25-6, “Luna prima Adam natus fuit....” But perhaps this name should go only with some prognostications, exorcisms, and recipes which occur at the close of the predictions for the thirty days of the moon.

[2754]Ed. Leemans, 1833-1885.

[2755]Bouché-Leclercq (1899), 537-42; (1879-1882), I, 258-65. Berthelot,Alchimistes grecs(1888), I, 86-90. K. Sudhoff (1902), pp. 4-6.

[2756]Arundel 319, 13th century, fol. 2r, Versus de faustis vel infaustis nominibus pugnantium, is a medieval Latin example.

[2757]Printed among treatises of dubious or spurious authorship with Bede’s works, Migne, PL 90, 963-6; and more recently in Riess’ edition of the fragments of Nechepso and Petosiris (Philologus, Suppl. VI, 1891-1893, pp. 382-3) from Cod. Laur. XXXVIII, 24, 9-10th century, fol. 174v. Wickersheimer (1913), pp. 315-7, notes BN 17868, 10th century, fol. 13. For other MSS see Appendix I to this chapter.

[2758]Printed by Paul Lehmann,Apuleiusfragmente,HermesXLIX (1914), 612-20. For a list of some MSS of it see Appendix I at the close of this chapter.

[2759]PolycraticusI, 13, ed. Webb, I, 54. Mr. Webb in a note refers to an article in a German periodical (K. Gillert,Neues Archiv d. Gesellschaft f. ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde, V, 254) concerning a MS of theSphere of Pythagoraspreserved at Petrograd, but says nothing of the MSS in the British Museum listed in Appendix I to this chapter,—a good illustration of the unnecessary obsequiousness of English towards German scholarship which has frequently prevailed in the past.

[2760]A few of them will be found listed in Appendix I to this chapter.

[2761]Egerton 821, 12th century, fol. 15r, “Hec est spera quod fecit sanctus Donatus. Quicumque egrotare incipit....” It is followed on the next page by the usual figure for theSphere of Apuleius.

[2762]Harleian 1735; the passages referred to in the following account occur at fols. 36v, 41, 43, 29, 44v, 40, and 39v respectively.

[2763]See Appendix II to this chapter for a list of MSS other than those mentioned in the following notes.

[2764]BN nouv. acq. 1616, 9th century, fol. 12r.

[2765]Digby 63, end of 9th century, fol. 36.

[2766]Ibid., fols. 40-5.

[2767]CU Trinity 1369, 11th century, fol. iv.

[2768]BN 7299A, 12th century, fol. 37v.

[2769]For further information on this point see Budge,Egyptian Magic, 1899, pp. 225-8; Webster,Rest Days, 1916, pp. 295-7.

[2770]Webster (1916), pp. 300-301, however, speaks of 30 in a 14th century MS, 32 in an English MS of Henry VI’s reign, and 31 in another 15th century MS.

[2771]Cited by Bouché-Leclercq,L’Astrologie grecque, 1899, pp. 485-6, 623.

[2772]De proprietatibus rerum, 1488, Lindelbach, Heidelberg, IX, 20. This is not to say, however, that they always appear in medieval calendars; I did not find them in any of the 14th and 15th century calendars from Apulia and Iapygia published by G. M. Giovene,Kalendaria vetera, Naples, 1828. His calendars consist of little save saints’ days, although in some of them the beginning of dog-days is marked and when the sun enters each sign of the zodiac.

[2773]“Black earth” was the name given by the Egyptians to their country.

[2774]Imago mundi, II, 109.

[2775]Speculum naturale, XVI, 83, printed by Anth. Koburger, Nürnberg, 1485.

[2776]HL 25, 329. My impression is that some medieval astronomers also denied to these Egyptian days any astrological importance, since they always came upon the same days of the months without reference to the phases of the moon or courses of the other planets: but I cannot put my hand on such passages.

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