[2895]Sloane 475, fol. 224v.[2896]Sloane 475, fols. 1-124. At fol. 36r occurs the familiar pseudo-letter of Hippocrates to Antigonus; at fols. 8v-10r is a passage almost identical with that at the close of theDe medicamentisof Marcellus, 1889, p. 382; an incantation from Marcellus is repeated at fol. 117v. At fol. 37r we read “Explicit Liber II. Incipit Liber Tertius ad ventris rigiditatem”; at fol. 60r, “Explicit liber tertius. Incipit Liber IIII”; at fol. 85r, “Incipit Liber V.”[2897]See fol. 110r, “Cros, oros, comigeos, delig(c)ros, falicros, spolicros, splena mihi”; and fol. 114r, “Opas, nolipas, opium, nolimpium.” Those who delight in ciphers will perhaps detect in the latter incantation a hidden allusion to opiates.[2898]Fol. 117v; see Marcellus (1889), p. 123, cap. 12.[2899]Fol. 111r.[2900]Fol. 111v.[2901]BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 7v (once p. 246), “nomina septem sanctorum germanorum dormientium que sunt hec, Maximianus, Malchus, Martinianus, Constantinus, Dionisius, Iohannes, Serapion.”[2902]Sloane 475, fol. 122v.[2903]“Ellum super ellam sedebat et virgam viridem in manu tenebat et dicebat, Virgam viridis reunitere in simul.”[2904]Sloane 475, fol. 112v. Unintelligible letters follow.[2905]Egerton 821, 12th century, fols. 52v-60v.[2906]Ibid., fol. 53v,vultilis, which I assume should bevulturisrather thanvituli, or bull-calf.[2907]Egerton 821, fol. 57.[2908]Ibid., fol. 58v.[2909]Ibid., fol. 60r.[2910]BN 7028, 11th century, fols. 136v, 140-3, 154r, and 156r.[2911]BN nouv. acq. 229, 12th century, fols. 1r-10r (once pp. 233-51), opening, “Rationem observationis vestre pietati secundum precepta doctorum medicinalium ut potui....”[2912]BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 2r. March is treated first and February last, while a similar discussion later in the same work (fols. 8r-9r, Quid unoquoque mense utendum quidve vitandum sit) begins with January.[2913]BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 7.[2914]Fol. 6r.[2915]Fol. 4v.[2916]Fols. 4v-5r.[2917]Fol. 7r.[2918]Fol. 7r-v.[2919]Fol. 7v.[2920]Fol. 9v.[2921]What is known of the School of Salerno has already been briefly indicated in English by H. Rashdall,Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 1895, I, 75-86, and T. Puschmann,History of Medical Education, English translation, London, 1891, pp. 197-211. The standard work on the subject is Salvatore De Renzi,Collectio Salernitana, in Italian with Latin texts, published at Naples in five volumes from 1852 to 1859. It contains a history of the School of Salerno by Renzi and various texts brought to light and dissertations discussing them by Renzi, Daremberg, Henschel, and others.Unfortunately this publication proceeded by the unsystematic piecemeal and hand-to-mouth method, and new texts and discoveries were brought to the editor’s attention during the process, so that the history of the school and the texts in the earlier volumes have to be supplemented and corrected by the fuller versions and dissertations in the later volumes. It is too bad that all the materials could not have been collected and more systematically arranged and collated before publication. Also some of the texts printed have but the remotest connection with Salerno, while others have nothing to do with medicine.To this collection of materials some further additions have been made by P. Giacosa,Magistri Salernitani nondum editi, Turin, 1901.For further bibliography see in the recent reprint of Harrington’s English translation,The School of Salerno(1920), pp. 50-52.[2922]Notably Daremberg.[2923]II, 59 (MG. SS. III, 600).[2924]S. de Renzi,Collectio Salernitana, IV, 185,Practica Petroncelli, perhaps from an imperfect copy; IV, 315, Sulle opere che vanno sotto il nome di Petroncello. Heeg,Pseudodemocrit. Studien, inAbhandl. d. Berl. Akad.(1913), p. 42, shows that what Renzi printed tentatively as the table of contents and an extract from the third book of thePractica, is not by Petrocellus but by the Pseudo-Democritus, and that one MS of it dates from the ninth or tenth century.[2925]Petrocellus, Περὶ διδάξεων, Eine Sammlung von Rezepten in englischer Sprache aus dem 11-12 Jahrhundert. Nach einer Handschrift des Britischen Museums herausg. v. M. Löweneck (in Anglo-Saxon and Latin), 1896, pp. viii, 57, Heft 12 inErlanger Beiträge z. englischen Philologie. The treatise perhaps also contains selections from thePassionariusof Gariopontus. It had been published before in Cockayne,Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms, 1864-1866, III, 82-143.[2926]Payne (1904), pp. 155-6.[2927]Ibid., p. 148.[2928]The Latin text reads, “liver of a hedgehog,” and doubtless either would be equally efficacious.[2929]Quoted by Payne (1904), p. 152, from Cockayne’s translation.[2930]Renzi (1852-9), IV, 185.[2931]Renzi, IV, 190, “Propterea fili karissime cum diuturno tempore de medicina tractassemus omnipotentis Dei nutu admonitus placuit ut ex grecis locis sectantes auctores omnium causarum dogmata in breviloquium latino sermone conscriberemus.”[2932]For the two passages on epilepsy see Renzi, IV, pp. 235 and 293.[2933]Renzi, I, 417-516,Flos medicinae, a text of 2130 lines; V, 1-104, the fuller text of 3526 lines; 113-72, Notice bibliographique; 385-406, Notes choisies de M. Baudry de Balzac auFlos Sanitatis.[2934]“Anglorum Regi scribit Schola tota Salerni.” Some MSS have Francorum or Roberto instead of Anglorum.[2935]Lines 2692-3.[2936]K. Sudhoff,Zum Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, inArchiv f. Gesch. d. Medizin, VII (1914), 360, and IX (1915-1916), 1-9.[2937]Arnald de Villanova,Opera, Lyons, 1532, fol. 147v.[2938]Lines 1918-9, 1932-3, 1973-4, 1985, in Renzi’s first text of 2130 lines; in the fuller version they are somewhat more widely separated: lines 3053, 3130, 3227, 3267.[2939]Lines 1845-55 or 2873-83.[2940]Renzi, V, 377-8.[2941]Ibid., 372-3.[2942]Ibid., 379-81.[2943]Ibid., 350.[2944]Professor T. Wingate Todd comments upon this passage: “Of course this ispost hoc propter hoc, but it is the typical history of a case of Bell’s palsy occurring after a ‘chill.’”[2945]Renzi, V, 371, “Involuntariam urine emissionem quidam patiebantur et adhuc multi patiuntur et maxime servi et ancille qui male induti et discalciati incedunt, unde frigiditate incensa vesica fit quasi paralitica cum urinam nequeat continere.”[2946]Giacosa (1901), pp. 71-166.[2947]Giacosa (1901), p. 146.[2948]Ibid., p. 145.[2949]Renzi, V, 331-2.[2950]Many of the works listed by Peter the Deacon and some others which he does not name have been printed under Constantinus’ name, either in the edition of the works of Isaac issued at Lyons in 1515, or in the partial edition of the works of Constantinus printed at Basel in 1536 and 1539, or in an edition of Albucasis published at Basel in 1541.An early MS containing several of Constantinus’ works is Gonville and Caius 411, 12-13th century, fol. 1-, Viaticum, 69-de melancholia, 77v-de stomacho, 98v-de oblivione, 100r-de coitu, (no author is named for 109v-liber elefantie, 113-de modo medendi), 121-liber febrium, (169-de inamidarium Galieni).The chief secondary investigations concerning Constantinus Africanus are:Daremberg,Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits Médicaux, 1853, pp. 63-100, “Recherches sur un ouvrage qui a pour titre Zad el-Monçafir en arabe, Ephrodes en grec, Viatique en latin, et qui est attribué dans les textes arabes et grecs à Abou Djafar, et dans le texte latin à Constantin.”Puccinotti,Storia della Medicina, II, i, pp. 292-350, 1855, devoted several chapters to Constantinus and tried to defend him from the charge of plagiarism and to maintain that theViaticumand some other works were original.Steinschneider,Constantinus Africanus und seine arabischen Quellen, in Virchow’sArchiv für Pathologische Anatomie, etc., Berlin, 1866, vol. 37, pp. 351-410. This should be supplemented by pp. 9-12 of hisDie europäischen Übersetzungen aus dem Arabischen(1905).[2951]Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits Médicaux(1853), p. 86.[2952]Histoire des Sciences Médicales(1870), I, 261.[2953]Indeed Daremberg said in 1853 (p. 85, note) “dans le moyen âge beaucoup d’auteurs citent volontiers Constantine comme une autorité.”[2954]Perhaps through the fault of the printer the list of the writings of Constantinus given by Peter the Deacon is defective as reproduced in tabular form by Steinschneider (1866), pp. 353-4. Steinschneider also incorrectly speaks of Leo of Ostia as well as Peter the Deacon as a source for Constantinus (p. 352, “Die Schriften Constantins sind bekanntlich von seinen alten Biographen, Petrus Diaconus und Leo Ostiensis verzeichnet worden”), since Leo’s portion of theChronicleends before Constantinus is mentioned.[2955]Peter was born about 1107 and was placed in the monastery of Monte Cassino by his parents in 1115. He became librarian.Monumenta Germaniae, Scriptores, VII, 562 and 565.[2956]Chronica Mon. Casinensis, Lib. III, auctore Petro, MG. SS. VII, 728-9; Muratori,Scriptores, IV, 455-6 (lib. III, cap. 35).[2957]Petri Diaconi De viribus illustribus Casinensibus, cap. 23, in Fabricius,Bibl. Graec., XIII, 123.[2958]Yet modern compilers and writers of encyclopedia articles invariably repeat “Carthage” and “Babylon.”[2959]BN 14700, fol. 171v, cited by Baur (1903), who also notes parallel passages in Al-Gazel,Phil. tr.I, 1; and Avicenna,De divis. philos., fol. 141.[2960]Gundissalinus and Daniel Morley. Al-Farabi’s list of eight mathematical sciences, including “the science of spirits,” was also reproduced by Vincent of Beauvais in the thirteenth century,Speculum doctrinale, XVI.[2961]Possibly there is some confusion with Galen’s similar experience with the physicians of Rome, which Constantinus may have reproduced in some one of his translations of Galen in such a way as to lead the reader to consider it his own experience.[2962]The words are the same both in theChronicleandIllustrious Men: “quem cum vidissent Afri ita ad plenum omnibus (omnium?) gentium eruditum, cogitaverunt occidere eum.”[2963]Pagel (1902), p. 644, “Vorher soll er kurze Zeit noch in Reggio, einer kleinen Stadt in der Nähe von Byzanz, als Protosekretär des Kaisers Constantinos Monomachos sich aufgehalten und das Reisehandbuch des Abu Dschafer übersetzt haben.” But Pagel gives no source for this statement.Apparently the notion is due to the fact that a Greek treatise entitledEphodia, of which there are numerous MSS and which seems to be a translation of the same Arabic work as that upon which Constantinus based hisViaticum, speaks of a Constantine as its author who was proto-secretary and lived at Reggio or Rhegium.Daremberg (1853), p. 77, held that a Vatican MS of theEphodiawas of the tenth century and therefore this Greek translation could not be the work of Constantinus Africanus in the next century, but Steinschneider (1866), p. 392, only says, “Die griechische Uebersetzung des Viaticum soll bis in die Zeit Constantins hinaufreichen.”Another MS, Escorial &-II-9, 16th century, fol. 1-, contains a “Commeatus Peregrinantium” whose author is called “Ebrubat Zafar filio Elbazar,” which perhaps designates Abu Jafar Ahmed Ibn-al-Jezzar, whom Daremberg and Steinschneider call the author of the Arabic original of theViaticum. The work is said to have been translated into Greek “a Constantino Primo a secretis Regis,” which suggests that Constantinus was perhaps first of the royal secretaries rather than of Reggio either in Norman Italy or near Byzantium. The translation from Greek into Latin is ascribed to Antonius Eparchus. The opening sentences of each book of this Latin version from the Greek by Eparchus differ in wording but agree in substance with those of theViaticumof Constantinus Africanus, if we omit some transitional sentences in the latter.[2964]Opera(1536), p. 215.[2965]De animalibus, XXII, i, 1.[2966]Rawlinson C, 328, fol. 3. It is accompanied by the legend, “This is Constantinus, monk of Monte Cassino, who is as it were the fount of that science of long standing from the judgment of urines, and it has exhibited a true cure in all the diseases in this book and in many other books. To whom come women with urine that he may tell them what is the cause of the disease.” The illumination shows Constantinus seated, holding a book on his knees with his left hand, while he raises his right hand and forefinger in didactic style. He wears the tonsure, has a beard but no mustache, and seems to be approached by one woman and two men carrying two jars of urine.[2967]See Margoliouth,Avicenna, 1913, p. 49.[2968]Only the ten books of theory are printed in the 1539 edition of Constantinus.[2969]Chirurgia, at pp. 324-41.[2970]Opera omnia ysaac(1515), fol. 126v, “Liber decimus practice qui antidotarium dicitur in duas divisus partes.”Isaac Israeli is the subject of the first chapter in Husik (1916), who calls him (p. 2) “the first Jew, so far as we know, to devote himself to philosophical and scientific discussions.”[2971]Daremberg (1853), pp. 82-5, gives the prefaces of Ali and Constantinus in parallel columns.[2972]Printed in 1492 with the works of Ali ben Abbas; Stephen’s translation was made at Antioch in Syria.[2973]Steinschneider (1866), p. 359.[2974]“Ultimam et maiorem deesse sensi partem, alteram vero interpretis callida depravatam fraude.”[2975]Amplon. Octavo 62.[2976]In his gloss to theViaticumof Constantinus.[2977]Berlin HSS Verzeichnis(1905), pp. 1059-65, to whom I owe the preceding references to Ferrarius and Giraldus.[2978]Rose cites Bamberg L-iii-9. The two following MSS are perhaps also worth noting: ThePantegnias contained in CU Trinity 906, 12th century, finely written, fols. 1-141v, comprises only ten books. The first opens, “Cum totius generalitas tres principales partes habeat”; the tenth ends, “Unde acutum oportet habere sensum ad intelligendum. Explicit.”St. John’s 85, close of 13th century, “Constantini africani Pantegnus in duas partes divisus quarum prima dicitur Theorica continens decem libros secunda dicitur Practica 33 capita continens,” as a table of contents written in on the fly-leaf states. The ten books of theory end at fol. 100r, “Explicit prima pars pantegni scilicet de theorica. Incipit secunda pars scilicet practica et est primus liber de regimento sanitatis.” This single book in 33 chapters on the preservation of health ends at fol. 116v, and at fol. 117r begins theLiber divisionumof Rasis.[2979]In Berlin 898, a 12th century MS of Stephen’s translation of Ali’sPractica, this ninth section by Constantinus and John is for some reason substituted for the corresponding book of Stephen.[2980]He calls himself, “iohannes quidam agarenus (Saracenus?) quondam, qui noviter ad fidem christiane religionis venerat cum rustico pisano belle filius ac professione medicus.”[2981]The main objection to this theory is that Stephen of Pisa, translating in 1127, speaks as if the latter portion of Ali’s work was still untranslated. Rose therefore holds that John had not yet published his translation, although we have seen that he completed the surgical section by 1115.[2982]InOpera omnia ysaac, Lyons, 1515, II, fols. 144-72, “Viaticum ysaac quod constantinus sibi attribuit”; in the Basel, 1536, edition of the works of Constantinus, pp. 1-167, under the title, “De morborum cognitione et curatione lib. vii”; in the Venice, 1505, edition of Gerardus de Solo (Bituricensis), “Commentum eiusdem super viatico cum textu”; and in the Lyons, 1511, edition of Rhazes,Opera parva Albubetri.A fairly early but imperfect MS is CU Trinity 1064, 12-13th century.Laud. Misc. 567, late 12th century, fol. 2, recognizes in its Titulus that theViaticumis a translation, “Incipit Viaticum a Constantino in Latinam linguam translatam.”[2983]Steinschneider (1866), 368-9.[2984]See above, page 745, note 2.[2985]In the 1515 edition of Isaac’s works, I, 11-, 156-, and 203-. Peter the Deacon presumably refers to these three works in speaking of “Dietam ciborum. Librum febrium quem de Arabica lingua transtulit. Librum de urinis.” Whether the two initial treatises in the 1515 edition of Isaac, dealing with definitions and the elements, were translated by Constantinus or by Gerard of Cremona is doubtful.[2986]See CLM 187, fol. 8; 168, fol. 23; 161, fol. 41; 270, fol. 10; 13034, fol. 49, for 13-14th century copies of Galen’s commentary upon theAphorismsof Hippocrates with a preface by Constantinus.University College Oxford 89, early 14th century, fol. 90, Incipiunt amphorismi Ypocratis cum commento domini Constantini Affricani montis Cassienensis monachi; fol. 155, Eiusdem Prognostica cum Galeni commento, eodem interprete; fols. 203-61, Eiusdem liber de regimine acutorum cum eiusdem commento eodem interprete.[2987]De viris illustribus, cap. 23, “ ... transtulit de diversis gentium linguis libros quamplurimos in quibus praecipue ...”:Chronica, Lib. III, “ ... transtulit de diversorum gentium linguis libros quamplurimos in quibus sunt hi praecipue....”[2988]“Librum duodecim graduum” inDe viris illus.: in theChronicle, “Liber graduum.”[2989]Edition of Basel, 1536, at pp. 280-98 and 215-74 respectively.[2990]It is found in Laud. Misc. 567, late 12th century, fol. 51v.[2991]Edition of 1536, pp. 283-4.[2992]See below, Chapter 64.[2993]Zeitsch. f. klass. Philol.(1896), pp. 1098ff.[2994]J. A. Endres,Petrus Damiani und die weltliche Wissenschaft, 1910, p. 35, inBeiträge, VIII, 3.[2995]James (1903), p. 59, “Tractatus Alfani Salernitanus de quibusdam questionibus medicinalibus.”[2996]CU Trinity 1365, early 12th century, fols. 155-162v,Experimenta archiep. Salernitani.[2997]Judging from its opening and closing words as given by James.[2998]De coitu, edition of 1536, p. 306.[2999]Viaticum, VI, 19.[3000]Practica, X, 1; in Isaac,Opera, 1515, II, fol. 126.[3001]Ibid., VII, 31; fol. 111r.[3002]Ibid., IV, 37; fol. 96r.[3003]Ibid., V, 17; fol. 99r.[3004]De melancholia(1536), p. 290.[3005]Practica, VIII, 40; ed. of 1515, fol. 118v.[3006]Practica, IV, 39, and V, 7; ed. of 1515, fols. 96r and 98r.[3007]Ed. of 1536, p. 358; also in theViaticum, I, 22; p. 20.[3008]Viaticum, I, 22; p. 21.[3009]Viaticum, VII, 13:De gradibus(1536), p. 377.[3010]According to Steinschneider (1866), p. 402, it is only from the citations of Constantinus that we know of a work by Rufus on melancholy. See especiallyDe melancholia(1536), p. 285, “Invenimus Rufum clarissimum medicum de melancholia fecisse librum....”[3011]De gradibus(1536), p. 378.[3012]Edition of 1536, pp. 20, 290, 356.[3013]Theorica, X, 9; ed. of 1515, fol. 54.[3014]Practica, VII, 59 (1515), fol. 114v.[3015]Ed. of 1541, pp. 319-21.[3016]Spec. nat., XVI, 49.[3017]De gradibus(1536), p. 360, “de quo Arabū (Aristotle?) in libro de lapidibus intitulato.”[3018]Manoscritto Salernitano dilucidato dal Prof. Henschel, in Renzi (1853), II, 1-80, especially pp. 16, 41, 59.[3019]De aegritudinum curatione tractatus, Renzi, II, 81-386;De febribus tractatus, II, 737-68.[3020]The preface to Constantinus’ translation of Isaac on fevers is addressed to his “dearest son, John”: see Brussels, Library of Dukes of Burgundy 15489, 14th century, “Quoniam te karissime fili Iohanne”; Cambrai 914, 13-14th century; Cambrai 907, 14th century, fol. 1, Prefatio Constantini ad Johannem discipulum.[3021]However, in an Oxford MS theLiber aureusitself is ascribed to “John, son of Constantinus”: Bodleian 2060, #1, Joannis filii Constantini de re medica liber aureus.[3022]Interest in such works was aroused by the almost simultaneous publication of R. Hendrie’s English translation of Theophilus, London, 1847; the publication of theMappe claviculain a “Letter from Sir Thomas Phillipps to Albert Way” inArchaeologia, XXXII, 183-244, London, 1847; and the inclusion of Heraclius,De coloribus et de artibus Romanorum, in Mrs. Merrifield’sAncient Practice of Painting, London, 1849. Hendrie printed the Latin text of Theophilus with his translation. A. Ilg published a revised Latin text with a German translation in 1874, with a fuller account of the MSS.[3023]Merrifield (1849), I, 166-74.[3024]Berthelot (1893), I, 29. He dated, however, Robert of Chester’s translation of Morienus thirty-eight years too late in that century, mistaking the Spanish for the Christian era.[3025]Ibid., p. 18.[3026]Berthelot (1893), I, 169.[3027]Merrifield (1849), I, 183. See also pp. 189-91.[3028]Ibid., p. 183, “Nil tibi scribo equidem quod non prius ipse probassem.”[3029]Ibid., p. 187.[3030]Traité des Arts Céramiques, p. 304, cited by Merrifield, I, 177. This is not, however, to be regarded as the invention of lead glazing, since, as William Burton writes (“Ceramics” in EB, p. 706), “lead glazes were extensively used in Egypt and the nearer East in Ptolemaic times.” He adds, “And it is significant that, though the Romans made singularly little use of glazes of any kind, the pottery that succeeded theirs, either in western Europe or in the Byzantine Empire, was generally covered with glazes rich in lead.”
[2895]Sloane 475, fol. 224v.
[2895]Sloane 475, fol. 224v.
[2896]Sloane 475, fols. 1-124. At fol. 36r occurs the familiar pseudo-letter of Hippocrates to Antigonus; at fols. 8v-10r is a passage almost identical with that at the close of theDe medicamentisof Marcellus, 1889, p. 382; an incantation from Marcellus is repeated at fol. 117v. At fol. 37r we read “Explicit Liber II. Incipit Liber Tertius ad ventris rigiditatem”; at fol. 60r, “Explicit liber tertius. Incipit Liber IIII”; at fol. 85r, “Incipit Liber V.”
[2896]Sloane 475, fols. 1-124. At fol. 36r occurs the familiar pseudo-letter of Hippocrates to Antigonus; at fols. 8v-10r is a passage almost identical with that at the close of theDe medicamentisof Marcellus, 1889, p. 382; an incantation from Marcellus is repeated at fol. 117v. At fol. 37r we read “Explicit Liber II. Incipit Liber Tertius ad ventris rigiditatem”; at fol. 60r, “Explicit liber tertius. Incipit Liber IIII”; at fol. 85r, “Incipit Liber V.”
[2897]See fol. 110r, “Cros, oros, comigeos, delig(c)ros, falicros, spolicros, splena mihi”; and fol. 114r, “Opas, nolipas, opium, nolimpium.” Those who delight in ciphers will perhaps detect in the latter incantation a hidden allusion to opiates.
[2897]See fol. 110r, “Cros, oros, comigeos, delig(c)ros, falicros, spolicros, splena mihi”; and fol. 114r, “Opas, nolipas, opium, nolimpium.” Those who delight in ciphers will perhaps detect in the latter incantation a hidden allusion to opiates.
[2898]Fol. 117v; see Marcellus (1889), p. 123, cap. 12.
[2898]Fol. 117v; see Marcellus (1889), p. 123, cap. 12.
[2899]Fol. 111r.
[2899]Fol. 111r.
[2900]Fol. 111v.
[2900]Fol. 111v.
[2901]BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 7v (once p. 246), “nomina septem sanctorum germanorum dormientium que sunt hec, Maximianus, Malchus, Martinianus, Constantinus, Dionisius, Iohannes, Serapion.”
[2901]BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 7v (once p. 246), “nomina septem sanctorum germanorum dormientium que sunt hec, Maximianus, Malchus, Martinianus, Constantinus, Dionisius, Iohannes, Serapion.”
[2902]Sloane 475, fol. 122v.
[2902]Sloane 475, fol. 122v.
[2903]“Ellum super ellam sedebat et virgam viridem in manu tenebat et dicebat, Virgam viridis reunitere in simul.”
[2903]“Ellum super ellam sedebat et virgam viridem in manu tenebat et dicebat, Virgam viridis reunitere in simul.”
[2904]Sloane 475, fol. 112v. Unintelligible letters follow.
[2904]Sloane 475, fol. 112v. Unintelligible letters follow.
[2905]Egerton 821, 12th century, fols. 52v-60v.
[2905]Egerton 821, 12th century, fols. 52v-60v.
[2906]Ibid., fol. 53v,vultilis, which I assume should bevulturisrather thanvituli, or bull-calf.
[2906]Ibid., fol. 53v,vultilis, which I assume should bevulturisrather thanvituli, or bull-calf.
[2907]Egerton 821, fol. 57.
[2907]Egerton 821, fol. 57.
[2908]Ibid., fol. 58v.
[2908]Ibid., fol. 58v.
[2909]Ibid., fol. 60r.
[2909]Ibid., fol. 60r.
[2910]BN 7028, 11th century, fols. 136v, 140-3, 154r, and 156r.
[2910]BN 7028, 11th century, fols. 136v, 140-3, 154r, and 156r.
[2911]BN nouv. acq. 229, 12th century, fols. 1r-10r (once pp. 233-51), opening, “Rationem observationis vestre pietati secundum precepta doctorum medicinalium ut potui....”
[2911]BN nouv. acq. 229, 12th century, fols. 1r-10r (once pp. 233-51), opening, “Rationem observationis vestre pietati secundum precepta doctorum medicinalium ut potui....”
[2912]BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 2r. March is treated first and February last, while a similar discussion later in the same work (fols. 8r-9r, Quid unoquoque mense utendum quidve vitandum sit) begins with January.
[2912]BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 2r. March is treated first and February last, while a similar discussion later in the same work (fols. 8r-9r, Quid unoquoque mense utendum quidve vitandum sit) begins with January.
[2913]BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 7.
[2913]BN nouv. acq. 229, fol. 7.
[2914]Fol. 6r.
[2914]Fol. 6r.
[2915]Fol. 4v.
[2915]Fol. 4v.
[2916]Fols. 4v-5r.
[2916]Fols. 4v-5r.
[2917]Fol. 7r.
[2917]Fol. 7r.
[2918]Fol. 7r-v.
[2918]Fol. 7r-v.
[2919]Fol. 7v.
[2919]Fol. 7v.
[2920]Fol. 9v.
[2920]Fol. 9v.
[2921]What is known of the School of Salerno has already been briefly indicated in English by H. Rashdall,Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 1895, I, 75-86, and T. Puschmann,History of Medical Education, English translation, London, 1891, pp. 197-211. The standard work on the subject is Salvatore De Renzi,Collectio Salernitana, in Italian with Latin texts, published at Naples in five volumes from 1852 to 1859. It contains a history of the School of Salerno by Renzi and various texts brought to light and dissertations discussing them by Renzi, Daremberg, Henschel, and others.Unfortunately this publication proceeded by the unsystematic piecemeal and hand-to-mouth method, and new texts and discoveries were brought to the editor’s attention during the process, so that the history of the school and the texts in the earlier volumes have to be supplemented and corrected by the fuller versions and dissertations in the later volumes. It is too bad that all the materials could not have been collected and more systematically arranged and collated before publication. Also some of the texts printed have but the remotest connection with Salerno, while others have nothing to do with medicine.To this collection of materials some further additions have been made by P. Giacosa,Magistri Salernitani nondum editi, Turin, 1901.For further bibliography see in the recent reprint of Harrington’s English translation,The School of Salerno(1920), pp. 50-52.
[2921]What is known of the School of Salerno has already been briefly indicated in English by H. Rashdall,Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 1895, I, 75-86, and T. Puschmann,History of Medical Education, English translation, London, 1891, pp. 197-211. The standard work on the subject is Salvatore De Renzi,Collectio Salernitana, in Italian with Latin texts, published at Naples in five volumes from 1852 to 1859. It contains a history of the School of Salerno by Renzi and various texts brought to light and dissertations discussing them by Renzi, Daremberg, Henschel, and others.
Unfortunately this publication proceeded by the unsystematic piecemeal and hand-to-mouth method, and new texts and discoveries were brought to the editor’s attention during the process, so that the history of the school and the texts in the earlier volumes have to be supplemented and corrected by the fuller versions and dissertations in the later volumes. It is too bad that all the materials could not have been collected and more systematically arranged and collated before publication. Also some of the texts printed have but the remotest connection with Salerno, while others have nothing to do with medicine.
To this collection of materials some further additions have been made by P. Giacosa,Magistri Salernitani nondum editi, Turin, 1901.
For further bibliography see in the recent reprint of Harrington’s English translation,The School of Salerno(1920), pp. 50-52.
[2922]Notably Daremberg.
[2922]Notably Daremberg.
[2923]II, 59 (MG. SS. III, 600).
[2923]II, 59 (MG. SS. III, 600).
[2924]S. de Renzi,Collectio Salernitana, IV, 185,Practica Petroncelli, perhaps from an imperfect copy; IV, 315, Sulle opere che vanno sotto il nome di Petroncello. Heeg,Pseudodemocrit. Studien, inAbhandl. d. Berl. Akad.(1913), p. 42, shows that what Renzi printed tentatively as the table of contents and an extract from the third book of thePractica, is not by Petrocellus but by the Pseudo-Democritus, and that one MS of it dates from the ninth or tenth century.
[2924]S. de Renzi,Collectio Salernitana, IV, 185,Practica Petroncelli, perhaps from an imperfect copy; IV, 315, Sulle opere che vanno sotto il nome di Petroncello. Heeg,Pseudodemocrit. Studien, inAbhandl. d. Berl. Akad.(1913), p. 42, shows that what Renzi printed tentatively as the table of contents and an extract from the third book of thePractica, is not by Petrocellus but by the Pseudo-Democritus, and that one MS of it dates from the ninth or tenth century.
[2925]Petrocellus, Περὶ διδάξεων, Eine Sammlung von Rezepten in englischer Sprache aus dem 11-12 Jahrhundert. Nach einer Handschrift des Britischen Museums herausg. v. M. Löweneck (in Anglo-Saxon and Latin), 1896, pp. viii, 57, Heft 12 inErlanger Beiträge z. englischen Philologie. The treatise perhaps also contains selections from thePassionariusof Gariopontus. It had been published before in Cockayne,Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms, 1864-1866, III, 82-143.
[2925]Petrocellus, Περὶ διδάξεων, Eine Sammlung von Rezepten in englischer Sprache aus dem 11-12 Jahrhundert. Nach einer Handschrift des Britischen Museums herausg. v. M. Löweneck (in Anglo-Saxon and Latin), 1896, pp. viii, 57, Heft 12 inErlanger Beiträge z. englischen Philologie. The treatise perhaps also contains selections from thePassionariusof Gariopontus. It had been published before in Cockayne,Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms, 1864-1866, III, 82-143.
[2926]Payne (1904), pp. 155-6.
[2926]Payne (1904), pp. 155-6.
[2927]Ibid., p. 148.
[2927]Ibid., p. 148.
[2928]The Latin text reads, “liver of a hedgehog,” and doubtless either would be equally efficacious.
[2928]The Latin text reads, “liver of a hedgehog,” and doubtless either would be equally efficacious.
[2929]Quoted by Payne (1904), p. 152, from Cockayne’s translation.
[2929]Quoted by Payne (1904), p. 152, from Cockayne’s translation.
[2930]Renzi (1852-9), IV, 185.
[2930]Renzi (1852-9), IV, 185.
[2931]Renzi, IV, 190, “Propterea fili karissime cum diuturno tempore de medicina tractassemus omnipotentis Dei nutu admonitus placuit ut ex grecis locis sectantes auctores omnium causarum dogmata in breviloquium latino sermone conscriberemus.”
[2931]Renzi, IV, 190, “Propterea fili karissime cum diuturno tempore de medicina tractassemus omnipotentis Dei nutu admonitus placuit ut ex grecis locis sectantes auctores omnium causarum dogmata in breviloquium latino sermone conscriberemus.”
[2932]For the two passages on epilepsy see Renzi, IV, pp. 235 and 293.
[2932]For the two passages on epilepsy see Renzi, IV, pp. 235 and 293.
[2933]Renzi, I, 417-516,Flos medicinae, a text of 2130 lines; V, 1-104, the fuller text of 3526 lines; 113-72, Notice bibliographique; 385-406, Notes choisies de M. Baudry de Balzac auFlos Sanitatis.
[2933]Renzi, I, 417-516,Flos medicinae, a text of 2130 lines; V, 1-104, the fuller text of 3526 lines; 113-72, Notice bibliographique; 385-406, Notes choisies de M. Baudry de Balzac auFlos Sanitatis.
[2934]“Anglorum Regi scribit Schola tota Salerni.” Some MSS have Francorum or Roberto instead of Anglorum.
[2934]“Anglorum Regi scribit Schola tota Salerni.” Some MSS have Francorum or Roberto instead of Anglorum.
[2935]Lines 2692-3.
[2935]Lines 2692-3.
[2936]K. Sudhoff,Zum Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, inArchiv f. Gesch. d. Medizin, VII (1914), 360, and IX (1915-1916), 1-9.
[2936]K. Sudhoff,Zum Regimen Sanitatis Salernitanum, inArchiv f. Gesch. d. Medizin, VII (1914), 360, and IX (1915-1916), 1-9.
[2937]Arnald de Villanova,Opera, Lyons, 1532, fol. 147v.
[2937]Arnald de Villanova,Opera, Lyons, 1532, fol. 147v.
[2938]Lines 1918-9, 1932-3, 1973-4, 1985, in Renzi’s first text of 2130 lines; in the fuller version they are somewhat more widely separated: lines 3053, 3130, 3227, 3267.
[2938]Lines 1918-9, 1932-3, 1973-4, 1985, in Renzi’s first text of 2130 lines; in the fuller version they are somewhat more widely separated: lines 3053, 3130, 3227, 3267.
[2939]Lines 1845-55 or 2873-83.
[2939]Lines 1845-55 or 2873-83.
[2940]Renzi, V, 377-8.
[2940]Renzi, V, 377-8.
[2941]Ibid., 372-3.
[2941]Ibid., 372-3.
[2942]Ibid., 379-81.
[2942]Ibid., 379-81.
[2943]Ibid., 350.
[2943]Ibid., 350.
[2944]Professor T. Wingate Todd comments upon this passage: “Of course this ispost hoc propter hoc, but it is the typical history of a case of Bell’s palsy occurring after a ‘chill.’”
[2944]Professor T. Wingate Todd comments upon this passage: “Of course this ispost hoc propter hoc, but it is the typical history of a case of Bell’s palsy occurring after a ‘chill.’”
[2945]Renzi, V, 371, “Involuntariam urine emissionem quidam patiebantur et adhuc multi patiuntur et maxime servi et ancille qui male induti et discalciati incedunt, unde frigiditate incensa vesica fit quasi paralitica cum urinam nequeat continere.”
[2945]Renzi, V, 371, “Involuntariam urine emissionem quidam patiebantur et adhuc multi patiuntur et maxime servi et ancille qui male induti et discalciati incedunt, unde frigiditate incensa vesica fit quasi paralitica cum urinam nequeat continere.”
[2946]Giacosa (1901), pp. 71-166.
[2946]Giacosa (1901), pp. 71-166.
[2947]Giacosa (1901), p. 146.
[2947]Giacosa (1901), p. 146.
[2948]Ibid., p. 145.
[2948]Ibid., p. 145.
[2949]Renzi, V, 331-2.
[2949]Renzi, V, 331-2.
[2950]Many of the works listed by Peter the Deacon and some others which he does not name have been printed under Constantinus’ name, either in the edition of the works of Isaac issued at Lyons in 1515, or in the partial edition of the works of Constantinus printed at Basel in 1536 and 1539, or in an edition of Albucasis published at Basel in 1541.An early MS containing several of Constantinus’ works is Gonville and Caius 411, 12-13th century, fol. 1-, Viaticum, 69-de melancholia, 77v-de stomacho, 98v-de oblivione, 100r-de coitu, (no author is named for 109v-liber elefantie, 113-de modo medendi), 121-liber febrium, (169-de inamidarium Galieni).The chief secondary investigations concerning Constantinus Africanus are:Daremberg,Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits Médicaux, 1853, pp. 63-100, “Recherches sur un ouvrage qui a pour titre Zad el-Monçafir en arabe, Ephrodes en grec, Viatique en latin, et qui est attribué dans les textes arabes et grecs à Abou Djafar, et dans le texte latin à Constantin.”Puccinotti,Storia della Medicina, II, i, pp. 292-350, 1855, devoted several chapters to Constantinus and tried to defend him from the charge of plagiarism and to maintain that theViaticumand some other works were original.Steinschneider,Constantinus Africanus und seine arabischen Quellen, in Virchow’sArchiv für Pathologische Anatomie, etc., Berlin, 1866, vol. 37, pp. 351-410. This should be supplemented by pp. 9-12 of hisDie europäischen Übersetzungen aus dem Arabischen(1905).
[2950]Many of the works listed by Peter the Deacon and some others which he does not name have been printed under Constantinus’ name, either in the edition of the works of Isaac issued at Lyons in 1515, or in the partial edition of the works of Constantinus printed at Basel in 1536 and 1539, or in an edition of Albucasis published at Basel in 1541.
An early MS containing several of Constantinus’ works is Gonville and Caius 411, 12-13th century, fol. 1-, Viaticum, 69-de melancholia, 77v-de stomacho, 98v-de oblivione, 100r-de coitu, (no author is named for 109v-liber elefantie, 113-de modo medendi), 121-liber febrium, (169-de inamidarium Galieni).
The chief secondary investigations concerning Constantinus Africanus are:
Daremberg,Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits Médicaux, 1853, pp. 63-100, “Recherches sur un ouvrage qui a pour titre Zad el-Monçafir en arabe, Ephrodes en grec, Viatique en latin, et qui est attribué dans les textes arabes et grecs à Abou Djafar, et dans le texte latin à Constantin.”
Puccinotti,Storia della Medicina, II, i, pp. 292-350, 1855, devoted several chapters to Constantinus and tried to defend him from the charge of plagiarism and to maintain that theViaticumand some other works were original.
Steinschneider,Constantinus Africanus und seine arabischen Quellen, in Virchow’sArchiv für Pathologische Anatomie, etc., Berlin, 1866, vol. 37, pp. 351-410. This should be supplemented by pp. 9-12 of hisDie europäischen Übersetzungen aus dem Arabischen(1905).
[2951]Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits Médicaux(1853), p. 86.
[2951]Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits Médicaux(1853), p. 86.
[2952]Histoire des Sciences Médicales(1870), I, 261.
[2952]Histoire des Sciences Médicales(1870), I, 261.
[2953]Indeed Daremberg said in 1853 (p. 85, note) “dans le moyen âge beaucoup d’auteurs citent volontiers Constantine comme une autorité.”
[2953]Indeed Daremberg said in 1853 (p. 85, note) “dans le moyen âge beaucoup d’auteurs citent volontiers Constantine comme une autorité.”
[2954]Perhaps through the fault of the printer the list of the writings of Constantinus given by Peter the Deacon is defective as reproduced in tabular form by Steinschneider (1866), pp. 353-4. Steinschneider also incorrectly speaks of Leo of Ostia as well as Peter the Deacon as a source for Constantinus (p. 352, “Die Schriften Constantins sind bekanntlich von seinen alten Biographen, Petrus Diaconus und Leo Ostiensis verzeichnet worden”), since Leo’s portion of theChronicleends before Constantinus is mentioned.
[2954]Perhaps through the fault of the printer the list of the writings of Constantinus given by Peter the Deacon is defective as reproduced in tabular form by Steinschneider (1866), pp. 353-4. Steinschneider also incorrectly speaks of Leo of Ostia as well as Peter the Deacon as a source for Constantinus (p. 352, “Die Schriften Constantins sind bekanntlich von seinen alten Biographen, Petrus Diaconus und Leo Ostiensis verzeichnet worden”), since Leo’s portion of theChronicleends before Constantinus is mentioned.
[2955]Peter was born about 1107 and was placed in the monastery of Monte Cassino by his parents in 1115. He became librarian.Monumenta Germaniae, Scriptores, VII, 562 and 565.
[2955]Peter was born about 1107 and was placed in the monastery of Monte Cassino by his parents in 1115. He became librarian.Monumenta Germaniae, Scriptores, VII, 562 and 565.
[2956]Chronica Mon. Casinensis, Lib. III, auctore Petro, MG. SS. VII, 728-9; Muratori,Scriptores, IV, 455-6 (lib. III, cap. 35).
[2956]Chronica Mon. Casinensis, Lib. III, auctore Petro, MG. SS. VII, 728-9; Muratori,Scriptores, IV, 455-6 (lib. III, cap. 35).
[2957]Petri Diaconi De viribus illustribus Casinensibus, cap. 23, in Fabricius,Bibl. Graec., XIII, 123.
[2957]Petri Diaconi De viribus illustribus Casinensibus, cap. 23, in Fabricius,Bibl. Graec., XIII, 123.
[2958]Yet modern compilers and writers of encyclopedia articles invariably repeat “Carthage” and “Babylon.”
[2958]Yet modern compilers and writers of encyclopedia articles invariably repeat “Carthage” and “Babylon.”
[2959]BN 14700, fol. 171v, cited by Baur (1903), who also notes parallel passages in Al-Gazel,Phil. tr.I, 1; and Avicenna,De divis. philos., fol. 141.
[2959]BN 14700, fol. 171v, cited by Baur (1903), who also notes parallel passages in Al-Gazel,Phil. tr.I, 1; and Avicenna,De divis. philos., fol. 141.
[2960]Gundissalinus and Daniel Morley. Al-Farabi’s list of eight mathematical sciences, including “the science of spirits,” was also reproduced by Vincent of Beauvais in the thirteenth century,Speculum doctrinale, XVI.
[2960]Gundissalinus and Daniel Morley. Al-Farabi’s list of eight mathematical sciences, including “the science of spirits,” was also reproduced by Vincent of Beauvais in the thirteenth century,Speculum doctrinale, XVI.
[2961]Possibly there is some confusion with Galen’s similar experience with the physicians of Rome, which Constantinus may have reproduced in some one of his translations of Galen in such a way as to lead the reader to consider it his own experience.
[2961]Possibly there is some confusion with Galen’s similar experience with the physicians of Rome, which Constantinus may have reproduced in some one of his translations of Galen in such a way as to lead the reader to consider it his own experience.
[2962]The words are the same both in theChronicleandIllustrious Men: “quem cum vidissent Afri ita ad plenum omnibus (omnium?) gentium eruditum, cogitaverunt occidere eum.”
[2962]The words are the same both in theChronicleandIllustrious Men: “quem cum vidissent Afri ita ad plenum omnibus (omnium?) gentium eruditum, cogitaverunt occidere eum.”
[2963]Pagel (1902), p. 644, “Vorher soll er kurze Zeit noch in Reggio, einer kleinen Stadt in der Nähe von Byzanz, als Protosekretär des Kaisers Constantinos Monomachos sich aufgehalten und das Reisehandbuch des Abu Dschafer übersetzt haben.” But Pagel gives no source for this statement.Apparently the notion is due to the fact that a Greek treatise entitledEphodia, of which there are numerous MSS and which seems to be a translation of the same Arabic work as that upon which Constantinus based hisViaticum, speaks of a Constantine as its author who was proto-secretary and lived at Reggio or Rhegium.Daremberg (1853), p. 77, held that a Vatican MS of theEphodiawas of the tenth century and therefore this Greek translation could not be the work of Constantinus Africanus in the next century, but Steinschneider (1866), p. 392, only says, “Die griechische Uebersetzung des Viaticum soll bis in die Zeit Constantins hinaufreichen.”Another MS, Escorial &-II-9, 16th century, fol. 1-, contains a “Commeatus Peregrinantium” whose author is called “Ebrubat Zafar filio Elbazar,” which perhaps designates Abu Jafar Ahmed Ibn-al-Jezzar, whom Daremberg and Steinschneider call the author of the Arabic original of theViaticum. The work is said to have been translated into Greek “a Constantino Primo a secretis Regis,” which suggests that Constantinus was perhaps first of the royal secretaries rather than of Reggio either in Norman Italy or near Byzantium. The translation from Greek into Latin is ascribed to Antonius Eparchus. The opening sentences of each book of this Latin version from the Greek by Eparchus differ in wording but agree in substance with those of theViaticumof Constantinus Africanus, if we omit some transitional sentences in the latter.
[2963]Pagel (1902), p. 644, “Vorher soll er kurze Zeit noch in Reggio, einer kleinen Stadt in der Nähe von Byzanz, als Protosekretär des Kaisers Constantinos Monomachos sich aufgehalten und das Reisehandbuch des Abu Dschafer übersetzt haben.” But Pagel gives no source for this statement.
Apparently the notion is due to the fact that a Greek treatise entitledEphodia, of which there are numerous MSS and which seems to be a translation of the same Arabic work as that upon which Constantinus based hisViaticum, speaks of a Constantine as its author who was proto-secretary and lived at Reggio or Rhegium.
Daremberg (1853), p. 77, held that a Vatican MS of theEphodiawas of the tenth century and therefore this Greek translation could not be the work of Constantinus Africanus in the next century, but Steinschneider (1866), p. 392, only says, “Die griechische Uebersetzung des Viaticum soll bis in die Zeit Constantins hinaufreichen.”
Another MS, Escorial &-II-9, 16th century, fol. 1-, contains a “Commeatus Peregrinantium” whose author is called “Ebrubat Zafar filio Elbazar,” which perhaps designates Abu Jafar Ahmed Ibn-al-Jezzar, whom Daremberg and Steinschneider call the author of the Arabic original of theViaticum. The work is said to have been translated into Greek “a Constantino Primo a secretis Regis,” which suggests that Constantinus was perhaps first of the royal secretaries rather than of Reggio either in Norman Italy or near Byzantium. The translation from Greek into Latin is ascribed to Antonius Eparchus. The opening sentences of each book of this Latin version from the Greek by Eparchus differ in wording but agree in substance with those of theViaticumof Constantinus Africanus, if we omit some transitional sentences in the latter.
[2964]Opera(1536), p. 215.
[2964]Opera(1536), p. 215.
[2965]De animalibus, XXII, i, 1.
[2965]De animalibus, XXII, i, 1.
[2966]Rawlinson C, 328, fol. 3. It is accompanied by the legend, “This is Constantinus, monk of Monte Cassino, who is as it were the fount of that science of long standing from the judgment of urines, and it has exhibited a true cure in all the diseases in this book and in many other books. To whom come women with urine that he may tell them what is the cause of the disease.” The illumination shows Constantinus seated, holding a book on his knees with his left hand, while he raises his right hand and forefinger in didactic style. He wears the tonsure, has a beard but no mustache, and seems to be approached by one woman and two men carrying two jars of urine.
[2966]Rawlinson C, 328, fol. 3. It is accompanied by the legend, “This is Constantinus, monk of Monte Cassino, who is as it were the fount of that science of long standing from the judgment of urines, and it has exhibited a true cure in all the diseases in this book and in many other books. To whom come women with urine that he may tell them what is the cause of the disease.” The illumination shows Constantinus seated, holding a book on his knees with his left hand, while he raises his right hand and forefinger in didactic style. He wears the tonsure, has a beard but no mustache, and seems to be approached by one woman and two men carrying two jars of urine.
[2967]See Margoliouth,Avicenna, 1913, p. 49.
[2967]See Margoliouth,Avicenna, 1913, p. 49.
[2968]Only the ten books of theory are printed in the 1539 edition of Constantinus.
[2968]Only the ten books of theory are printed in the 1539 edition of Constantinus.
[2969]Chirurgia, at pp. 324-41.
[2969]Chirurgia, at pp. 324-41.
[2970]Opera omnia ysaac(1515), fol. 126v, “Liber decimus practice qui antidotarium dicitur in duas divisus partes.”Isaac Israeli is the subject of the first chapter in Husik (1916), who calls him (p. 2) “the first Jew, so far as we know, to devote himself to philosophical and scientific discussions.”
[2970]Opera omnia ysaac(1515), fol. 126v, “Liber decimus practice qui antidotarium dicitur in duas divisus partes.”
Isaac Israeli is the subject of the first chapter in Husik (1916), who calls him (p. 2) “the first Jew, so far as we know, to devote himself to philosophical and scientific discussions.”
[2971]Daremberg (1853), pp. 82-5, gives the prefaces of Ali and Constantinus in parallel columns.
[2971]Daremberg (1853), pp. 82-5, gives the prefaces of Ali and Constantinus in parallel columns.
[2972]Printed in 1492 with the works of Ali ben Abbas; Stephen’s translation was made at Antioch in Syria.
[2972]Printed in 1492 with the works of Ali ben Abbas; Stephen’s translation was made at Antioch in Syria.
[2973]Steinschneider (1866), p. 359.
[2973]Steinschneider (1866), p. 359.
[2974]“Ultimam et maiorem deesse sensi partem, alteram vero interpretis callida depravatam fraude.”
[2974]“Ultimam et maiorem deesse sensi partem, alteram vero interpretis callida depravatam fraude.”
[2975]Amplon. Octavo 62.
[2975]Amplon. Octavo 62.
[2976]In his gloss to theViaticumof Constantinus.
[2976]In his gloss to theViaticumof Constantinus.
[2977]Berlin HSS Verzeichnis(1905), pp. 1059-65, to whom I owe the preceding references to Ferrarius and Giraldus.
[2977]Berlin HSS Verzeichnis(1905), pp. 1059-65, to whom I owe the preceding references to Ferrarius and Giraldus.
[2978]Rose cites Bamberg L-iii-9. The two following MSS are perhaps also worth noting: ThePantegnias contained in CU Trinity 906, 12th century, finely written, fols. 1-141v, comprises only ten books. The first opens, “Cum totius generalitas tres principales partes habeat”; the tenth ends, “Unde acutum oportet habere sensum ad intelligendum. Explicit.”St. John’s 85, close of 13th century, “Constantini africani Pantegnus in duas partes divisus quarum prima dicitur Theorica continens decem libros secunda dicitur Practica 33 capita continens,” as a table of contents written in on the fly-leaf states. The ten books of theory end at fol. 100r, “Explicit prima pars pantegni scilicet de theorica. Incipit secunda pars scilicet practica et est primus liber de regimento sanitatis.” This single book in 33 chapters on the preservation of health ends at fol. 116v, and at fol. 117r begins theLiber divisionumof Rasis.
[2978]Rose cites Bamberg L-iii-9. The two following MSS are perhaps also worth noting: ThePantegnias contained in CU Trinity 906, 12th century, finely written, fols. 1-141v, comprises only ten books. The first opens, “Cum totius generalitas tres principales partes habeat”; the tenth ends, “Unde acutum oportet habere sensum ad intelligendum. Explicit.”
St. John’s 85, close of 13th century, “Constantini africani Pantegnus in duas partes divisus quarum prima dicitur Theorica continens decem libros secunda dicitur Practica 33 capita continens,” as a table of contents written in on the fly-leaf states. The ten books of theory end at fol. 100r, “Explicit prima pars pantegni scilicet de theorica. Incipit secunda pars scilicet practica et est primus liber de regimento sanitatis.” This single book in 33 chapters on the preservation of health ends at fol. 116v, and at fol. 117r begins theLiber divisionumof Rasis.
[2979]In Berlin 898, a 12th century MS of Stephen’s translation of Ali’sPractica, this ninth section by Constantinus and John is for some reason substituted for the corresponding book of Stephen.
[2979]In Berlin 898, a 12th century MS of Stephen’s translation of Ali’sPractica, this ninth section by Constantinus and John is for some reason substituted for the corresponding book of Stephen.
[2980]He calls himself, “iohannes quidam agarenus (Saracenus?) quondam, qui noviter ad fidem christiane religionis venerat cum rustico pisano belle filius ac professione medicus.”
[2980]He calls himself, “iohannes quidam agarenus (Saracenus?) quondam, qui noviter ad fidem christiane religionis venerat cum rustico pisano belle filius ac professione medicus.”
[2981]The main objection to this theory is that Stephen of Pisa, translating in 1127, speaks as if the latter portion of Ali’s work was still untranslated. Rose therefore holds that John had not yet published his translation, although we have seen that he completed the surgical section by 1115.
[2981]The main objection to this theory is that Stephen of Pisa, translating in 1127, speaks as if the latter portion of Ali’s work was still untranslated. Rose therefore holds that John had not yet published his translation, although we have seen that he completed the surgical section by 1115.
[2982]InOpera omnia ysaac, Lyons, 1515, II, fols. 144-72, “Viaticum ysaac quod constantinus sibi attribuit”; in the Basel, 1536, edition of the works of Constantinus, pp. 1-167, under the title, “De morborum cognitione et curatione lib. vii”; in the Venice, 1505, edition of Gerardus de Solo (Bituricensis), “Commentum eiusdem super viatico cum textu”; and in the Lyons, 1511, edition of Rhazes,Opera parva Albubetri.A fairly early but imperfect MS is CU Trinity 1064, 12-13th century.Laud. Misc. 567, late 12th century, fol. 2, recognizes in its Titulus that theViaticumis a translation, “Incipit Viaticum a Constantino in Latinam linguam translatam.”
[2982]InOpera omnia ysaac, Lyons, 1515, II, fols. 144-72, “Viaticum ysaac quod constantinus sibi attribuit”; in the Basel, 1536, edition of the works of Constantinus, pp. 1-167, under the title, “De morborum cognitione et curatione lib. vii”; in the Venice, 1505, edition of Gerardus de Solo (Bituricensis), “Commentum eiusdem super viatico cum textu”; and in the Lyons, 1511, edition of Rhazes,Opera parva Albubetri.
A fairly early but imperfect MS is CU Trinity 1064, 12-13th century.
Laud. Misc. 567, late 12th century, fol. 2, recognizes in its Titulus that theViaticumis a translation, “Incipit Viaticum a Constantino in Latinam linguam translatam.”
[2983]Steinschneider (1866), 368-9.
[2983]Steinschneider (1866), 368-9.
[2984]See above, page 745, note 2.
[2984]See above, page 745, note 2.
[2985]In the 1515 edition of Isaac’s works, I, 11-, 156-, and 203-. Peter the Deacon presumably refers to these three works in speaking of “Dietam ciborum. Librum febrium quem de Arabica lingua transtulit. Librum de urinis.” Whether the two initial treatises in the 1515 edition of Isaac, dealing with definitions and the elements, were translated by Constantinus or by Gerard of Cremona is doubtful.
[2985]In the 1515 edition of Isaac’s works, I, 11-, 156-, and 203-. Peter the Deacon presumably refers to these three works in speaking of “Dietam ciborum. Librum febrium quem de Arabica lingua transtulit. Librum de urinis.” Whether the two initial treatises in the 1515 edition of Isaac, dealing with definitions and the elements, were translated by Constantinus or by Gerard of Cremona is doubtful.
[2986]See CLM 187, fol. 8; 168, fol. 23; 161, fol. 41; 270, fol. 10; 13034, fol. 49, for 13-14th century copies of Galen’s commentary upon theAphorismsof Hippocrates with a preface by Constantinus.University College Oxford 89, early 14th century, fol. 90, Incipiunt amphorismi Ypocratis cum commento domini Constantini Affricani montis Cassienensis monachi; fol. 155, Eiusdem Prognostica cum Galeni commento, eodem interprete; fols. 203-61, Eiusdem liber de regimine acutorum cum eiusdem commento eodem interprete.
[2986]See CLM 187, fol. 8; 168, fol. 23; 161, fol. 41; 270, fol. 10; 13034, fol. 49, for 13-14th century copies of Galen’s commentary upon theAphorismsof Hippocrates with a preface by Constantinus.
University College Oxford 89, early 14th century, fol. 90, Incipiunt amphorismi Ypocratis cum commento domini Constantini Affricani montis Cassienensis monachi; fol. 155, Eiusdem Prognostica cum Galeni commento, eodem interprete; fols. 203-61, Eiusdem liber de regimine acutorum cum eiusdem commento eodem interprete.
[2987]De viris illustribus, cap. 23, “ ... transtulit de diversis gentium linguis libros quamplurimos in quibus praecipue ...”:Chronica, Lib. III, “ ... transtulit de diversorum gentium linguis libros quamplurimos in quibus sunt hi praecipue....”
[2987]De viris illustribus, cap. 23, “ ... transtulit de diversis gentium linguis libros quamplurimos in quibus praecipue ...”:Chronica, Lib. III, “ ... transtulit de diversorum gentium linguis libros quamplurimos in quibus sunt hi praecipue....”
[2988]“Librum duodecim graduum” inDe viris illus.: in theChronicle, “Liber graduum.”
[2988]“Librum duodecim graduum” inDe viris illus.: in theChronicle, “Liber graduum.”
[2989]Edition of Basel, 1536, at pp. 280-98 and 215-74 respectively.
[2989]Edition of Basel, 1536, at pp. 280-98 and 215-74 respectively.
[2990]It is found in Laud. Misc. 567, late 12th century, fol. 51v.
[2990]It is found in Laud. Misc. 567, late 12th century, fol. 51v.
[2991]Edition of 1536, pp. 283-4.
[2991]Edition of 1536, pp. 283-4.
[2992]See below, Chapter 64.
[2992]See below, Chapter 64.
[2993]Zeitsch. f. klass. Philol.(1896), pp. 1098ff.
[2993]Zeitsch. f. klass. Philol.(1896), pp. 1098ff.
[2994]J. A. Endres,Petrus Damiani und die weltliche Wissenschaft, 1910, p. 35, inBeiträge, VIII, 3.
[2994]J. A. Endres,Petrus Damiani und die weltliche Wissenschaft, 1910, p. 35, inBeiträge, VIII, 3.
[2995]James (1903), p. 59, “Tractatus Alfani Salernitanus de quibusdam questionibus medicinalibus.”
[2995]James (1903), p. 59, “Tractatus Alfani Salernitanus de quibusdam questionibus medicinalibus.”
[2996]CU Trinity 1365, early 12th century, fols. 155-162v,Experimenta archiep. Salernitani.
[2996]CU Trinity 1365, early 12th century, fols. 155-162v,Experimenta archiep. Salernitani.
[2997]Judging from its opening and closing words as given by James.
[2997]Judging from its opening and closing words as given by James.
[2998]De coitu, edition of 1536, p. 306.
[2998]De coitu, edition of 1536, p. 306.
[2999]Viaticum, VI, 19.
[2999]Viaticum, VI, 19.
[3000]Practica, X, 1; in Isaac,Opera, 1515, II, fol. 126.
[3000]Practica, X, 1; in Isaac,Opera, 1515, II, fol. 126.
[3001]Ibid., VII, 31; fol. 111r.
[3001]Ibid., VII, 31; fol. 111r.
[3002]Ibid., IV, 37; fol. 96r.
[3002]Ibid., IV, 37; fol. 96r.
[3003]Ibid., V, 17; fol. 99r.
[3003]Ibid., V, 17; fol. 99r.
[3004]De melancholia(1536), p. 290.
[3004]De melancholia(1536), p. 290.
[3005]Practica, VIII, 40; ed. of 1515, fol. 118v.
[3005]Practica, VIII, 40; ed. of 1515, fol. 118v.
[3006]Practica, IV, 39, and V, 7; ed. of 1515, fols. 96r and 98r.
[3006]Practica, IV, 39, and V, 7; ed. of 1515, fols. 96r and 98r.
[3007]Ed. of 1536, p. 358; also in theViaticum, I, 22; p. 20.
[3007]Ed. of 1536, p. 358; also in theViaticum, I, 22; p. 20.
[3008]Viaticum, I, 22; p. 21.
[3008]Viaticum, I, 22; p. 21.
[3009]Viaticum, VII, 13:De gradibus(1536), p. 377.
[3009]Viaticum, VII, 13:De gradibus(1536), p. 377.
[3010]According to Steinschneider (1866), p. 402, it is only from the citations of Constantinus that we know of a work by Rufus on melancholy. See especiallyDe melancholia(1536), p. 285, “Invenimus Rufum clarissimum medicum de melancholia fecisse librum....”
[3010]According to Steinschneider (1866), p. 402, it is only from the citations of Constantinus that we know of a work by Rufus on melancholy. See especiallyDe melancholia(1536), p. 285, “Invenimus Rufum clarissimum medicum de melancholia fecisse librum....”
[3011]De gradibus(1536), p. 378.
[3011]De gradibus(1536), p. 378.
[3012]Edition of 1536, pp. 20, 290, 356.
[3012]Edition of 1536, pp. 20, 290, 356.
[3013]Theorica, X, 9; ed. of 1515, fol. 54.
[3013]Theorica, X, 9; ed. of 1515, fol. 54.
[3014]Practica, VII, 59 (1515), fol. 114v.
[3014]Practica, VII, 59 (1515), fol. 114v.
[3015]Ed. of 1541, pp. 319-21.
[3015]Ed. of 1541, pp. 319-21.
[3016]Spec. nat., XVI, 49.
[3016]Spec. nat., XVI, 49.
[3017]De gradibus(1536), p. 360, “de quo Arabū (Aristotle?) in libro de lapidibus intitulato.”
[3017]De gradibus(1536), p. 360, “de quo Arabū (Aristotle?) in libro de lapidibus intitulato.”
[3018]Manoscritto Salernitano dilucidato dal Prof. Henschel, in Renzi (1853), II, 1-80, especially pp. 16, 41, 59.
[3018]Manoscritto Salernitano dilucidato dal Prof. Henschel, in Renzi (1853), II, 1-80, especially pp. 16, 41, 59.
[3019]De aegritudinum curatione tractatus, Renzi, II, 81-386;De febribus tractatus, II, 737-68.
[3019]De aegritudinum curatione tractatus, Renzi, II, 81-386;De febribus tractatus, II, 737-68.
[3020]The preface to Constantinus’ translation of Isaac on fevers is addressed to his “dearest son, John”: see Brussels, Library of Dukes of Burgundy 15489, 14th century, “Quoniam te karissime fili Iohanne”; Cambrai 914, 13-14th century; Cambrai 907, 14th century, fol. 1, Prefatio Constantini ad Johannem discipulum.
[3020]The preface to Constantinus’ translation of Isaac on fevers is addressed to his “dearest son, John”: see Brussels, Library of Dukes of Burgundy 15489, 14th century, “Quoniam te karissime fili Iohanne”; Cambrai 914, 13-14th century; Cambrai 907, 14th century, fol. 1, Prefatio Constantini ad Johannem discipulum.
[3021]However, in an Oxford MS theLiber aureusitself is ascribed to “John, son of Constantinus”: Bodleian 2060, #1, Joannis filii Constantini de re medica liber aureus.
[3021]However, in an Oxford MS theLiber aureusitself is ascribed to “John, son of Constantinus”: Bodleian 2060, #1, Joannis filii Constantini de re medica liber aureus.
[3022]Interest in such works was aroused by the almost simultaneous publication of R. Hendrie’s English translation of Theophilus, London, 1847; the publication of theMappe claviculain a “Letter from Sir Thomas Phillipps to Albert Way” inArchaeologia, XXXII, 183-244, London, 1847; and the inclusion of Heraclius,De coloribus et de artibus Romanorum, in Mrs. Merrifield’sAncient Practice of Painting, London, 1849. Hendrie printed the Latin text of Theophilus with his translation. A. Ilg published a revised Latin text with a German translation in 1874, with a fuller account of the MSS.
[3022]Interest in such works was aroused by the almost simultaneous publication of R. Hendrie’s English translation of Theophilus, London, 1847; the publication of theMappe claviculain a “Letter from Sir Thomas Phillipps to Albert Way” inArchaeologia, XXXII, 183-244, London, 1847; and the inclusion of Heraclius,De coloribus et de artibus Romanorum, in Mrs. Merrifield’sAncient Practice of Painting, London, 1849. Hendrie printed the Latin text of Theophilus with his translation. A. Ilg published a revised Latin text with a German translation in 1874, with a fuller account of the MSS.
[3023]Merrifield (1849), I, 166-74.
[3023]Merrifield (1849), I, 166-74.
[3024]Berthelot (1893), I, 29. He dated, however, Robert of Chester’s translation of Morienus thirty-eight years too late in that century, mistaking the Spanish for the Christian era.
[3024]Berthelot (1893), I, 29. He dated, however, Robert of Chester’s translation of Morienus thirty-eight years too late in that century, mistaking the Spanish for the Christian era.
[3025]Ibid., p. 18.
[3025]Ibid., p. 18.
[3026]Berthelot (1893), I, 169.
[3026]Berthelot (1893), I, 169.
[3027]Merrifield (1849), I, 183. See also pp. 189-91.
[3027]Merrifield (1849), I, 183. See also pp. 189-91.
[3028]Ibid., p. 183, “Nil tibi scribo equidem quod non prius ipse probassem.”
[3028]Ibid., p. 183, “Nil tibi scribo equidem quod non prius ipse probassem.”
[3029]Ibid., p. 187.
[3029]Ibid., p. 187.
[3030]Traité des Arts Céramiques, p. 304, cited by Merrifield, I, 177. This is not, however, to be regarded as the invention of lead glazing, since, as William Burton writes (“Ceramics” in EB, p. 706), “lead glazes were extensively used in Egypt and the nearer East in Ptolemaic times.” He adds, “And it is significant that, though the Romans made singularly little use of glazes of any kind, the pottery that succeeded theirs, either in western Europe or in the Byzantine Empire, was generally covered with glazes rich in lead.”
[3030]Traité des Arts Céramiques, p. 304, cited by Merrifield, I, 177. This is not, however, to be regarded as the invention of lead glazing, since, as William Burton writes (“Ceramics” in EB, p. 706), “lead glazes were extensively used in Egypt and the nearer East in Ptolemaic times.” He adds, “And it is significant that, though the Romans made singularly little use of glazes of any kind, the pottery that succeeded theirs, either in western Europe or in the Byzantine Empire, was generally covered with glazes rich in lead.”