FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[1]H. Cotton,Five Books of Maccabees, 1832, pp. ix-x.[2]But Professor Haskins’ recent article inIsison “Michael Scot and Frederick II” and my chapter on Michael Scot were written quite independently.[3]Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion; quoted by Sir James Frazer,The Magic Art(1911), I, 426.[4]That field has already been treated by Joseph Hansen,Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, 1900, and will be further illuminated byA History of Witchcraft in Europe, soon to be edited by Professor George L. Burr from H. C. Lea’s materials. See also a work just published by Miss M. A. Murray,The Witch-Cult in Western Europe, Oxford, 1921.[5]Some of my scientific friends have urged me to begin with Aristotle, as being a much abler scientist than Pliny, but this would take us rather too far back in time and I have not felt equal to a treatment of the science of the genuine Aristotleper se, although in the course of this book I shall say something of his medieval influence and more especially of the Pseudo-Aristotle.[6]Frazer has, of course, repeatedly made the point that modern science is an outgrowth from primitive magic. Carveth Read,The Origin of Man, 1920, in his chapter on “Magic and Science” contends that “in no case ... is Science derived from Magic” (p. 337), but this is mainly a logical and ideal distinction, since he admits that “for ages” science “is in the hands of wizards.”[7]I am glad to see that other writers on magic are taking this view; for instance, E. Doutté,Magie et religion dans l’Afrique du Nord, Alger, 1909, p. 351.[8]Golden Bough, 1894, I, 420. W. I. Thomas, “The Relation of the Medicine-Man to the Origin of the Professional Occupations” (reprinted in hisSource Book for Social Origins, 4th edition, pp. 281-303), in which he disputes Herbert Spencer’s “thesis that the medicine-man is the source and origin of the learned and artistic occupations,” does not really conflict with Frazer’s statement, since for Thomas the medicine-man is a priest rather than a magician. Thomas remarks later in the same book (p. 437), “Furthermore, the whole attempt of the savage to control the outside world, so far as it contained a theory or a doctrine, was based on magic.”[9]Chaldean Magic and Sorcery, 1878, p. 70.[10]Jules Combarieu,La musique et la magie, Paris, 1909, p. v.[11]Ibid., pp. 13-14.[12]Among the early Arabs “poetry is magical utterance” (Macdonald (1909) p. 16), and the poet “a wizard in league with spirits” (Nicholson,A Literary History of the Arabs, 1914, p. 72).[13]See S. Reinach, “L’Art et la Magie,” inL’Anthropologie, XIV (1903), and Y. Hirn,Origins of Art, London, 1900, Chapter xx, “Art and Magic.” J. Capart,Primitive Art in Egypt.[14]P. Huvelin,Magie et droit individuel, Paris, 1907, inAnnée Sociologique, X, 1-471; see too hisLes tablettes magiques et le droit romain, Mâcon, 1901.[15]R. R. Marett,Psychology and Folk-Lore, 1920, Chapter iii on “Primitive Values.”[16]E. A. Wallis Budge,Egyptian Magic, 1899, p. vii. Some other works on magic in Egypt are: Groff,Études sur la sorcellerie, mémoires présentés à l’institut égyptien, Cairo, 1897; G. Busson,Extrait d’un mémoire sur l’origine égyptienne de la Kabbale, inCompte Rendu du Congrès Scientifique International des Catholiques, Sciences Religieuses, Paris, 1891, pp. 29-51. Adolf Erman,Life in Ancient Egypt, English translation, 1894, “describes vividly the magical conceptions and practices.” F. L. Griffith,Stories of the High Priests of Memphis, Oxford, 1900, contains some amusing demotic tales of magicians. Erman,Zaubersprüche für Mutter und Kind, 1901. F. L. Griffith and H. Thompson,The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden, 1904. See also J. H. Breasted,Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, New York, 1912.The following later but briefer treatments add little to Budge: Alfred Wiedemann,Magie und Zauberei im Alten Ægypten, Leipzig, 1905, andDie Amulette der alten Ægypter, Leipzig, 1910, both inDer Alte Orient; Alexandre Moret,La magie dans l’Egypte ancienne, Paris, 1906, inMusée Guimet, Annales, Bibliothèque de vulgarisation. XX. 241-81.[17]Budge (1899), p. 19. At pp. 7-10 Budge dates the Westcar Papyrus about 1550 B. C. and Cheops, of whom the tale is told, in 3800 B. C. It is now customary to date the Fourth Dynasty, to which Cheops belonged, about 2900-2750 B. C. Breasted,History of Egypt, pp. 122-3, speaks of a folk tale preserved in the Papyrus Westcar some nine (?) centuries after the fall of the Fourth Dynasty.[18]Budge, p. ix.[19]Budge, pp. xiii-xiv.[20]For magical myths see E. Naville,The Old Egyptian Faith, English translation by C. Campbell, 1909, p. 233et seq.[21]Budge, pp. 3-4; Lenormant,Chaldean Magic, p. 100; Wiedemann (1905), pp. 12, 14, 31.[22]So labelled in the Egyptian Museum at Cairo.[23]Budge, p. 185.[24]Breasted (1912), pp. 84-5, 93-5. “Systematic study” of the Pyramid Texts has been possible “only since the appearance of Sethe’s great edition,”—Die Altægyptischen Pyramidentexte, Leipzig, 1908-1910, 2 vols.[25]Budge, pp. 104-7.[26]Many of them are to enable the dead man to leave his tomb at will; hence the Egyptian title, “The Chapters of Going Forth by Day,” Breasted,History of Egypt, p. 175.[27]Budge, p. 28.[28]History of Egypt, p. 175; pp. 249-50 for the further increase in mortuary magic after the Middle Kingdom, and pp. 369-70, 390, etc., for Ikhnaton’s vain effort to suppress this mortuary magic. See also Breasted (1912), pp. 95-6, 281, 292-6, etc.[29]Breasted (1912), pp. 290-1.[30]Budge, pp. xi, 170-1.[31]Budge, p. 4.[32]Budge, pp. 67-70, 73, 77.[33]Budge, pp. 27-28, 41, 60.[34]From the abstract of a paper onThe History of Egyptian Medicine, read by T. Wingate Todd at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association, 1919. See also B. Holmes and P. G. Kitterman,Medicine in Ancient Egypt; the Hieratic Material, Cincinnati, 1914, 34 pp., reprinted fromThe Lancet-Clinic.[35]See H. L. Lüring,Die über die medicinischen Kenntnisse der alten Ægypter berichtenden Papyriverglichen mit den medic. Schriften griech. u. römischer Autoren, Leipzig, 1888. Also Joret, I (1897) 310-11, and the article there cited by G. Ebers,Ein Kyphirecept aus dem Papyrus Ebers, inZeitschrift f. ægypt. Sprache, XII (1874), p. 106. M. A. Ruffer,Palaeopathology of Egypt, 1921.[36]History of Egypt, p. 101.[37]Ibid, p. 102.[38]Budge, p. 206.[39]History of Egypt, p. 101.[40]Archéologie et Histoire des Sciences, Paris, 1906, pp. 232-3.[41]Professor Breasted, however, feels that the contents of the new Edwin Smith Papyrus will raise our estimate of the worth of Egyptian medicine and surgery: letter to me of Jan. 20, 1922.[42]Petrie, “Egypt,” in EB, p. 73.[43]Berthelot (1885), p. 235. See E. B. Havell,A Handbook of Indian Art, 1920, p. 11, for a combination of “exact science,” ritual, and “magic power” in the work of the ancient Aryan craftsmen.[44]Berthelot (1889), pp. vi-vii.[45]Berthelot (1885), pp. 247-78; E. O. v. Lippmann (1919), pp. 118-43.[46]Budge, pp. 19-20.[47]Berthelot (1885), p. 10.[48]Lippmann (1919), pp. 181-2, and the authorities there cited.[49]Budge, pp. 214-5.[50]Budge, pp. 225-8; Wiedemann (1905), p. 9.[51]Wiedemann (1905), pp. 7, 8, 11. See also G. Daressy,Une ancienne liste des décans égyptiens, inAnnales du service des antiquités de l’Egypte, I (1900), 79-90.[52]F. Boll inNeue Jahrb.(1908), p. 108.[53]Budge, pp. 222-3.[54]Budge, p. 229.[55]Some works on the subject of magic and religion, astronomy and astrology in Babylonia and Assyria will be found in Appendix I at the close of this chapter.[56]Thompson,Semitic Magic, pp. xxxvi-xxxvii; Fossey, pp. 17-20.[57]Farnell,Greece and Babylon, p. 102.[58]Prince, “Sumer and Sumerians,” in EB.[59]Webster,Rest Days, pp. 215-22, with further bibliography. See Orr (1913), 28-38, for an interesting discussion in English of the problem of the origin of solar and lunar zodiac.[60]Lippmann (1919), pp. 168-9.[61]Although Schiaparelli,Astronomy in the Old Testament, 1905, pp. v, 5, 49-51, 135, denies that “the frequent use of the number seven in the Old Testament is in any way connected with the planets.” I have not seen F. von Andrian,Die Siebenzahl im Geistesleben der Völker, inMitteil, d. anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, XXI (1901), 225-74; see also Hehn,Siebenzahl und Sabbat bei den Babyloniern und im alten Testament, 1907. J. G. Frazer (1918), I, 140, has an interesting passage on the prominence of the number seven “alike in the Jehovistic and in the Babylonian narrative” of the flood.[62]Webster,Rest Days, pp. 211-2. Professor Webster, who kindly read this chapter in manuscript, stated in a letter to me of 2 July 1921 that he remained convinced that “the mystic properties ascribed to the number seven” can only in part be accounted for by the seven planets; “Our American Indians, for example, hold seven in great respect, yet have no knowledge of seven planets.” But it may be noted that the poet-philosophers of ancient Peru composed verses on the subject of astrology, according to Garcilasso (cited by W. I. Thomas,Source Book for Social Origins, 1909, p. 293).[63]L. W. King,History of Babylon, 1915, p. 299.[64]Fossey (1902), pp. 2-3.[65]Farnell,Greece and Babylon, pp. 301-2. On liver divination see Frothingham, “Ancient Orientalism Unveiled,”American Journal of Archaeology, XXI (1917) 55, 187, 313, 420.[66]Fossey, p. 66.[67]Fossey, p. 16.[68]Lenormant, pp. 35, 147, 158.[69]Thompson,Semitic Magic, pp. xxxviii-xxxix.[70]Greece and Babylon, p. 296.[71]Lenormant, pp. 146-7.[72]Ibid., p. 158.[73]Jastrow,Religion of Babylon and Assyria, pp. 283-4.[74]Zimmern,Beiträge, p. 173.[75]Ibid., p. 161.[76]Fossey, p. 399.[77]Fossey, p. 83.[78]Ibid., pp. 89-91. F. Küchler,Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Assyr.-Babyl. Medizin; Texte mit Umschrift, Uebersetzung und Kommentar, Leipzig, 1904, treats of twenty facsimile pages of cuneiform.[79]Lenormant, p. 190.[80]Ibid., p. 159.[81]So enlightened in fact that they spoke with some scorn of the “levity” and “lies” of the Greeks.[82]Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, Chicago, 1911, p. 189.[83]Thorndike (1905), p. 63.[84]E. E. Sikes,Folk-lore in the Works and Days of Hesiod, inThe Classical Review, VII (1893). 390.[85]Freeman,History of Sicily, I, 101-3, citing Herodotus VII, 153.[86]Butler and Owen,Apulei Apologia, note on 30, 30.[87]For details concerning operative or vulgar magic among the ancient Greeks see Hubert,Magia, in Daremberg-Saglio; Abt,Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei, Giessen, 1908; and F. B. Jevons, “Græco-Italian Magic,” p. 93-, inAnthropology and the Classics, ed. R. Marett; and the article “Magic” in ERE.[88]I think that this sentence is an approximate quotation from some ancient author, possibly Diogenes Laertius, but I have not been able to find it.[89]J. E. Harrison,Themis, Cambridge, 1912. The chapter headings briefly suggest the argument: “1. Hymn of the Kouretes; 2. Dithyramb, Δρώμενον, and Drama; 3. Kouretes, Thunder-Rites and Mana; 4. a. Magic and Tabu, b. Medicine-bird and Medicine-king; 5. Totemism, Sacrament, and Sacrifice; 6. Dithyramb, Spring Festival, and Hagia Triada Sarcophagus; 7. Origin of the Olympic Games (about a year-daimon); 8. Daimon and Hero, with Excursus on Ritual Forms preserved in Greek tragedy; 9. Daimon to Olympian; 10. The Olympians; 11. Themis.”[90]F. M. Cornford,Origin of Attic Comedy, 1914, see especially pp. 10, 13, 55, 157, 202, 233.[91]A. B. Cook,Zeus, Cambridge, 1914, pp. 134-5, 12-14, 66-76.[92]Rendel Harris,Picus who is also Zeus, 1916;The Ascent of Olympus, 1917.[93]Farnell,Greece and Babylon, pp. 292, 178-9.[94]See Ernest Riess,Superstitions and Popular Beliefs in Greek Tragedy, inTransactions of the American Philological Association, vol. 27 (1896), pp. 5-34; andOn Ancient superstition,ibid.26 (1895), 40-55. Also J. G. Frazer,Some Popular Superstitions of the Ancients, inFolk-lore, 1890, and E. H. Klatsche,The Supernatural in the Tragedies of Euripides, inUniversity of Nebraska Studies, 1919.[95]See Zeller,Pre-Socratic Philosophy, II (1881), 119-20, for further boasts by Empedocles himself and other marvels attributed to him by later authors.[96]Laws, XI, 933 (Steph.).[97]Timaeus, p. 71 (Steph.).[98]Symposium, p. 188 (Steph.); in Jowett’s translation, I, 558.[99]Timaeus, p. 40 (Steph.); Jowett, III, 459.[100]Ibid., pp. 41-42 (Steph.).[101]Timaeus, p. 39 (Steph.); Jowett, III, 458.[102]W. Windelband,History of Philosophy, English translation by J. H. Tufts, 1898, p. 147.[103]Windelband,History of Ancient Philosophy, English translation by H. E. Cushman, 1899.[104]For a number of examples, which might be considerably multiplied if books VII-X are not rejected as spurious, see Thorndike (1905), pp. 62-3. T. E. Lones,Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science, London, 1912, 274 pp., discusses “Aristotle’s method of investigating the natural sciences,” and a large number of Aristotle’s specific statements showing whether they were correct or incorrect. The best translation of theHistory of Animalsis by D’Arcy W. Thompson, Oxford 1910, with valuable notes.[105]See the edition of theHistory of Animalsby Dittmeyer (1907), p. vii, where various monographs will be found mentioned.[106]Perhaps pure literature was over-emphasized in the Museum at Alexandria, and magic texts in the library of Assurbanipal.[107]A list of magic papyri and of publications up to about 1900 dealing with the same is given in Hubert’s article onMagiain Daremberg-Saglio, pp. 1503-4. See also Sir Herbert Thompson and F. L. Griffith,The Magical Demotic Papyrus of London and Leiden, 3 vols., 1909-1921;Catalogue of Demotic Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, with facsimiles and complete translations, 1909, 3 vols. Grenfell (1921), p. 159, says, “A corpus of the magical papyri was projected in Germany by K. Preisendanz before the war, and a Czech scholar, Dr. Hopfner, is engaged upon the difficult task of elucidating them.”[108]W. C. Battle,Magical Curses Written on Lead Tablets, inTransactions of the American Philological Association, XXVI (1895), pp. liv-lviii, a synopsis of a Harvard dissertation. Audollent,Defixionum tabulae, etc., Paris, 1904, 568 pp. R. Wünsch,Defixionum Tabellae Atticae, 1897, andSethianische Verfluchungstafeln aus Rom(390-420 A.D.), Leipzig, 1898.[109]Since 1898 various volumes and parts have appeared under the editorship of Cumont, Kroll, Boll, Olivieri, Bassi, and others. Much of the material noted is of course post-classical and Byzantine, and of Christian authorship or Arabic origin.[110]For example, see R. Wünsch,Antikes Zaubergerät aus Pergamon, inJahrb. d. kaiserl. deutsch. archæol. Instit., suppl.VI (1905), p. 19.[111]T. L. Heath,The Works of Archimedes, Cambridge, 1897, pp. xxxix-xl.[112]On “Aristotle as a Biologist” see the Herbert Spencer lecture by D’Arcy W. Thompson, Oxford, 1913, 31 pp. Also T. E. Lones,Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science, London, 1912. Professor W. A. Locy, author ofBiology and Its Makers, writes me (May 9, 1921) that in his opinion G. H. Lewes,Aristotle; a Chapter from the History of Science, London, 1864, “dwells too much on Aristotle’s errors and imperfections, and in several instances omits the quotation of important positive observations, occurring in the chapters from which he makes his quotations of errors.” Professor Locy also disagrees with Lewes’ estimate ofDe generationeas Aristotle’s masterpiece and thinks that “naturalists will get more satisfaction out of reading theHistoria animalium” than either theDe generationeorDe partibus. Thompson (1913), p. 14, calls Aristotle “a very great naturalist.”[113]This quotation is from Professor Locy’s letter of May 9, 1921.[114]The quotations are from a note by Professor D’Arcy W. Thompson on his translation of theHistoria animalium, III, 3. The note gives so good a glimpse of both the merits and defects of the Aristotelian text as it has reached us that I will quote it here more fully:“The Aristotelian account of the vascular system is remarkable for its wealth of details, for its great accuracy in many particulars, and for its extreme obscurity in others. It is so far true to nature that it is clear evidence of minute inquiry, but here and there so remote from fact as to suggest that things once seen have been half forgotten, or that superstition was in conflict with the result of observation. The account of the vessels connecting the left arm with the liver and the right with the spleen ... is a surviving example of mystical or superstitious belief. It is possible that the ascription of three chambers to the heart was also influenced by tradition or mysticism, much in the same way as Plato’s notion of the three corporeal faculties.”[115]Professor Locy called my attention to it in a letter of May 17, 1921. See also Thompson (1913), p. 14.[116]Thompson (1913), p. 19.[117]L. C. Karpinski, “Hindu Science,” inThe American Mathematical Monthly, XXVI (1919), 298-300.[118]Sir Thomas Heath,Aristarchus of Samos, the Ancient Copernicus: a history of Greek astronomy to Aristarchus together with Aristarchus’s treatise, “On the Sizes and Distances of the Sun and Moon,” a new Greek text with translation and notes, Oxford, 1913, admits that “our treatise does not contain any suggestion of any but the geocentric view of the universe, whereas Archimedes tells us that Aristarchus wrote a book of hypotheses, one of which was that the sun and the fixed stars remain unmoved and that the earth revolves round the sun in the circumference of a circle.” Such evidence seems scarcely to warrant applying the title of “The Ancient Copernicus” to Aristarchus. And Heath thinks that Schiaparelli (I precursori di Copernico nell’antichità, and other papers) went too far in ascribing the Copernican hypothesis to Heraclides of Pontus. On Aristotle’s answer to Pythagoreans who denied the geocentric theory see Orr (1913), pp. 100-2.[119]“Farewell, Nature, parent of all things, and in thy manifold multiplicity bless me who, alone of the Romans, has sung thy praise.”[120]For the Latin text of theNaturalis HistoriaI have used the editions of D. Detlefsen, Berlin, 1866-1882, and L. Janus, Leipzig, 1870, 6 vols. in 3; 5 vols. in 3. There is, however, a good English translation of theNatural History, with an introductory essay, by J. Bostock and H. T. Riley, London, 1855, 6 vols. (Bohn Library), which is superior to both the German editions in its explanatory notes and subject index, and which also apparently antedates them in some readings suggested for doubtful passages in the text. Three modes of dividing theNatural Historyinto chapters are indicated in the editions of Janus and Detlefsen. I shall employ that found in the earlier editions of Hardouin, Valpy, Lemaire, and Ajasson, and preferred in the English translation of Bostock and Riley.[121]Bostock and Riley (1855), I, xvi.[122]NH, Preface.[123]NH, Preface.[124]NH, XXII, 7.[125]NH, II, 6.[126]NH, II, 46.[127]NH, II, 5. “Deus est mortali iuvare mortalem....”[128]NH, VII, 56.[129]Letter to Macer, Ep. III, 5, ed. Keil. Leipzig, 1896.[130]NH, VII, 1; XXIII, 60; XXV, 1; XXVII, 1.[131]XXVI, 76.[132]XXXVII, 11.[133]XXI, 88.[134]XXXII, 24.[135]Yet C. W. King,Natural History of Precious Stones, p. 2, deplores the loss of Juba’s treatise, which he says, “considering his position and opportunities for exact information, is perhaps the greatest we have to deplore in this sad catalogue ofdesiderata.”[136]NH, XXXII, 4.[137]XXX, 30.[138]Bouché-Leclercq (1899), p. 519, notes, however, that Aulus Gellius (X, 12) protested against Pliny’s credulity in accepting such works as genuine and that “Columelle (VII, 5) cite un certain Bolus de Mendes comme l’auteur des ὑπομνήματα attribués à Démocrite.” Bouché-Leclercq adds, however, “Rien n’y fit: Démocrite devint le grand docteur de la magie.”[139]NH, VII, 21.

[1]H. Cotton,Five Books of Maccabees, 1832, pp. ix-x.

[2]But Professor Haskins’ recent article inIsison “Michael Scot and Frederick II” and my chapter on Michael Scot were written quite independently.

[3]Lectures on the Philosophy of Religion; quoted by Sir James Frazer,The Magic Art(1911), I, 426.

[4]That field has already been treated by Joseph Hansen,Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, 1900, and will be further illuminated byA History of Witchcraft in Europe, soon to be edited by Professor George L. Burr from H. C. Lea’s materials. See also a work just published by Miss M. A. Murray,The Witch-Cult in Western Europe, Oxford, 1921.

[5]Some of my scientific friends have urged me to begin with Aristotle, as being a much abler scientist than Pliny, but this would take us rather too far back in time and I have not felt equal to a treatment of the science of the genuine Aristotleper se, although in the course of this book I shall say something of his medieval influence and more especially of the Pseudo-Aristotle.

[6]Frazer has, of course, repeatedly made the point that modern science is an outgrowth from primitive magic. Carveth Read,The Origin of Man, 1920, in his chapter on “Magic and Science” contends that “in no case ... is Science derived from Magic” (p. 337), but this is mainly a logical and ideal distinction, since he admits that “for ages” science “is in the hands of wizards.”

[7]I am glad to see that other writers on magic are taking this view; for instance, E. Doutté,Magie et religion dans l’Afrique du Nord, Alger, 1909, p. 351.

[8]Golden Bough, 1894, I, 420. W. I. Thomas, “The Relation of the Medicine-Man to the Origin of the Professional Occupations” (reprinted in hisSource Book for Social Origins, 4th edition, pp. 281-303), in which he disputes Herbert Spencer’s “thesis that the medicine-man is the source and origin of the learned and artistic occupations,” does not really conflict with Frazer’s statement, since for Thomas the medicine-man is a priest rather than a magician. Thomas remarks later in the same book (p. 437), “Furthermore, the whole attempt of the savage to control the outside world, so far as it contained a theory or a doctrine, was based on magic.”

[9]Chaldean Magic and Sorcery, 1878, p. 70.

[10]Jules Combarieu,La musique et la magie, Paris, 1909, p. v.

[11]Ibid., pp. 13-14.

[12]Among the early Arabs “poetry is magical utterance” (Macdonald (1909) p. 16), and the poet “a wizard in league with spirits” (Nicholson,A Literary History of the Arabs, 1914, p. 72).

[13]See S. Reinach, “L’Art et la Magie,” inL’Anthropologie, XIV (1903), and Y. Hirn,Origins of Art, London, 1900, Chapter xx, “Art and Magic.” J. Capart,Primitive Art in Egypt.

[14]P. Huvelin,Magie et droit individuel, Paris, 1907, inAnnée Sociologique, X, 1-471; see too hisLes tablettes magiques et le droit romain, Mâcon, 1901.

[15]R. R. Marett,Psychology and Folk-Lore, 1920, Chapter iii on “Primitive Values.”

[16]E. A. Wallis Budge,Egyptian Magic, 1899, p. vii. Some other works on magic in Egypt are: Groff,Études sur la sorcellerie, mémoires présentés à l’institut égyptien, Cairo, 1897; G. Busson,Extrait d’un mémoire sur l’origine égyptienne de la Kabbale, inCompte Rendu du Congrès Scientifique International des Catholiques, Sciences Religieuses, Paris, 1891, pp. 29-51. Adolf Erman,Life in Ancient Egypt, English translation, 1894, “describes vividly the magical conceptions and practices.” F. L. Griffith,Stories of the High Priests of Memphis, Oxford, 1900, contains some amusing demotic tales of magicians. Erman,Zaubersprüche für Mutter und Kind, 1901. F. L. Griffith and H. Thompson,The Demotic Magical Papyrus of London and Leiden, 1904. See also J. H. Breasted,Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, New York, 1912.The following later but briefer treatments add little to Budge: Alfred Wiedemann,Magie und Zauberei im Alten Ægypten, Leipzig, 1905, andDie Amulette der alten Ægypter, Leipzig, 1910, both inDer Alte Orient; Alexandre Moret,La magie dans l’Egypte ancienne, Paris, 1906, inMusée Guimet, Annales, Bibliothèque de vulgarisation. XX. 241-81.

The following later but briefer treatments add little to Budge: Alfred Wiedemann,Magie und Zauberei im Alten Ægypten, Leipzig, 1905, andDie Amulette der alten Ægypter, Leipzig, 1910, both inDer Alte Orient; Alexandre Moret,La magie dans l’Egypte ancienne, Paris, 1906, inMusée Guimet, Annales, Bibliothèque de vulgarisation. XX. 241-81.

[17]Budge (1899), p. 19. At pp. 7-10 Budge dates the Westcar Papyrus about 1550 B. C. and Cheops, of whom the tale is told, in 3800 B. C. It is now customary to date the Fourth Dynasty, to which Cheops belonged, about 2900-2750 B. C. Breasted,History of Egypt, pp. 122-3, speaks of a folk tale preserved in the Papyrus Westcar some nine (?) centuries after the fall of the Fourth Dynasty.

[18]Budge, p. ix.

[19]Budge, pp. xiii-xiv.

[20]For magical myths see E. Naville,The Old Egyptian Faith, English translation by C. Campbell, 1909, p. 233et seq.

[21]Budge, pp. 3-4; Lenormant,Chaldean Magic, p. 100; Wiedemann (1905), pp. 12, 14, 31.

[22]So labelled in the Egyptian Museum at Cairo.

[23]Budge, p. 185.

[24]Breasted (1912), pp. 84-5, 93-5. “Systematic study” of the Pyramid Texts has been possible “only since the appearance of Sethe’s great edition,”—Die Altægyptischen Pyramidentexte, Leipzig, 1908-1910, 2 vols.

[25]Budge, pp. 104-7.

[26]Many of them are to enable the dead man to leave his tomb at will; hence the Egyptian title, “The Chapters of Going Forth by Day,” Breasted,History of Egypt, p. 175.

[27]Budge, p. 28.

[28]History of Egypt, p. 175; pp. 249-50 for the further increase in mortuary magic after the Middle Kingdom, and pp. 369-70, 390, etc., for Ikhnaton’s vain effort to suppress this mortuary magic. See also Breasted (1912), pp. 95-6, 281, 292-6, etc.

[29]Breasted (1912), pp. 290-1.

[30]Budge, pp. xi, 170-1.

[31]Budge, p. 4.

[32]Budge, pp. 67-70, 73, 77.

[33]Budge, pp. 27-28, 41, 60.

[34]From the abstract of a paper onThe History of Egyptian Medicine, read by T. Wingate Todd at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association, 1919. See also B. Holmes and P. G. Kitterman,Medicine in Ancient Egypt; the Hieratic Material, Cincinnati, 1914, 34 pp., reprinted fromThe Lancet-Clinic.

[35]See H. L. Lüring,Die über die medicinischen Kenntnisse der alten Ægypter berichtenden Papyriverglichen mit den medic. Schriften griech. u. römischer Autoren, Leipzig, 1888. Also Joret, I (1897) 310-11, and the article there cited by G. Ebers,Ein Kyphirecept aus dem Papyrus Ebers, inZeitschrift f. ægypt. Sprache, XII (1874), p. 106. M. A. Ruffer,Palaeopathology of Egypt, 1921.

[36]History of Egypt, p. 101.

[37]Ibid, p. 102.

[38]Budge, p. 206.

[39]History of Egypt, p. 101.

[40]Archéologie et Histoire des Sciences, Paris, 1906, pp. 232-3.

[41]Professor Breasted, however, feels that the contents of the new Edwin Smith Papyrus will raise our estimate of the worth of Egyptian medicine and surgery: letter to me of Jan. 20, 1922.

[42]Petrie, “Egypt,” in EB, p. 73.

[43]Berthelot (1885), p. 235. See E. B. Havell,A Handbook of Indian Art, 1920, p. 11, for a combination of “exact science,” ritual, and “magic power” in the work of the ancient Aryan craftsmen.

[44]Berthelot (1889), pp. vi-vii.

[45]Berthelot (1885), pp. 247-78; E. O. v. Lippmann (1919), pp. 118-43.

[46]Budge, pp. 19-20.

[47]Berthelot (1885), p. 10.

[48]Lippmann (1919), pp. 181-2, and the authorities there cited.

[49]Budge, pp. 214-5.

[50]Budge, pp. 225-8; Wiedemann (1905), p. 9.

[51]Wiedemann (1905), pp. 7, 8, 11. See also G. Daressy,Une ancienne liste des décans égyptiens, inAnnales du service des antiquités de l’Egypte, I (1900), 79-90.

[52]F. Boll inNeue Jahrb.(1908), p. 108.

[53]Budge, pp. 222-3.

[54]Budge, p. 229.

[55]Some works on the subject of magic and religion, astronomy and astrology in Babylonia and Assyria will be found in Appendix I at the close of this chapter.

[56]Thompson,Semitic Magic, pp. xxxvi-xxxvii; Fossey, pp. 17-20.

[57]Farnell,Greece and Babylon, p. 102.

[58]Prince, “Sumer and Sumerians,” in EB.

[59]Webster,Rest Days, pp. 215-22, with further bibliography. See Orr (1913), 28-38, for an interesting discussion in English of the problem of the origin of solar and lunar zodiac.

[60]Lippmann (1919), pp. 168-9.

[61]Although Schiaparelli,Astronomy in the Old Testament, 1905, pp. v, 5, 49-51, 135, denies that “the frequent use of the number seven in the Old Testament is in any way connected with the planets.” I have not seen F. von Andrian,Die Siebenzahl im Geistesleben der Völker, inMitteil, d. anthrop. Gesellsch. in Wien, XXI (1901), 225-74; see also Hehn,Siebenzahl und Sabbat bei den Babyloniern und im alten Testament, 1907. J. G. Frazer (1918), I, 140, has an interesting passage on the prominence of the number seven “alike in the Jehovistic and in the Babylonian narrative” of the flood.

[62]Webster,Rest Days, pp. 211-2. Professor Webster, who kindly read this chapter in manuscript, stated in a letter to me of 2 July 1921 that he remained convinced that “the mystic properties ascribed to the number seven” can only in part be accounted for by the seven planets; “Our American Indians, for example, hold seven in great respect, yet have no knowledge of seven planets.” But it may be noted that the poet-philosophers of ancient Peru composed verses on the subject of astrology, according to Garcilasso (cited by W. I. Thomas,Source Book for Social Origins, 1909, p. 293).

[63]L. W. King,History of Babylon, 1915, p. 299.

[64]Fossey (1902), pp. 2-3.

[65]Farnell,Greece and Babylon, pp. 301-2. On liver divination see Frothingham, “Ancient Orientalism Unveiled,”American Journal of Archaeology, XXI (1917) 55, 187, 313, 420.

[66]Fossey, p. 66.

[67]Fossey, p. 16.

[68]Lenormant, pp. 35, 147, 158.

[69]Thompson,Semitic Magic, pp. xxxviii-xxxix.

[70]Greece and Babylon, p. 296.

[71]Lenormant, pp. 146-7.

[72]Ibid., p. 158.

[73]Jastrow,Religion of Babylon and Assyria, pp. 283-4.

[74]Zimmern,Beiträge, p. 173.

[75]Ibid., p. 161.

[76]Fossey, p. 399.

[77]Fossey, p. 83.

[78]Ibid., pp. 89-91. F. Küchler,Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Assyr.-Babyl. Medizin; Texte mit Umschrift, Uebersetzung und Kommentar, Leipzig, 1904, treats of twenty facsimile pages of cuneiform.

[79]Lenormant, p. 190.

[80]Ibid., p. 159.

[81]So enlightened in fact that they spoke with some scorn of the “levity” and “lies” of the Greeks.

[82]Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, Chicago, 1911, p. 189.

[83]Thorndike (1905), p. 63.

[84]E. E. Sikes,Folk-lore in the Works and Days of Hesiod, inThe Classical Review, VII (1893). 390.

[85]Freeman,History of Sicily, I, 101-3, citing Herodotus VII, 153.

[86]Butler and Owen,Apulei Apologia, note on 30, 30.

[87]For details concerning operative or vulgar magic among the ancient Greeks see Hubert,Magia, in Daremberg-Saglio; Abt,Die Apologie des Apuleius von Madaura und die antike Zauberei, Giessen, 1908; and F. B. Jevons, “Græco-Italian Magic,” p. 93-, inAnthropology and the Classics, ed. R. Marett; and the article “Magic” in ERE.

[88]I think that this sentence is an approximate quotation from some ancient author, possibly Diogenes Laertius, but I have not been able to find it.

[89]J. E. Harrison,Themis, Cambridge, 1912. The chapter headings briefly suggest the argument: “1. Hymn of the Kouretes; 2. Dithyramb, Δρώμενον, and Drama; 3. Kouretes, Thunder-Rites and Mana; 4. a. Magic and Tabu, b. Medicine-bird and Medicine-king; 5. Totemism, Sacrament, and Sacrifice; 6. Dithyramb, Spring Festival, and Hagia Triada Sarcophagus; 7. Origin of the Olympic Games (about a year-daimon); 8. Daimon and Hero, with Excursus on Ritual Forms preserved in Greek tragedy; 9. Daimon to Olympian; 10. The Olympians; 11. Themis.”

[90]F. M. Cornford,Origin of Attic Comedy, 1914, see especially pp. 10, 13, 55, 157, 202, 233.

[91]A. B. Cook,Zeus, Cambridge, 1914, pp. 134-5, 12-14, 66-76.

[92]Rendel Harris,Picus who is also Zeus, 1916;The Ascent of Olympus, 1917.

[93]Farnell,Greece and Babylon, pp. 292, 178-9.

[94]See Ernest Riess,Superstitions and Popular Beliefs in Greek Tragedy, inTransactions of the American Philological Association, vol. 27 (1896), pp. 5-34; andOn Ancient superstition,ibid.26 (1895), 40-55. Also J. G. Frazer,Some Popular Superstitions of the Ancients, inFolk-lore, 1890, and E. H. Klatsche,The Supernatural in the Tragedies of Euripides, inUniversity of Nebraska Studies, 1919.

[95]See Zeller,Pre-Socratic Philosophy, II (1881), 119-20, for further boasts by Empedocles himself and other marvels attributed to him by later authors.

[96]Laws, XI, 933 (Steph.).

[97]Timaeus, p. 71 (Steph.).

[98]Symposium, p. 188 (Steph.); in Jowett’s translation, I, 558.

[99]Timaeus, p. 40 (Steph.); Jowett, III, 459.

[100]Ibid., pp. 41-42 (Steph.).

[101]Timaeus, p. 39 (Steph.); Jowett, III, 458.

[102]W. Windelband,History of Philosophy, English translation by J. H. Tufts, 1898, p. 147.

[103]Windelband,History of Ancient Philosophy, English translation by H. E. Cushman, 1899.

[104]For a number of examples, which might be considerably multiplied if books VII-X are not rejected as spurious, see Thorndike (1905), pp. 62-3. T. E. Lones,Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science, London, 1912, 274 pp., discusses “Aristotle’s method of investigating the natural sciences,” and a large number of Aristotle’s specific statements showing whether they were correct or incorrect. The best translation of theHistory of Animalsis by D’Arcy W. Thompson, Oxford 1910, with valuable notes.

[105]See the edition of theHistory of Animalsby Dittmeyer (1907), p. vii, where various monographs will be found mentioned.

[106]Perhaps pure literature was over-emphasized in the Museum at Alexandria, and magic texts in the library of Assurbanipal.

[107]A list of magic papyri and of publications up to about 1900 dealing with the same is given in Hubert’s article onMagiain Daremberg-Saglio, pp. 1503-4. See also Sir Herbert Thompson and F. L. Griffith,The Magical Demotic Papyrus of London and Leiden, 3 vols., 1909-1921;Catalogue of Demotic Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, with facsimiles and complete translations, 1909, 3 vols. Grenfell (1921), p. 159, says, “A corpus of the magical papyri was projected in Germany by K. Preisendanz before the war, and a Czech scholar, Dr. Hopfner, is engaged upon the difficult task of elucidating them.”

[108]W. C. Battle,Magical Curses Written on Lead Tablets, inTransactions of the American Philological Association, XXVI (1895), pp. liv-lviii, a synopsis of a Harvard dissertation. Audollent,Defixionum tabulae, etc., Paris, 1904, 568 pp. R. Wünsch,Defixionum Tabellae Atticae, 1897, andSethianische Verfluchungstafeln aus Rom(390-420 A.D.), Leipzig, 1898.

[109]Since 1898 various volumes and parts have appeared under the editorship of Cumont, Kroll, Boll, Olivieri, Bassi, and others. Much of the material noted is of course post-classical and Byzantine, and of Christian authorship or Arabic origin.

[110]For example, see R. Wünsch,Antikes Zaubergerät aus Pergamon, inJahrb. d. kaiserl. deutsch. archæol. Instit., suppl.VI (1905), p. 19.

[111]T. L. Heath,The Works of Archimedes, Cambridge, 1897, pp. xxxix-xl.

[112]On “Aristotle as a Biologist” see the Herbert Spencer lecture by D’Arcy W. Thompson, Oxford, 1913, 31 pp. Also T. E. Lones,Aristotle’s Researches in Natural Science, London, 1912. Professor W. A. Locy, author ofBiology and Its Makers, writes me (May 9, 1921) that in his opinion G. H. Lewes,Aristotle; a Chapter from the History of Science, London, 1864, “dwells too much on Aristotle’s errors and imperfections, and in several instances omits the quotation of important positive observations, occurring in the chapters from which he makes his quotations of errors.” Professor Locy also disagrees with Lewes’ estimate ofDe generationeas Aristotle’s masterpiece and thinks that “naturalists will get more satisfaction out of reading theHistoria animalium” than either theDe generationeorDe partibus. Thompson (1913), p. 14, calls Aristotle “a very great naturalist.”

[113]This quotation is from Professor Locy’s letter of May 9, 1921.

[114]The quotations are from a note by Professor D’Arcy W. Thompson on his translation of theHistoria animalium, III, 3. The note gives so good a glimpse of both the merits and defects of the Aristotelian text as it has reached us that I will quote it here more fully:“The Aristotelian account of the vascular system is remarkable for its wealth of details, for its great accuracy in many particulars, and for its extreme obscurity in others. It is so far true to nature that it is clear evidence of minute inquiry, but here and there so remote from fact as to suggest that things once seen have been half forgotten, or that superstition was in conflict with the result of observation. The account of the vessels connecting the left arm with the liver and the right with the spleen ... is a surviving example of mystical or superstitious belief. It is possible that the ascription of three chambers to the heart was also influenced by tradition or mysticism, much in the same way as Plato’s notion of the three corporeal faculties.”

“The Aristotelian account of the vascular system is remarkable for its wealth of details, for its great accuracy in many particulars, and for its extreme obscurity in others. It is so far true to nature that it is clear evidence of minute inquiry, but here and there so remote from fact as to suggest that things once seen have been half forgotten, or that superstition was in conflict with the result of observation. The account of the vessels connecting the left arm with the liver and the right with the spleen ... is a surviving example of mystical or superstitious belief. It is possible that the ascription of three chambers to the heart was also influenced by tradition or mysticism, much in the same way as Plato’s notion of the three corporeal faculties.”

[115]Professor Locy called my attention to it in a letter of May 17, 1921. See also Thompson (1913), p. 14.

[116]Thompson (1913), p. 19.

[117]L. C. Karpinski, “Hindu Science,” inThe American Mathematical Monthly, XXVI (1919), 298-300.

[118]Sir Thomas Heath,Aristarchus of Samos, the Ancient Copernicus: a history of Greek astronomy to Aristarchus together with Aristarchus’s treatise, “On the Sizes and Distances of the Sun and Moon,” a new Greek text with translation and notes, Oxford, 1913, admits that “our treatise does not contain any suggestion of any but the geocentric view of the universe, whereas Archimedes tells us that Aristarchus wrote a book of hypotheses, one of which was that the sun and the fixed stars remain unmoved and that the earth revolves round the sun in the circumference of a circle.” Such evidence seems scarcely to warrant applying the title of “The Ancient Copernicus” to Aristarchus. And Heath thinks that Schiaparelli (I precursori di Copernico nell’antichità, and other papers) went too far in ascribing the Copernican hypothesis to Heraclides of Pontus. On Aristotle’s answer to Pythagoreans who denied the geocentric theory see Orr (1913), pp. 100-2.

[119]“Farewell, Nature, parent of all things, and in thy manifold multiplicity bless me who, alone of the Romans, has sung thy praise.”

[120]For the Latin text of theNaturalis HistoriaI have used the editions of D. Detlefsen, Berlin, 1866-1882, and L. Janus, Leipzig, 1870, 6 vols. in 3; 5 vols. in 3. There is, however, a good English translation of theNatural History, with an introductory essay, by J. Bostock and H. T. Riley, London, 1855, 6 vols. (Bohn Library), which is superior to both the German editions in its explanatory notes and subject index, and which also apparently antedates them in some readings suggested for doubtful passages in the text. Three modes of dividing theNatural Historyinto chapters are indicated in the editions of Janus and Detlefsen. I shall employ that found in the earlier editions of Hardouin, Valpy, Lemaire, and Ajasson, and preferred in the English translation of Bostock and Riley.

[121]Bostock and Riley (1855), I, xvi.

[122]NH, Preface.

[123]NH, Preface.

[124]NH, XXII, 7.

[125]NH, II, 6.

[126]NH, II, 46.

[127]NH, II, 5. “Deus est mortali iuvare mortalem....”

[128]NH, VII, 56.

[129]Letter to Macer, Ep. III, 5, ed. Keil. Leipzig, 1896.

[130]NH, VII, 1; XXIII, 60; XXV, 1; XXVII, 1.

[131]XXVI, 76.

[132]XXXVII, 11.

[133]XXI, 88.

[134]XXXII, 24.

[135]Yet C. W. King,Natural History of Precious Stones, p. 2, deplores the loss of Juba’s treatise, which he says, “considering his position and opportunities for exact information, is perhaps the greatest we have to deplore in this sad catalogue ofdesiderata.”

[136]NH, XXXII, 4.

[137]XXX, 30.

[138]Bouché-Leclercq (1899), p. 519, notes, however, that Aulus Gellius (X, 12) protested against Pliny’s credulity in accepting such works as genuine and that “Columelle (VII, 5) cite un certain Bolus de Mendes comme l’auteur des ὑπομνήματα attribués à Démocrite.” Bouché-Leclercq adds, however, “Rien n’y fit: Démocrite devint le grand docteur de la magie.”

[139]NH, VII, 21.

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