Chapter 30

[1162]Burn,Parish Registers, 17, 18.Cf.alsoFriedberg,Eheschliessung, 319, 320. The same provision, with slight alteration, is contained in the injunction of 1547, Edward VI. It is quoted byToulmin Smith,The Parish, 187, 188;Bohn,Pol. Cyc., IV, 625;Burn,op. cit., 18, 19.

[1163]For a review of the various proposals, acts, and "visitations" to enforce them seeBurn,op. cit., 18-39;Friedberg,op. cit., 320-22;Toulmin Smith,op. cit., 188, 189;Bohn,op. cit., IV, 625, 626.

[1164]See the extracts illustrating Luther's views as to the form of wedlock inStrampff, 337-44.

[1165]Consult the elaborate investigation ofFriedberg,Eheschliessung, 198-305;idem,Die Geschichte der Civilehe, 7 ff.; with which should be comparedSohm,Eheschliessung, chap. vii, and hisTrauung und Verlobung, chap, iv.;Scheurl,Ent. des kirch. Eheschliessungsrechts, 123 ff., 126 ff.;idem,Das gemein. deutsch. Eherecht, 64-73;Dieckhoff,Die kirch. Trauung, 108 ff., 180 ff., 223 ff. (views of Melanchthon, Chemnitz, and others);Mejer,Zum Kirchenrechte, 154 ff. (views of Kling, Mauser, Schneidewin, Wesenbeck, Monner, and Beust—all connected with the consistory of Wittenberg);Schubert,Die evang. Trauung, 41 ff., 49 ff.;Richter,Lehrbuch, 1136 ff.

[1166]"Das liess ich wohl verba de futuro heissen, wenn ein conditio, Anhang oder Auszug dabei gesetzt würde, als: Ich will dich haben, wo du mir willt zu gut, zwei oder ein Jahr harren; item: Ich will dich haben, so du mir hundert Gulden mitbringest; item: so deine oder meine Aeltern wollen; und dergleichen."—Luther, "Von Ehesachen,"Bücher und Schriften(Jena, 1561), V, 241.As an illustration of the early judicial practice see the interesting decision of the consistory court of Wittenberg, among the cases published bySchleusner,Anfänge des protest. Eherechts, 136, where a contract is dissolved for failure of the condition. The case is undated, but it probably occurred before 1550.Conditional espousals were recognized by the canon law: for England seeSwinburne,Of Spousals, 109-53, where the many intricate questions connected with conditional contracts are discussed with much learning; and in general the monograph ofRiedler,Bedingte Eheschliessung(Kempten, 1892).With Luther's views regarding conditional betrothal compare those of Melanchthon, "De conjugio,"Opera omnia, I, pars ii, 232;Schneidewin,De nuptiis, tit. x, "De spons.," pars i, 32-38;Beust,De spons. et mat., secs. xviii, xix;Kling,Tr. mat. causarum, foll. 73 ff.;Brouwer,De jure con., 188-204. For discussion seeSchleusner, "Zu den Anfängen des prot. Eherechts,"ZKG., VI, 402-5;Scheurl, "Zur Geschichte des kirch. Eheschliessungsr.,"ibid., XV, 69, 70;idem,Das gemein. deutsche Eherecht, 368-70;Richardus,De cond. sponsaliorum impossibilibus, 29 ff.,passim;Richter,Lehrbuch, 1061 ff., 1200; and especially the excellent historical paper ofPhillips, "Das Ehehinderniss der beigefügten Bedingung,"ZKR., V, VI, 153 ff., reviewing the literature of the subject from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century;Schott,Einleit. in das Eherecht, 199 ff.

As an illustration of the early judicial practice see the interesting decision of the consistory court of Wittenberg, among the cases published bySchleusner,Anfänge des protest. Eherechts, 136, where a contract is dissolved for failure of the condition. The case is undated, but it probably occurred before 1550.

Conditional espousals were recognized by the canon law: for England seeSwinburne,Of Spousals, 109-53, where the many intricate questions connected with conditional contracts are discussed with much learning; and in general the monograph ofRiedler,Bedingte Eheschliessung(Kempten, 1892).

With Luther's views regarding conditional betrothal compare those of Melanchthon, "De conjugio,"Opera omnia, I, pars ii, 232;Schneidewin,De nuptiis, tit. x, "De spons.," pars i, 32-38;Beust,De spons. et mat., secs. xviii, xix;Kling,Tr. mat. causarum, foll. 73 ff.;Brouwer,De jure con., 188-204. For discussion seeSchleusner, "Zu den Anfängen des prot. Eherechts,"ZKG., VI, 402-5;Scheurl, "Zur Geschichte des kirch. Eheschliessungsr.,"ibid., XV, 69, 70;idem,Das gemein. deutsche Eherecht, 368-70;Richardus,De cond. sponsaliorum impossibilibus, 29 ff.,passim;Richter,Lehrbuch, 1061 ff., 1200; and especially the excellent historical paper ofPhillips, "Das Ehehinderniss der beigefügten Bedingung,"ZKR., V, VI, 153 ff., reviewing the literature of the subject from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century;Schott,Einleit. in das Eherecht, 199 ff.

[1167]For a collection of the writings of Luther on precontracts or betrothals seeStrampff, 287-334; especially the extract from theVon Ehesachen, 334, where breach of troth is made equivalent to adultery.

[1168]The passages of Luther's works on parental consent, with an introductory note, are collected inStrampff, 299-325. CompareBeust,De spons. et mat., 201-10;Melanchthon, "De conjugio,"Opera omnia, I, pars ii, 231;Bullinger,Der Christlich Ehestand, lvs. 11 ff., 14, 15;Kling,Tr. mat. causarum, foll. 77 ff.;Schneidewin,De nuptiis, tit. x, "De nupt. licitis," pars ii, secs. 29 ff.;Brenz, "Wie yn Ehesachen ... zu Handeln," inSarcerius,Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 69 ff.;Mentzer,De conjugio tr., 136-50, 153;Bidembach,De causis mat. tract., 3 ff., 15 ff.;Forster,De nuptiis, 145 ff., 149 ff. (the law of Saxony requiring);Brouwer,De jure connubiorum, 71 ff., 76 ff., 80 ff.All authorities, seemingly, are agreed that a parent may not rightly force a child to marry; seeBullinger,Der christlich Ehestand, lvs. 15, 16;Schneidewin,De nupt., tit. x, "De nupt. licitis," pars. ii, secs. 41, 42;Sarcerius,Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 73 ff.; 96 ff. (Luther);Mentzer,De conjugio tr., 253-55;Bidembach,De causis mat., 25-27;Boehmer,De mat. coacto; and the literature on parental consent described in Bibliographical Note IX.

All authorities, seemingly, are agreed that a parent may not rightly force a child to marry; seeBullinger,Der christlich Ehestand, lvs. 15, 16;Schneidewin,De nupt., tit. x, "De nupt. licitis," pars. ii, secs. 41, 42;Sarcerius,Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 73 ff.; 96 ff. (Luther);Mentzer,De conjugio tr., 253-55;Bidembach,De causis mat., 25-27;Boehmer,De mat. coacto; and the literature on parental consent described in Bibliographical Note IX.

[1169]In his "Von Ehesachen" (1530),Bücher und Schriften, V, 247, he says directly that a public betrothal, that is a marriage, not followed bycopulashould yield to an earlier secret betrothalcum copula. It is argued, however, that by "secret" he means a betrothal without witnesses, but with consent of the parents:Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 209 n. 2, 210 n. 1;Sohm,Eheschliessung, 206 n. 16.Luther's"Von Ehesachen,"Bücher und Schriften, V, 237-57, is mainly devoted to a discussion of secret and public betrothals.As a matter of fact, I find the consistory court of Wittenberg dissolving a betrothal for lack of parental consent:Schleusner,Anfänge des protest. Eherechts, 137. In another interesting case a girl was persuaded by her lover to marry him without the consent of her mother or step-father, but saying: "I would not, however, offend my dear mother." The two clerical judges held the contract to be conditioned on getting the mother's consent, and therefore void, since the condition had not been fulfilled and the law of Saxony forbade marriages without parental consent. The two lay judges, however, held the contract binding, because the girl's father being dead, to whom real authority belonged, she was free to marry whom she chose. The case was referred to Luther and another person as arbiters. Luther, in opposition to his associate, held the marriage void because conditional and a violation of the fourth commandment, and the court accepted his opinion:Schleusner,op. cit., 138, 139.

As a matter of fact, I find the consistory court of Wittenberg dissolving a betrothal for lack of parental consent:Schleusner,Anfänge des protest. Eherechts, 137. In another interesting case a girl was persuaded by her lover to marry him without the consent of her mother or step-father, but saying: "I would not, however, offend my dear mother." The two clerical judges held the contract to be conditioned on getting the mother's consent, and therefore void, since the condition had not been fulfilled and the law of Saxony forbade marriages without parental consent. The two lay judges, however, held the contract binding, because the girl's father being dead, to whom real authority belonged, she was free to marry whom she chose. The case was referred to Luther and another person as arbiters. Luther, in opposition to his associate, held the marriage void because conditional and a violation of the fourth commandment, and the court accepted his opinion:Schleusner,op. cit., 138, 139.

[1170]The consistory court of Wittenberg declared a public betrothal legal as opposed to an earlier secret engagement: see the case inSchleusner,Anfänge des protest. Eherechts, 140; and for other casescf.ibid., 145, 146.

[1171]On espousals, especially clandestine contracts, compareSchneidewin,De nuptiis, tit. x, "De spons.," pars. i, secs. 1 ff., 21 ff.;Beust,Tr. de spons. et mat., 1 ff., 12 ff., 27 ff. (sponsalia clandestina);Kling,Tr. mat. causarum, lvs. 1 ff., 6 ff., 68 ff. (sponsalia clandestina);Sarcerius,Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 67 ff., 91 ff., 73 ff. (Luther);Mentzer,De conjugio tr., 156 ff., 168 ff.;Bidembach,De causis mat. tr., 3 ff., 29-35;Forster,De nuptiis, 52 ff.;Brouwer,De jure connubiorum, 9 ff., 100 ff.; and the literature onsponsaliamentioned in Bibliographical Note IX.For discussion seeScheurl,Die Entwick. des kirch. Eheschliessungsrechts, 130 ff., 140 ff.;Schubert,Die evang. Trauung, 44 ff.;Cremer,Kirch. Trauung, 68-71;Dieckhoff,Die Kirch. Trauung, 189 ff., 212 ff., 221 ff.;Richter,Lehrbuch, 1121, 1194 ff.;Friedberg,Lehrbuch, 295, 296, 337-59;Loy,Das protest. Eherecht, 425 ff., 437 ff., 445, 447 ff.;Hofmann,Handbuch des teutschen Eherechts, 27 ff., 143, 146 ff.;Schott,Einleitung in das Eherecht, 174 ff., 182 ff., 193;Sohm,Eheschliessung, 197-249.

For discussion seeScheurl,Die Entwick. des kirch. Eheschliessungsrechts, 130 ff., 140 ff.;Schubert,Die evang. Trauung, 44 ff.;Cremer,Kirch. Trauung, 68-71;Dieckhoff,Die Kirch. Trauung, 189 ff., 212 ff., 221 ff.;Richter,Lehrbuch, 1121, 1194 ff.;Friedberg,Lehrbuch, 295, 296, 337-59;Loy,Das protest. Eherecht, 425 ff., 437 ff., 445, 447 ff.;Hofmann,Handbuch des teutschen Eherechts, 27 ff., 143, 146 ff.;Schott,Einleitung in das Eherecht, 174 ff., 182 ff., 193;Sohm,Eheschliessung, 197-249.

[1172]The most famous case of enforcement of a betrothal, against an unwilling bride, is that of Dr. Stiel, 1553. The plaintiff's petition (Gesuch) in fifty-eight articles or specifications, setting forth in a most realistic way the whole courtship and the betrothal proceedings, is communicated byFriedberg, "Beiträge zur Geschichte des brand.-preuss. Eherechts,"ZKR., VI, 72 ff. Actual force to compel the fulfilment of a betrothal was used only when it was followed bycopula:ibid., 81. Friedberg traces the history of the subject to the reign of Frederick the Great, citing various cases. As a result he declares that in the sixteenth century betrothed persons could be forced to keep their engagement even when both were willing to dissolve it; while in the eighteenth century action depended upon the will of the interested parties:ibid., 87, 88. CompareBidembach,De causis mat. tr., 35 ff.

[1173]See the argument ofSohm,Eheschliessung, 202 ff.;Trauung und Verlobung, 110 ff.; againstFriedberg,Eheschliessung, 206, 210;Geschichte der Civilehe, 8, who holds that Lutherdoubledthe evils of secret marriage.

[1174]Sohm,Eheschliessung, chap. vii;Trauung und Verlobung, chap. iv, has demonstrated this against the view of Friedberg.Nevertheless by the middle of the seventeenth century was established a dualism in effect similar to that which had existed under the later canon law. More and more stress was placed upon the nuptials as compared with the betrothal, although in theory the latter still constituted the marriage.J. H. Boehmer,Jus ecclesiasticum protestantium(Halle, 1714), whose teaching has mainly determined the modern law, attacked Luther as being responsible for this dualism, holding that a true betrothal, like the Romansponsalia, is only a promise of future wedlock, and may therefore be dissolved; while the nuptial contract, publicly and formally made, is the true marriage. On Boehmer's doctrines seeDieckhoff,Die kirch. Trauung, 270-95;Schubert,Die evang. Trauung, 62-76;Scheurl,Kirch. Eheschliessungsrecht, 140 ff.;Phillips, "Das Ehehinderniss der beigefügten Bedingung,"ZKR., VI, 154.

[1174]Sohm,Eheschliessung, chap. vii;Trauung und Verlobung, chap. iv, has demonstrated this against the view of Friedberg.

Nevertheless by the middle of the seventeenth century was established a dualism in effect similar to that which had existed under the later canon law. More and more stress was placed upon the nuptials as compared with the betrothal, although in theory the latter still constituted the marriage.J. H. Boehmer,Jus ecclesiasticum protestantium(Halle, 1714), whose teaching has mainly determined the modern law, attacked Luther as being responsible for this dualism, holding that a true betrothal, like the Romansponsalia, is only a promise of future wedlock, and may therefore be dissolved; while the nuptial contract, publicly and formally made, is the true marriage. On Boehmer's doctrines seeDieckhoff,Die kirch. Trauung, 270-95;Schubert,Die evang. Trauung, 62-76;Scheurl,Kirch. Eheschliessungsrecht, 140 ff.;Phillips, "Das Ehehinderniss der beigefügten Bedingung,"ZKR., VI, 154.

[1175]Sohm,Eheschliessung, 198.

[1176]The church ordinances require sometimes only parental consent; sometimes only witnesses; or again the solemnization of the betrothal in church is prescribed, with the sanction of nullity or else a mere penalty for non-observance:Sohm,op. cit., 206, 207;Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 212 ff., 224, 225.Richter'sEvangelische Kirchenordnungenare analyzed byMeier,Jus, quod de forma mat. valet, 49 ff.; andGoeschen,Doctrina de mat., 42 ff.

[1177]Friedberg,op. cit., 225 ff.

[1178]Luther would have entirely rejected the canon law, but even in his immediate environment he gained no following. Theologians and jurists alike accepted it as generally valid, giving it precedence over the Roman law. Only the Scriptures were a higher authority. CompareMejer,Zum Kirchenrechte, 170, 156 (Kling);idem, inZKR., XVI, 44-48, 73.

[1179]Sohm,op. cit., 207;Friedberg,op. cit., 209, 225-27, 261, 277 ff. The famous case of Caspar Beyer came before the consistorial court of Wittenberg in the latter part of 1543; and its decision in 1544 led to the notorious controversy between Luther and the jurists. Beyer wanted to marry Sibylla, a ward of Melanchthon, but he had made a clandestine contract with another woman without consent or knowledge of her parents; although it was alleged that her brother had givenpost factoassent, the parents being perhaps dead. Luther declared that such secret betrothals "sollen schlecht keine Ehe stiften;" and in 1539 or 1540 a law of Saxony had forbidden them. A decision of the consistory, following the doctrine of the canon law, sustained the validity of Beyer's marriage; but after a "starke Predigt" and long insistence by Luther it was overruled by the Elector:Mejer, "Anfänge des Witt. Consistoriums,"ZKR., XIII, 28-123;idem,Zum Kirchenrechte, 65 ff.

[1180]Sohm,op. cit., 198;Friedberg,op. cit., 208, 209, 225-27, 261, 277 ff., 299, 300.

[1181]In Germany betrothal rituals were sometimes prescribed in the church ordinances:Friedberg,op. cit., 222, 223, 224; and public espousal ceremonies were in use in England:Burn,Parish Registers, 138 ff.

[1182]Friedberg,op. cit., 293, 299, 300. On theBrautkinderseeSchott,Einleit. in das Eherecht, 193, 194; and on secret betrothals and the laws forbidding them consult especiallyHofmann,Handbuch des teutschen Eherechts, 146 ff.; and compareLoy,Das protest. Eherecht, 447 ff.

[1183]The earliest Protestant marriage ritual appears to have been written byBugenhagen: see the ritual (1523) ascribed mainly to him, published with discussion bySchubert,Die evang. Trauung, 142-53. Compare "Der Bericht Christoph Gerungs von Memmingen über die erste Priesterhochzeit zu Augsburg anno 1523;"ibid., 132-41, showing that the nuptial ceremony is but a confirmation of thesponsalia de praesentialready concluded.

[1184]Luther, "Traubüchlein für die einfältigen Pfarrherren" (1534),Kleinere Schriften, II, 219-23; with which compare "Der kleine Katechismus" (1529), inStrampff, 340, 341, 422; and the rituals analyzed bySohm,op. cit., 197 ff. In this connection readBullinger'sdiscussion of the proper conduct at weddings inDer christlich Ehestand, lvs. 59-68; or the same inSarcerius,Vom heil. Ehestande, foll. 102-7; alsoBidembach,De causis mat. tr., 3 ff.;Forster,De nuptiis, 167 ff.; andBrouwer,De jure connubiorum, 619 ff.Dieckhoff,Die kirch. Trauung, 108-14, points out that the exchange of rings and the declaration of the marriage to the assembled people, instead of saying to the parties themselves the words "Ego conjungo vos in nomine," etc., are innovations of the Reformation period. For further discussion seeSchubert,Die evang. Trauung, 51 ff.;Hofmann,Handbuch des Eherechts, 172 ff.;Richter,Lehrbuch, 1121 ff.;Scheurl,Das gemeine deutsche Eherecht, 63 ff.For examples of rules and rituals adopted by some of the churches consultRichter,Evang. Kirchenordnungen, I, 31, 32 ("Landesordnung des Herzogthums Preussen"), 330, 331 (Brandenburg), 347-50 (Geneva); II, 47, 48 ("Cölnische Reformation"), 375-77 (Brandenburg); especiallyFischer, "Die älteste evang. Kirchenordnung in Hohenlohe,"ZKR., XV, 1-48; and compareMeier,Jus, quod de forma mat. valet, 49 ff.;Goeschen,Doctrina de mat., 48-58;Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 212 ff.;Sohm,Eheschliessung, 197 ff., who analyzes the church ordinances.

Dieckhoff,Die kirch. Trauung, 108-14, points out that the exchange of rings and the declaration of the marriage to the assembled people, instead of saying to the parties themselves the words "Ego conjungo vos in nomine," etc., are innovations of the Reformation period. For further discussion seeSchubert,Die evang. Trauung, 51 ff.;Hofmann,Handbuch des Eherechts, 172 ff.;Richter,Lehrbuch, 1121 ff.;Scheurl,Das gemeine deutsche Eherecht, 63 ff.

For examples of rules and rituals adopted by some of the churches consultRichter,Evang. Kirchenordnungen, I, 31, 32 ("Landesordnung des Herzogthums Preussen"), 330, 331 (Brandenburg), 347-50 (Geneva); II, 47, 48 ("Cölnische Reformation"), 375-77 (Brandenburg); especiallyFischer, "Die älteste evang. Kirchenordnung in Hohenlohe,"ZKR., XV, 1-48; and compareMeier,Jus, quod de forma mat. valet, 49 ff.;Goeschen,Doctrina de mat., 48-58;Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 212 ff.;Sohm,Eheschliessung, 197 ff., who analyzes the church ordinances.

[1185]By 24 Hen. VIII., c. 12 (1532):Statutes at Large, II, 71-73;Gee and Hardy,Documents, 187-95, appeals to Rome in questions of marriage and divorce are forbidden. Such cases may be carried from the archdeacon to the bishop, then to the archbishop of Canterbury or York, whose decision is final. By 25 Hen. VIII, c. 21:Statutes at Large, II, 90, the archbishop of Canterbury is given a right of dispensation similar to that formerly exercised by the pope. Chapter 19 of the same statute,ibid., II, 85-87;Gee and Hardy,Documents, 195 ff., provides for the appointment of a commission of thirty-two men to examine the whole body of canons in order to determine which should be accepted as valid; but until the commission should conclude its labors "such Canons Constitutions Ordinances and Synodals Provincial being already made," not repugnant to the laws or customs of the realm, "nor to the Damage or Hurt of the King's Prerogative Royal, shall now still be used and executed as they were afore." No report was made by this commission; nor did theReformatio legum ecclesiasticarumprepared by another commission, which was provided for by 3 and 4 Ed. VI., c. 11:Statutes at Large, II, 295, ever take effect:Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 310 n. 3. The act of 25 Hen. VIII., c. 19, was repealed by 1 and 2 Philip and Mary, c. 8:Statutes at Large, II, 342 ff.; but again restored by 1 Eliz., c. 1:Statutes, II, 379 ff. So the result was the practical retention of the canon law.Cf.Friedberg,op. cit., 309-11.

[1186]It is proved by the celebrated case of Buntingv.Lepingwell, 1585-86:Coke'sReports, II, 355-59. SeeFriedberg'sanalysis of this case and other proofs collected by him:Eheschliessung, 313-18; alsoSwinburne,Of Spousals, 13, 15, 74-108, especially 193 ff., 222 ff., 236-39, who shows the canon-law theory to be in full force in the reign of Elizabeth; andCranmer,Misc. Writings, 359, 360.Hale'sPrecedents, 120, 136, 137, 146, 147, 169, 170, 185, 192, affords several interesting illustrations for the Reformation period.

[1187]Furnivall,Child-Marriages, Divorces, and Ratifications, in the Diocese of Chester, 1561-6(edited for the Early Eng. Text Society, London, 1897), especially 56-71, 184-202 (trothplights), 140, 141 (clandestine marriages), 72-102 (adulteries and affiliations).

[1188]Swinburne,Of Spousals, 15, 233-35;Friedberg,op. cit., 315 n. 4.

[1189]32 Hen. VIII., c. 38:Statutes at Large, II, 173, 174;Evans,Statutes, I, 152-54. The act of 25 Hen. VIII., c. 22:Evans, I, 151, prescribes the Levitical degrees.

[1190]Friedberg,op. cit., 311, 312. See the elaborate discussion of the divorce controversy byBurnet,Hist. of the Reformation, I, 26 ff., particularly 74 ff.

[1191]2 and 3 Ed. VI., c. 23:Statutes at Large, II, 284, 285;Evans,Statutes, I, 154, 155.Cf.Jeaffreson,Brides and Bridals, I, 114 f., 124 ff.

[1192]Swinburne,Of Spousals, 15. This learned treatise was first published in 1686, although written a century before. See the introductory address "To the Reader."

[1193]Ibid., 1-3.

[1194]Ibid., 236.

[1195]Ibid., 14. InTwelfth Night, Act V, scene i, Olivia calls Cesario "husband;" and in Act IV, scene iii, referring to the future nuptials, speaks of keeping celebration "according to my birth." InMeasure for Measure, Act I, scene iii, Claudio calls Julietta his "wife;" and in Act IV, scene i, the duke, addressing Mariana who had beenaffiancedto Angelo, says, "he is yourhusbandon a precontract."Cf.Douce,Illustrations of Shakespeare, I, 114.

[1196]Swinburne,op. cit., 193 ff.

[1197]Ibid., 194.

[1198]Swinburne,op. cit., 194, 195, 196.

[1199]"In an ancient manuscript (No. 1042 in the Archiepiscopal Library at Lambeth Palace) the methods of contracting espousals are thus described: Contrahuntasponsalia iiij modis—Aliquapromissione, aliquadatis arris sponsalitiis interveniente anuli subarra[~c]oe, aliquainterveniente jura[~m]to. Nuda promissione cum dicit vir, Accipiam te ī meā uxorem, et illa respondet, Accipiā te in meū maritū. Vel alia verba equipollencia, et ista [~s]t vera sponsalia [~q]ndo sit per [~v]ba de futuro contahuntur."—Burn,Parish Registers, 139. On sworn espousals and the other forms seeSwinburne,op. cits., 213 ff., 193 ff.,passim.

[1200]Ibid., 193.

[1201]Burn,Parish Registers, 139, citingLyndwood'sProvinciale, 271. "In an Almanack for 1665, certain days (January 2, 4, etc.) are pointed out as 'good to marry, or contract a wife (for then women will be fond and loving).'"—Ibid., 139 n. 2. See alsoWood,The Wedding Day, 235-60, for an account of the superstitions and folklore on this subject.

[1202]Thus in the rituals of Edward VI. and Elizabeth, when the priest says, "Wilt thou have this woman to thy wedded wife?" or "this man to thy wedded husband?" we have the case of espousals. Thereafter, when each party says, "I, N., take thee, N., to my wedded wife" or "husband," we see matrimony contracted, though the form is precisely that ofsponsalia per verba de praesenti. See the Parker SocietyLiturgical Services, Edward VI., 128, 129; Elizabeth, 218, 219. The same forms are retained in the existing ritual of the English church:Bingham,The Christian Marriage Ceremony, 163, 164.

[1203]InNichols'sProgresses of King James the First(London, 1828), II, 513 ff., "will be found two accounts (one by Camden) of the ceremonial of the Affiancing of the Princess Elizabeth in 1612. It took place in the Banquetting House at Whitehall, before dinner; Sir Thomas Lake, as Secretary of State, read the words from the book of Common Prayer, in French, 'I Frederick take thee Elizabeth,' etc., after which the Archbishop gave his Benediction: 'The God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, bless these Espousals, and make them prosperous to these Kingdoms, and to his Church.' This appears to have been the whole of the office, and the service was probably not longer in ordinary cases. In the Contract for the Princess's marriage, executed the same day (Dec. 27), is a clause, 'Quòd Matrimonium verum et legitimum contrahatur inter eos in Angliā ante initium mensis Maii, et interimSponsalia legitima de praesenti.' 'It would be no difficulty,' remarks Mr. Anstis, Garter [Leland'sCollectanea, V, 329-36], 'to show the antient custom of such Espousals by the daughter of the Crown of England as distinct acts from the office of Matrimony, and that they frequently were performed some months or years before the marriage was actually celebrated.'"—Burn,Parish Registers, 140 n. 2. As shown in the case of Princess Elizabeth, even the banns followed the public betrothal:Nichols, II, 524, 525. In the fifth year of Henry V., the espousals of Thomas Thorp and Katerina Burgate were publicly celebrated:Napier'sSwincombe, 65;Burn,op. cit., 144. "We find, under date 1476, that a certificate was given by the minister and six parishioners of Ufford, in Suffolk, to the effect that since the death of a certain man's wife he had not been 'trowhplyht' to any woman, and that he might therefore lawfully take a wife."—Wood,The Wedding Day, 212.

[1204]In a breach of promise suit before the common pleas, 1747, the plaintiff proved that she had been publicly betrothed, and received £7,000 damage:Gentleman's Magazine, 1747, p. 293; alsoGent. Mag. Library: Manners and Customs, 54.

[1205]Burn,op. cit., 144. The author has evidently transposed the dates. "The Eastern Emperor Leo, surnamed Philosophus (in order to prevent the mischiefs arising from Espousals to be concluded by marriage at a distant period) commanded that the Espousals and Weddings should be performed both upon one day. Alexius Comnenus endeavoured to restore the old custom."—Alex. Com. Novel. de Spons., 1, 2.;Burn,loc. cit., n. 1.

[1206]Douce,Illustrations of Shakespeare(London, 1807), I, 108. Douce discusses the more interesting references to the betrothal in Shakespeare's plays:ibid., 107-14, 403.Cf.alsoBurn,op. cit., 140, 143. On the mediæval English practice of spousals, private and in church, seePalmer,Origines liturgicae, II, 211, 212; and in generalJeaffreson,Brides and Bridals, I, 60-87;Brand,Popular Antiquities, II, 87 ff.

[1207]Douce,op. cit., I, 113, 114. See alsoWood,The Wedding Day, 211, 212; and compare the Greek betrothal ritual inBurn,op. cit., 141, 142, taken from theEuchologion sive rituale graecorum, 380. Onsponsalia jurataseeSwinburne,Of Spousals, 213-21;Kling,Tr. mat. causarum, 2, 3;Beust,Tr. de spons. et mat., 219 ff.

[1208]Douce,op. cit., I, 112, 113. Compare the interesting passage inBullinger,Der christlich Ehestand, lvs. 60 ff.

[1209]Swinburne,Of Spousals, 203 ff. Whether the ring alone, without the usual words of assent, is a sufficient sign of contracting espousals or marriage, depends on its presentation in solemn form or upon local or national custom:ibid., 209-12.

[1210]Swinburne,op. cit., 207-9. The symbolism of the ring is explained in the same spirit byMartin Bucer,Script. Anglic.(Basel, 1577),Censur. in ordinat. eccles., cap. xx, pp. 488, 489:Whitgift, "Defence of the Answer,"Works, III, 353 n. 11. (Cf.chap. xi, below, where this passage is quoted.) The early rituals, as we have seen (above, chap, vii, sec. 1), quote the Decree of Gratian as authority for the "vein extending to the heart."

[1211]On the archæology of the ring see furtherSaxse,Arcana annuli pronubii, 68 ff.;Wood,The Wedding Day, 217-34;Wheatley,Illustrations of the Common Prayer, 437-40;Brand,Popular Antiquities, II, 102 ff.;Douce,Illustrations of Shakespeare, I, 109 ff.;Jeaffreson,Brides and Bridals, I, 138-66;Gentleman's Magazine, 1795, pp. 727, 728, 987; alsoGent. Mag. Library: Manners and Customs, 54-57;Notes and Queries, 3d series, VII, 12, 307, 350, 387 (metal of the ring); 5th series, XII, 407, 474, 514. The fourth finger in connection with the vein to the heart is mentioned byAulus Gellius, lib. x, c. 10; also byMacrobius,Saturnal., lib. vii, c. 13, who "quotes the opinion of Ateius Capito, that the right hand was exempt from this office because it was much more useful than the left hand, and therefore the precious stones of the rings were liable to be broken; and that the finger of the left hand was selected which was the least used."—Gent. Mag. Lib.,loc. cit., 54. The mediæval marriage ceremony is described byChaucer,Merchant's Tale, ll. 450-509 (ed. Morris, London, 1891), 332-333.

[1212]Cf.2 and 3 Ed. VI., c. 23, cited above; andHooper,Later Writings, II, 138.

[1213]Swinburne,op. cit., 231,232;Burn,op. cit., 138, 139, 140.

[1214]In general on the Protestant theory of marriage seeFriedberg,Geschichte der Civilehe, 6 ff.;idem,Eheschliessung, 153-98;Richter,Lehrbuch, 1050 ff.

[1215]The selections from Luther's writings relating to the nature of marriage and the question of its sacramental character take up the first 215 pages ofStrampff'sDr. Martin Luther: Ueber die Ehe.

[1216]Luther, "Vom ehelichen Stande,"Bücher und Schriften(Jena, 1564), I, fol. 170b; also inStrampff, 205.

[1217]Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 157.

[1218]Luther,Von der Babylonischen gefencknuss der Kirchen;idem,Von den Conciliis und Kirchen(1539): quoted byFriedberg,op. cit., 157, 158, notes. These passages and others inStrampff, 205 ff., 213 ff.

[1219]Luther, "Das siebend Capitel St. Paul zu den Corinthern ausgelegt" (1523),Bücher und Schriften(Jena, 1555), II, fol. 297;idem, "Auslegung des ersten Buch Moses" (1536-45),ibid.(Jena, 1556), IV; orStrampff, 163-203. See the passage quoted byFriedberg,Eheschliessung, 158. For similar expressions compareTischreden, foll. 350, 352, etc.

[1220]Luther, "Auslegung des ersten Buch Moses" (1536-45),loc. cit., fol. 145a.Cf.Friedberg,op. cit., 157.

[1221]"So manchs Land, so manch Sitte, sagt das gemeine Sprüchwort; demnach, weil die Hochzeit und Ehestand ein weltlich Geschäft ist, gebührt uns Geistlichen oder Kirchendienern nichts darin zu ordenen oder regieren, sondern lassen einer iglichen Stadt und Land hierin ihren Brauch und Gewohnheit, wie sie gehen."—Luther, "Der kleine Katechismus mit dem Traubüchlein, Vorrede" (1529), inStrampff, 340, 341, 422. AgainLuthersays: "Es kan ja niemand leugnen, das die Ehe ein eusserlich weltlich ding ist, wie Kleider und Speise, Haus und Hofe, weltlicher Oberkeit unterworffen."—"Von Ehesachen,"Bücher und Schriften(1561), V, fol. 237.

[1222]Ehesachen gehen die Gewissen nicht an, sondern gehören für die weltliche Oberkeit; darumb schlage sich keiner drein, die Oberkeit befehl es denn, sprach D. M. L. zu den Predigern."—Tischreden, fol. 369. In another passage, speaking of the breach of the marriage vow and divorce, he says: "Solche fälle gehören eigentlich der Oberkeit; denn die Ehe ist ein weltlich ding, mit allen iren umbstenden; gehet die Kirch nichts an, denn so viel es die Gewissen belanget."—Ibid., fol. 368.Cf.Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 160.

[1223]Luther,Tischreden, fol. 369. See the passages relating to the "weltliche Regiment in Ehesachen," inStrampff, 411-30, with the author's critical essay.

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