It is within the family itself that the growing economic independence of woman is producing the highest sociological results. Under the old domestic régime on both sides of the sea the woman who married entered legally, potentially, upon a life of financial bondage. In the theory of the common law the wife, with her children, her goods, and the fruits of her toil, was the sole property of the husband. Only in 1886 did the mother in England gain legal capacity for the partial custody of her offspring;[828]and in but few of the American states has she been placed on equal footing with the father in this regard.[829]Even now the "husband in England can claim damage from the man who has ruined his family life, but the woman can claim none from the rival who has supplanted her."[830]In both England and the United States notable progress has already been made in equalizing the property rights of the sexes; but the process is yet far from complete. The prevailing conception of marriage as a status in which the wife is "supported" by the husband is degrading in its influence on the woman's character. It tends to deaden her moral perceptions and to paralyze her mental powers. Girls are trained, or they are forced bypoverty, to look upon wedlock as an economic vocation, as a means of getting a living. The result is that under the old order marriage tends to become a species of purchase-contract in which the woman barters her sex-capital to the man in exchange for a life-support. The man—not the woman as originally—has become the chooser in sex-selection. In the family, therefore, the sex-motive has become excessively pronounced, thrusting into the background higher social and spiritual ideals.[831]The liberation movement thus means in a high degree the socialization of one-half of the human race. Woman declines longer to be restricted to thedwarfing environment of sexual seclusion; and demands the means and the privilege of engaging in the larger activities of self-conscious society.[832]
We are thus confronted by still another phase of the emancipation movement—the divorce problem. In this problem woman has a peculiar interest. The wife more frequently than the husband is seeking in divorce a release from marital ills; for in her case it often involves an escape from sexual slavery. The divorce movement, therefore, is in part an expression of woman's growing independence. In this instance as in others it does not, of course, follow that the individualistic tendency is vicious. Nowhere in the field of social ethics, perhaps, is there more confusion of thought than in dealing with the divorce question. Divorce is not favored by anyone for its own sake. Probably in every healthy society the ideal of right marriage is a lifelong union. But what if it is not right, if the marriage is a failure? Is there no relief? Here a sharp difference of opinion has arisen. Some persons look upon divorce as an evil in itself; others as a "remedy" for, or a "symptom" of, social disease. The one class regard it as a cause; the other as an effect. To the Roman Catholic, and to those who believe with him, divorce is a sin, the sanction of "successive polygamy,"[833]of "polygamy on the instalment plan."[834]At the other extreme are those who, like Milton and Humboldt,[835]would allow marriage to be dissolved freely by mutual consent, or even at the desire of either spouse. Nay, there are earnest souls, shocked by the intolerable hardships which wives may suffer under the marital yoke, who, pending a reform in the marriage law, would, like the Quakers of earlier days, ignore the present statutory requirements and resort to private contract.[836]According to the prevailing opinion, however, as expressed in modern legislation, divorce should be allowed, with more or less freedom, under careful state regulation. Whatever degree of liberty may be just or expedient in a more advanced state of moral development, it is felt that now a reasonable conservatism is the safer course. Yet divorce is sanctioned by the state as an individual right; and there may be occasions when the exercise of the right becomes a social duty. The right is, of course, capable of serious abuse. Loose divorce laws may even invite crime. Nevertheless, it is fallacious to represent the institution of divorce as in itself a menace to social morality. It is not helpful to allege, as is often done, that with the increase of divorce certain crimes wax more frequent, thusinsinuating the effect for the cause. It is just as illogical to assume that the prevalence of divorce in the United States is a proof of moral decadence as compared with other countries in which divorce is prohibited or more restricted. To forbid the use of a remedy does not prove that there is no disease. Is there any good reason for believing that what Tocqueville said fifty years ago is not true today? "Assuredly," he declares, "America is the country in the world where the marriage tie is most respected and where the highest and justest idea of conjugal happiness has been conceived."[837]It is remarkable, says Lecky, "that this great facility of divorce should exist in a country which has long been conspicuous for its high standard of sexual morality and for its deep sense of the sanctity of marriage."[838]Bryce passes a similar judgment: "So far as my own information goes, the practical level of sexual morality is at least as high in the United States as in any part of northern or western Europe (except possibly among the Roman Catholic peasantry of Ireland)." There "seems no ground for concluding that the increase of divorce in America necessarily points to a decline in the standard of domestic morality, except perhaps in a small section of the wealthy class, though it must be admitted that if this increase should continue, it may tend to induce such a decline."[839]Even more emphatic is Commissioner Wright. After eloquently describing the relatively high place which woman has reached in our land, he continues: "I do not believe that divorce is a menace to the purity and sacredness of the family; but I do believe that it is a menace to the infernal brutality, of whatever name, and be it crude or refined, which at times makes a hell of the holiest human relations. Ibelieve the divorce movement finds its impetus outside of laws, outside of our institutions, outside of our theology; that it finds its impetus in the rebellion of the human heart against that slavery which binds in the cruelest bonds of the cruelest prostitution human beings who have, by their foolishness, by their want of wisdom, or by the intervention of friends, missed the divine purpose, as well as the civil purpose of marriage. I believe the result will be an enhanced purity, a sublimer sacredness, a more beautiful embodiment of Lamartine's trinity,—the trinity of the father, the mother, and the child"—to preserve which "in all its sacredness, society must take the bitter medicine labelled 'Divorce.'"[840]
This brings us to the root of the matter: the need of a loftier popular ideal of the marriage relation. "An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure." While bad legislation and a low standard of social ethics continue to throw recklessly wide the door which opens to wedlock, there must of necessity be a broad way out. How ignorantly, with what utter levity,[841]are marriages often contracted; how many thousands of parents fail to give their children any serious warning against yielding to transient impulse in choosing a mate;how few have received any real training with respect to the duties and responsibilities of conjugal life! What proper check is society placing upon the marriage of the unfit? Is there any boy or girl so immature if only the legal age of consent has been reached; is there any "delinquent" so dangerous through inherited tendencies to disease or crime; is there any worn out debauchee, who cannot somewhere find a magistrate or a priest to tie the "sacred" knot? It is a very low moral sentiment which tolerates modern wife-purchase or husband-purchase for bread, title, or social position. "As our laws stare us in the face," exclaims an eloquent writer, "there is no man so drunken, so immoral, so brutal, so cruel, that he may not take to himself the purest, the most refined, the most sensitive of women to wife, if he can get her. There is no woman so paltry, so petty, so vain, so inane, so enfeebled in body and mind by corsets or chloral, flirtation, or worse, that she may not become the wife of an intellectual, honorable man, and the mother of his doomed children. There is no pauper who may not wed a pauper and beget paupers to the end of his story. There is no felon returned from his prison, or loose upon society uncondemned, who may not make a base play at wedlock, and perpetuate his diseased soul and body in those of his descendants, without restraint. There is no member of what we call our 'respectable' classes who may not, if he choose, make a mock of the awful name of marriage, in sacrilege to which we are so used that we scarcely lift an eyelid to suppress surprise or aversion at the sickening variety of the offence."[842]
It is vain to conceal from ourselves the fact that here is a real menace to society. Marriages thus formed are almost sure to be miserable failures from the start. It is thesimple truth, as earnest writers have insisted, that often under such conditions the nuptial ceremony is but a legal sanction of "prostitution within the marriage bond," whose fruit is wrecked motherhood and the feeble, base-born children of unbridled lust. The command to "be fruitful and multiply," under the selfish and thoughtless interpretation which has been given it, has become a heavy curse to womanhood and a peril to the human race.[843]On the face of it, is it not grotesque to call such unions holy or to demand that they shall be indissoluble? What chance is there under such circumstances for a happy family life or for worthy home-building? In sanctioning divorce the welfare of the children may well cause the state anxiety; but are there not thousands of so-called "homes" from whose corrupting and blighting shadow the sooner a child escapes the better for both it and society?
How shall the needed reform be accomplished? The raising of ideals is a slow process. It will not come through the statute-maker, though he can do something to provide a legal environment favorable for the change. It must come through an earnest and persistent educational effort whichshall fundamentally grapple with the whole group of problems which concern the related, though distinct, institutions of marriage, the home, and the family. In this work every grade in the educational structure, from the university to the kindergarten and the home circle, must have its appropriate share. Already a few of our higher institutions have made a worthy beginning. Departments of physical culture, economics, history, and sociology are providing instruction of real value. But the movement should become universal; and the curriculum should be broadened and deepened. The actual concrete problems must be dealt with frankly and without flinching. To gain the right perspective it is highly important that a thorough historical basis should be laid through the study of ethnology, comparative religion, and the evolution of cultural, economic, and matrimonial institutions. Moreover, the elements of such a training in domestic sociology should find a place in the public school program. If need be, a little more arithmetic or a little more Latin may be sacrificed. Where now, except perhaps in an indirect or perfunctory way, does the school boy or girl get any practical suggestion as to home-building, the right social relations of parent and child, much less regarding marriage and the fundamental questions of the sexual life? In this field the home, as the complement or coadjutor of the school and the state, has a precious opportunity. Indeed, our inspiring hope lies in the fact that, in spite of unfavorable conditions, many homes, presided over by enlightened parents, are discharging worthily, if not yet ideally, the high function of social training. Here father, mother, and child are equal members of the "trinity." Here it is held as binding an obligation and as joyous a privilege for the parents to honor their children as for the children to honor their parents. Of a truth, is there anything on earth more beautiful and inspiring than the real companionship ofparent and child; than a home life in which the characters of the young are molded and their faculties drawn out by free and frank discussion with their elders; where mutual love is based on mutual respect? But what shall be said of the opposite picture—of the countless families in which mother and child still cower before the paternal despot; where authority and not reason prevails; where, as in the good old colonial days, the child is harshly thrust into the background and his insistent individualism is insulted and repressed? Before the home can become a healthful school for social education, parents must themselves be trained; they must become aware of their real place in the social order.
In the future educational program sex questions must hold an honorable place. Progress in this direction may be slow, because of the false shame, the prurient delicacy, now widely prevalent touching everything connected with the sexual life. Nor is it a light matter to brave orthodox sentiment in this regard. It is not always safe for the teacher, even in institutions deeming themselves modern, to deal frankly with the organic facts which are of vital concern to the human race. The folly of parents in leaving their children in ignorance of the laws of sex is notorious. Yet how much safer than ignorance is knowledge as a shield for innocence. The daughter will face the vicissitudes of life more securely if she has been told of the destiny that awaits her as wife and mother; if she has been warned of the snares with which lust has beset the path of womanhood. The son is likely to live a nobler life if he has learned to repudiate the dual standard of sexual morality which a spurious philosophy has set up; if he understands that "instincts" may be safely controlled; if he has been warned that selfish excesses within or without the marriage bond must be dearly paid for by the coming generations. Indeed, it is of thegreatest moment to society that the young should be trained in the general laws of heredity. Everywhere men and women are marrying in utter contempt of the warnings of science. Domestic animals are literally better bred than human beings. Through ignorance and defiance of the rules of health, we are destroying our physical constitutions. Under the plea of "romantic love" we blindly yield to sexual attractions in choosing our mates, selfishly ignoring the welfare of the race. Is there not a higher ideal of conjugal choice? Experience shows that in wedlock natural and sexual selection should play a smaller and artificial selection a larger rôle.[844]The safety of the social body requires that a check be put upon the propagation of the unfit. Here the state has a function to perform. In the future much more than now, let us hope, the marriage of persons mentally delinquent or tainted by hereditary disease or crime will be legally restrained. Yet law can do relatively little. A reform of this kind must of necessity depend mainly upon a better educated popular sentiment; upon a higher altruism which shall be capable of present sacrifice for the permanent good of the race. "When human beings and families rationally subordinate their own interests as perfectly to the welfare of future generations as do animals under the control of instinct the world will have a more enduring type of family life than exists at present. This can only be accomplished by the development of controlling ideals which are supported not only by reason and intelligence but by ethical impulse and religious motive. This larger altruism which protects the permanent interests of the future against the moretemporary values of the present must be of the heart as much as of the head.... In the mating of men and women, money, social position, worldly expediency, the conventional and fictitious values so influential in these days, will count for much less, while organic health and efficiency, character, unselfish devotion to high ideals, to the great world interests will count for far more. In this obedience to ideals so farsighted, romantic love will not be lost in any way, as some seem to fear. Men and women will not choose one another in cold blood simply because intelligence and reason point the way, but human sentiment and every romantic quality will be enhanced when permanent and future interests are furthered by a saner and finer human choice."[845]
There is then no need to despair of the future. It is vain to turn back the hand on the dial. The problem of individual liberty has become the problem of social liberty. Individualization for the sake of socialization must continue its beneficent work. There must be growth, constant readjustment. Marriage will in truth be holy if it rests on the free trothplight of equals whose love is deep enough to embrace a rational regard for the rights of posterity. The home will not have less sanctity when through it flows the stream of the larger human life. The family will, indeed, survive; but it will be a family of a higher type. Its evolution is not yet complete. Coercive ties will still further yield to voluntary spiritual ties; for individual liberty appears to be the essential condition of social progress.
Apparently no successful attempt has ever been made to prepare a complete and systematic bibliography of matrimonial institutions. Indeed, to do so would be a formidable undertaking; but that such a book would be of vast service to social history no one can doubt. Useful lists of authorities, however, are appended to the works of various writers, notably to Lubbock'sOrigin of Civilization; Starcke'sPrimitive Family; Chamberlain'sChild and Childhood; Lehr'sLe mariage; and especially Westermarck'sHuman Marriage. For marriage with kindred, including the deceased wife's sister, there is a good, though not exhaustive, bibliography by A. H. Huth in theReport of the First Annual Meeting of the Index Society(London, 1879), 25-47; greatly enlarged in hisMarriage of Near Kin(2d ed., London, 1887), 394-465. Ethbin Heinrich Costa'sBibliographie der deutschen Rechtsgeschichte(Braunschweig, 1858) is helpful, particularly for the earlier monographic literature. For supplementary materials, especially the curiosities of the subject, consult Hugo Hayn'sBibliotheca Germanorum erotica: Verzeichniss der gesammten deutschen erotischen Literatur mit Einschluss der Uebersetzungen, nebst Angabe der fremden Originale(2d ed., Leipzig, 1885); the same writer'sBibliotheca Germanorum nuptialis(Cologne, 1890); and the well-knownBibliographie des ouvrages relatifs à l'amour, aux femmes, au mariage, etc. (3d ed., 6 vols., San Remo, London, Nice, and Turin, 1871-73). Legal works on marriage and related institutions are included in Martin Lipenius'sBibliotheca realis juridica omnium materiarum, rerum, et titulorum, in universo universi juris ambitu occurrentium, post F. G. Struvii et G. A. Jenichenii curas emendata ... et locupletata(2 vols., folio, Leipzig, 1757); but of much more service for the present purpose is the great work of J. F. von Schulte,Die Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des canonischen Rechts von Gratian bis auf die Gegenwart(3 vols., bound in 4, Stuttgart, 1875-80). Many recent publications are entered in George K. Fortescue'sSubject Index of the Modern Works Added to the Library of the British Museum in the Years 1880-1895(3 vols., London, 1886-97); while Poole'sIndexcontains the titles of more than 1,200 articles on various phases of the subject, including woman in her family relations.
For topical analysis of the literature presented in this Bibliographical Index consult the critical and descriptive notes at the heads of the respective chapters.
Abercromby, John. "Marriage Customs of the Mordvins."Folklore, I, 417-62. London, 1890.
Achelis, A. "Die Geschlechtsgenossenschaft und die Entwickelung der Ehe."Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, XXV, Heft 4. Berlin, 1890.
Achelis, T. "Die Entwicklung der Ehe."Beiträge zur Volks- und Völkerkunde, II. Berlin, 1893.
——— "The Historical Development of the Family."Open Court, II, 806, 807. Chicago, 1888-89.
Adam, Lucien. Du parler des hommes et du parler des femmes dans la langue caraibe. Paris, 1879.
Adams, Henry. Historical Essays, New York, 1891.
Alabaster, Ernest. Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law. London, 1899.
American Anthropologist.11 vols. Washington, 1888-98.
American Antiquarian.20 vols. Chicago, 1879-98.
American Association for the Advancement of Science.Proceedings.47 vols. Philadelphia, Cambridge, and Salem, 1849-98.
Amram, D. W. "Divorces on Condition [Hebrew]."Green Bag, III, 381-83. Boston, 1891.
——— "Chapters from the Ancient Jewish Law: Divorce."Ibid., IV, 36 ff., 493 ff. Boston, 1892.
——— The Jewish Law of Divorce. Philadelphia, 1896.
Anchieta, Padre José d'. "Informacão dos casamentos dos Indios do Brazil."Revista trimensal de historia e geographia, VIII (1846), 254-62. Rio de Janeiro, 1867.
Annales de l'Institut international de sociologie.Publiées sous la direction de René Worms. II, "Travaux du second congrès, septembre-octobre 1895." Paris, 1896.
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland,Journal of. 26 vols. London, 1872-97.
Araki, Toratoro. Japanisches Ehoschliessungsrecht: eine historisch-kritische Studie. Inaugural-Dissertation. Göttingen, 1893.
Atkinson, J. J. Primal Law. London, New York, and Bombay, 1903.
Avery, J. "Polyandry in India and Thibet."American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal, IV, 48-53.
——— "The Races of the Indo-Pacific Oceans: Polynesians."American Antiquarian, VI, 361-69. Chicago, 1884.
Ayrer, Georg Heinrich. De jure connubiorum apud Romanos quam sub divini numinis tutela, etc. Göttingen, 1736.
Backer, Louis de. Le droit de la femme dans l'antiquité: son devoir au moyen âge. A. Claudin, éditeur. Paris, 1880.
Bachofen, J. J. Das Mutterrecht: eine Untersuchung über die Gynaikokratie der alten Welt nach ihrer religiösen und rechtlichen Natur. Stuttgart, 1861.
——— Die Sage von Tanaquil. Heidelberg, 1870.
——— Antiquarische Briefe. Strassburg, 1886.
Bader, Clarisse. La femme dans l'Inde antique: études morales et littéraires. 2d ed. Paris, 1867.
——— La femme biblique, son influence religieuse, sa vie morale et sociale. New ed., revised and corrected. Paris, 1873.
——— La femme grecque: étude de la vie antique. 2 vols. 2d ed. Paris, 1873.
——— La femme romaine: étude de la vie antique. 2d ed. Paris, 1877.
Baegert, Jacob. "An Account of the Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Californian Peninsula." Trans. by Charles Rau.Report of the Smithsonian Institutionfor 1864, 378-99. Washington, 1865.
Bagehot, Walter. Physics and Politics. London, 1872.
Ball, B. W. "The Rights of Women in Ancient Athens."Atlantic Monthly, XXVII, 273-86. Boston, 1871.
Bandelier, A. P. "On the Social Organization and Mode of Government of the Ancient Mexicans."Report of the Peabody Museum, II, 557-699. Cambridge, 1880.
Bardesan (ca.250 A. D.). Book of the Laws of Countries. (Identical with his De Fato.) Trans. in William Cureton's Spicilegium syriacum. London, 1855.
Baring-Gould, S. "Marriage." In his Germany, Present and Past, 96-126. New York, n. d.
Baron, J. "Das Heirathen in alten und neuen Gesetzen." In R. Virchow and I. von Holtzendorff'sSammlung gemeinverständlicher wissenschaftlicher Vorträge. Berlin, 1874.
Barthélemy, Anatole de. "Le droit du seigneur."Revue des questions historiques, I, 95-123. Paris, 1866.
Bastian, A. "Ueber die Eheverhältnisse."ZFE., VI.
——— "Matriarchat und Patriarchat."Ibid.,Verhandlungen, 331-41. Berlin, 1886.
Bastian, A. Die Rechtsverhältnisse bei verschiedenen Völkern der Erde. Berlin, 1872.
Baway, Ahamadu. "The Marriage Customs of the Moors of Ceylon."Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch, X, 219-33. Colombo, 1888.
Beauchamp, W. M. "Permanence of Early Iroquois Clans and Sachemships."Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, XXXIV, 381-92. Salem, 1886.
——— "Aboriginal Communal Life in America."American Antiquarian, IX, 343-50. Chicago, 1887.
Beckwith, Paul. "Notes on Customs of the Dakotahs."Report of the Smithsonian Institutionfor 1886, Part I, 245-57. Washington, 1889.
Bergel, J. Die Eheverhältnisse der alten Juden im Vergleiche mit den griechischen und römischen. Leipzig, 1881.
Bernhöft, F. Staat und Recht der römischen Königszeit im Verhältniss zu verwandten Rechten. Stuttgart, 1882.
——— Verwandtschaftsnamen und Eheformen der nordamerikanischen Volksstämme. Rostock, 1888.
——— "Ueber die Grundlagen der Rechtsentwicklung bei den indogermanischen Völkern."ZVR., II. Stuttgart, 1880.
——— "Das Gesetz von Gortyn."Ibid., VI. Stuttgart, 1886.
——— "Zur Geschichte des europäischen Familienrechts."Ibid., VIII. Stuttgart, 1888.
——— "Die Principien des europäischen Familienrechts."Ibid., IX. Stuttgart, 1891.
——— "Altindische Familienorganisation."Ibid., IX. Stuttgart, 1891.
——— "Ehe und Erbrecht der griechischen Heroenzeit."Ibid., XI. Stuttgart, 1895.
Bertholon, M. "Les formes de la famille chez les premiers habitants de l'Afrique du nord d'après les écrivains de l'antiquité et des coutumes modernes."Archives de l'anthropologie criminelle, VIII (1893), 581-614.
"Bibliophile" (pseud.). Les nuits d'épreuve des villageoises allemandes avant le mariage. Brussels, 1877.
Billington, Mary Frances. Women in India. London, 1895.
Blumentritt, Ferdinand. Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippinen. Gotha, 1882.
Boaz, Franz. "The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians: Based on the Personal Observations and the Notes Made by Mr. George Hunt."Report of the Smithsonian Institutionfor 1895, 311-738,Report of the U.S. National Museum. Washington, 1897.
Bogišić, V. De la forme dite "Inokosna" de la famille rurale chez les Serbes et les Croates. Paris, 1884.
Botsford, G. W. "The Athenian Constitution."Cornell University Studies in Classical Philology, IV. Boston, 1893.
Bourdin, Albert. De la condition de la mère en droit romain et en droit français. Paris, 1881.
Brehm, A. C. Thierleben. 10 vols. 3d ed. Leipzig and Vienna, 1891.
Brinton, D. S. "Religions of Primitive Peoples."American Lectures on the History of Religion.2d series. New York and London, 1897.
Brissonius, Barnabe. De ritu nuptiarum. Paris, 1564.
——— De jure connubiorum. Paris, 1564. (Published and bound with the preceding.)
Brooks, W. K. The Law of Heredity. 2d ed. Baltimore and New York, 1883.
Brouardel, P. L'infanticide. Paris, 1897.
Buch, Max. Die Wotjäken, eine ethnologische Studie. FromActa societatis scientiarum Fennicae, XII. Helsingfors, 1882.
Buchner, Max. Kamerun. Leipzig, 1887.
Burnell, A. C., and Hopkins, E. W. The Ordinances of Manu. London, 1891.
Carr, Lucien. The Social and Political Position of Women among the Huron-Iroquois Tribes. From theXVI. Report of the Peabody Museum. Cambridge, 1883.
Cassel, Paulus. Gesammelte Schriften. I. Berlin, 1893.
Catlin, George. Indian Tribes. 2 vols. London, 1857.
Chamberlain, Alexander Francis. The Child and Childhood in Folk-Thought. New York, 1896.
Chamblain, L. J. De la puissance paternelle chez les Romains: dissertation présentée à la faculté de droit de Paris. Paris, 1829.
Chaplin, J. "The Position of Women among the Ancient Romans."Baptist Review, III, 466 ff.
Chinese Marriage. Mariage impérial chinois: un cérémonial. Traduit par G. Devéria. Paris, 1887.
Ciccotti, Ettore. Donne e politica negli ultimi anni della republica romana. Milan, 1895.
Codrington, R. H. "Social Regulations in Melanesia."Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XVIII, 300-313. London, 1889.
——— The Melanesians: Studies in Their Anthropology and Folk-Lore. Oxford, 1891.
Combier, Émilien. Du divorce en droit romain: de la séparation du corps en droit français. Paris, 1880.
Corbusier, W. M. "The Apache-Yumas and Apache-Mojaves."American Antiquarian, VIII, 276-84, 325-39. Chicago, 1886.
Cornil, Georges. "Contribution à l'étude de la patria potestas."Nouvelle revue historique de droit, XXI, 416-85. Paris, 1897.
Corre, A. La mère et l'enfant dans les races humaines. Paris, 1882.
Couch, John Andrew. "Woman in Early Roman Law."Harvard Law Review, VIII, 39-50. Cambridge, 1895.
Crawley, Ernest. "Sexual Taboo: A Study of the Relations of the Sexes."Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XXIV, 116-25, 219-35, 430-46. London, 1895.
——— The Mystic Rose: A Study of Primitive Marriage. New York, 1902.
Cunow, H. "Die ökonomischen Grundlagen der Mutterherrschaft."Neue Zeit, XVI. Jahrgang, I, No. 4. Stuttgart, 1897-98.
——— Die Verwandtschafts-Organisationen der Australneger: ein Beitrag zur Entwicklungsgeschichte der Familie. Stuttgart, 1894.
Curr, E. C. The Australian Race. 4 vols. Melbourne, 1886.
Daigoro, Goh. "The Family Relations in Japan."Transactions of the Japan Society, II.
Danks, B. "Marriage Customs of the New Britain Group."Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XVIII, 281-94. London, 1889.
Darab Dastur. Next-of-Kin Marriages in Old Iran. London, 1888.
Dargun, L. "Mutterrecht und Raubehe und ihre Reste im germanischen Recht und Leben." In Gierke'sUntersuchungen, XVI. Breslau, 1883.
——— Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht. Leipzig, 1892.
——— "Ursprung und Entwicklungs-Geschichte des Eigenthums."ZVR., V. Stuttgart, 1884.
Darinsky, A. "Die Familie bei den kaukasischen Völkern."Ibid., XIV, 149-210. Stuttgart, 1900.
Darwin, C. The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication. 2 vols. New York, 1890.
——— The Descent of Man and Selection in Relation to Sex. New York, 1890.
Davoud-Oghlou, Garabed Artin. Histoire de la législation des anciens Germains. 2 vols. Berlin, 1845.
Dawson, James. Australian Aborigines: The Language and Customs of Several Tribes of Aborigines in the Western District of Victoria. Melbourne, Sydney, and Adelaide, 1881.
Delbrück, Berthold. Altindisches Tempuslehre. Halle, 1876.
——— Die indogermanischen Verwandtschaftsnamen. Leipzig, 1885.
Delbrück, Berthold. "Das Mutterrecht bei den Indogermanen."Preussische Jahrbücher, XCVII, Heft 1. Berlin, 1895.
Delpit, Jules. Réponse d'un Campagnard à un Parisien ou réfutation du livre de M. Veuillot sur le droit du seigneur. Paris, 1857.
D'Évreux, Père Yves. Voyage dans le nord du Brésil fait durant les années 1613 et 1614; avec une introduction et des notes par Ferdinand Denis. Leipzig and Paris, 1864.
Dobrizhoffer, Martin. Of the Weddings, and Of the Marriages of the Abipones, an Equestrian People of Paraguay (II, 207-15). 3 vols. Trans. from the original Latin. London, 1822.
Donaldson, James. "Women in Ancient Greece."Contemporary Review, XXXII, 647 ff. London, 1878.
——— "Women in Ancient Athens."Ibid., XXXIV, 700-716. London, 1879.
——— "The Position of Women in Ancient Rome."Ibid., LIII, LIV. London, 1888.
Doolittle, J. Social Life of the Chinese. 2 vols. New York, 1867.
Dorsey, James Owen. "Omaha Sociology."III. Report of Bureau of Ethnology, 205-370. Washington, 1884.
——— "Siouan Sociology: A Posthumous Paper."XV. Report of Bureau of Ethnology, 205-44. Washington, 1897.
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——— The Ewe-Speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa. London, 1890.
——— "Survivals from Marriage by Capture."Popular Science Monthly, XXXIX, 207-22. New York, 1891.
——— "On Polyandry."Ibid., 801-9. New York, 1891.
Ellis, A. B. "Marriage and Kinship among the Ancient Israelites."Ibid., XLII, 325-37. New York, 1892-93.
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——— Studies in the Psychology of Sex. Vol. I, "Sexual Inversion." London, 1897.
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——— "Marriage by Capture."Gentleman's Magazine, new series, XL, 267-73. London, 1888.
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——— Primitive Love and Love-Stories. New York, 1899.
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——— "A Study from the Omaha Tribe: The Import of the Totem." (An abstract.)Ibid., XLVI, 325-34. Salem, 1898.
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——— "Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia."Academy, XXIX, 220, 221. London, 1886.
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——— "Das Eherecht des Islams."ZVR., VII. Stuttgart, 1887.
——— "Ueber den Ursprung des Matriarchats."Ibid., VIII. Stuttgart, 1888.
——— "Familienstufen und Eheformen."Ibid., X. Stuttgart, 1892.
——— "Zum japanischen Recht."Ibid.
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——— Les origines du mariage et de la famille. Geneva and Paris, 1884.
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—— The Play of Animals. Trans. by Eliz. L. Baldwin. New York, 1898.
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——— Die menschliche Familie. Leipzig, 1889.
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——— Recht und Sitte auf den verschiedenen wirthschaftlichen Kulturstufen. I. Theil. Jena, 1896.
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——— De ritu nuptiarum et jure matrimoniorum. (Published and bound with the preceding.)
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——— "Further Notes on the Australian Class Systems."Ibid., XVIII, 31-66. London, 1889.
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——— "On the Deme and the Horde."Ibid., XIV, 142-68. London, 1885.
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——— "Ueber die Systematik des indischen Rechts."ZVR., I. Stuttgart, 1878.
——— "Die juristischen Abschnitte aus dem Gesetzbuch des Manu."Ibid., III, IV. Stuttgart, 1882-83.
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——— Aus China: Skizzen und Bilder. I. Leipzig, [1877].
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——— Man: Past and Present. Cambridge, 1899.
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Kohler, J. "Rechtshistorische und rechtsvergleichende Forschungen." (Part III, on "Indisches Ehe- und Familienrecht.")Ibid., III. Stuttgart, 1882.
——— "Studien über Frauengemeinschaft, Frauenraub und Frauenkauf."Ibid., V. Stuttgart, 1884.
——— "Studien über zwei babylonische Rechtsurkunden aus der Zeit Nabonids."Ibid., V. Stuttgart, 1884.
——— "Die Ionsage und Vaterrecht."Ibid., V. Stuttgart, 1884.
——— "Studien über künstliche Verwandtschaft."Ibid., V. Stuttgart, 1884.
——— "Aus dem chinesischen Civilrecht."Ibid., VI. Stuttgart, 1886.
——— "Das Recht der Birmanen."Ibid., VI. Stuttgart, 1886.
——— "Das Recht der Chins."Ibid., VI. Stuttgart, 1886.
——— "Die Ehe mit und ohne Mundium."Ibid., VI. Stuttgart, 1886.
——— "Ueber das Recht der Australneger."Ibid., VII. Stuttgart, 1887.
——— "Ueber das Recht der Papuas auf Neu Guinea."Ibid., VII. Stuttgart, 1887.
——— "Das Recht der Armenier."Ibid., VII. Stuttgart, 1887.
——— "Ueber das vorislamitische Recht der Araber."Ibid., VIII. Stuttgart, 1888.
——— "Studien aus dem japanischen Recht."Ibid., X. Stuttgart, 1892.
——— "Das Recht der Azteken."Ibid., XI. Stuttgart, 1895.
——— "Ueber das Negerrecht, namentlich in Kamerun."Ibid., XI. Stuttgart, 1895.
——— Zur Urgeschichte der Ehe: Totemismus, Gruppenehe, Mutterrecht. Separat-Abdruck ausibid., XII. Stuttgart, 1897.
Kohler, J. "Rechte der deutschen Schutzgebiete."Ibid., XIV, 294-319, 321-94, 409-55. Stuttgart, 1900.
——— "Rechtsverhältnisse auf dem ostindischen Archipel und den westlichen Karolinen,"ibid., VI. "Aus dem Praxis des buddhistischen Rechts in Birma,"ibid., VI. "Die Gewohnheitsrechte des Pendschabs,"ibid., VII. "Ueber das Recht der Goajiroindianer,"ibid., VII. "Indische Gewohnheitsrechte,"ibid., VIII. "Ueber die Gewohnheitsrechte von Bengalen,"ibid., IX. "Die Gewohnheitsrechte der Provinz Bombay,"ibid., X. "Gewohnheitsrechte der indischen Nordwestprovinzen mit Einschluss von Audh,"ibid., XI.
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——— Gesetz und Gewohnheit im Kaukass. (Russian text.) Moskow, 1890.
——— "Matrimonial Customs and Usages of the Russian People, and the Light They Throw on the Evolution of Marriage." In his Modern Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia. London, 1891.
——— "Marriage among Early Slavs."Folk-Lore, I, 463-80. London, 1890.
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——— "Das Mundschaftsrecht des Mannes über die Ehefrau bei den Südslaven."Mittheilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft, XV, 101-10. Vienna, 1885.
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——— "Intercommunale Ehe durch Raub und Kauf."Ibid., X.
——— "Die communale 'Zeitehe' und ihre Ueberreste."Archiv für Anthropologie, XI, 215-29. Braunschweig, 1879.
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——— Die Ehe des Propheten Hosea. Dorpat, 1859.
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——— Alt-arisches Jus Gentium. Jena, 1889.
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——— "The Roman Matron and the Roman Lady."Ibid., XLVIII, 237-58. London, 1887.
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——— Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit in ihrer organischen Aufbau. 2 vols. Stuttgart, 1886-87.
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——— "On the Development of Relationships."Journal of the Anthropological Institute, I, 1-29. London, 1872.
——— The Origin of Civilization and the Primitive Condition of Man. 5th ed. New York, 1889.
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——— "Exogamy and Endogamy."Ibid., XXVII, 884-95. London, 1877.
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——— Studies in Ancient History, Comprising a Reprint of Primitive Marriage. New ed. London, 1886.
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