CHAPTER XLI.

Governor Simpson and Dr. Whitman in Washington.—Interviews with Daniel Webster and President Tyler.—His cold reception in Boston by the American Board.—Conducts a large emigration safely across the Rocky Mountains into Oregon.—The “Memorial Half-Century Volume.”—The Oregon mission ignored by the American Board.—Dr. McLaughlin.—His connection with the Hudson’s Bay Company.—Catholic Cayuses’ manner of praying.—Rev. C. Eells.—Letter from A. L. Lovejoy.—Description of Whitman’s and Lovejoy’s winter journey from Oregon to Bent’s Fort on the Arkansas River.

Governor Simpson, of the Hudson’s Bay Company, had reached Washington and been introduced to Mr. Webster, then Secretary of State, by the British Minister. All the influence a long-established and powerful monopoly, backed by the grasping disposition of the English government, can command, is brought to bear upon the question of the northwestern boundary. The executive of the American republic is about ready to give up the country, as of little value to the nation.

Just at this time, in the dead of winter, an awkward, tall, spare-visaged, vigorous, off-hand sort of a man, appeared at the Department in his mountain traveling garb, consisting of a dark-colored blanket coat and buckskin pants, showing that to keep himself from freezing to death he had been compelled to lie down close to his camp-fire while in the mountains, and on his way to Washington he had not stopped for a moment, but pushed on with a vigor and energy peculiarly his own. It is but justice to say of this man that his heart and soul were in the object of the errand for which he had traversed the vast frozen and desert regions of the Rocky Mountains, to accomplish which was to defeat the plans of the company, as shown by the taunting reply of the Briton, “that no power could make known to his government the purposes of those who had laid their plans and were ready to grasp the prize they sought.” While they were counting on wealth, power, influence, and the undisputed possession of a vast and rich country, this old pioneer missionary (layman though he was), having no thought of himself or of his ridiculous appearance before the great Daniel Webster and the President of a great nation, sought an interview with them and stated his object, and the plans and purposes of the Hudson’s Bay Company and the British government: that their representations of thiscountry were false in every respect as regards its agricultural, mineral, and commercial value to the nation; that it was only to secure the country to themselves, that the false reports about it had been put in circulation by their emissaries and agents; that a wagon road to the Pacific was practicable; that he had, in 1836, in opposition to all their false statements and influence to the contrary, taken a wagon to Boise; and that, in addition, wagons and teams had, in 1841, been taken to the Wallamet Valley, and that he expected, his life being spared, to pilot an emigration to the country that would forever settle the question beyond further dispute. He asserted that a road was practicable, and the country was invaluable to the American people. Mr. Webster coolly informed him that he had his mind made up; he was ready to part with what was to him an unknown and unimportant portion of our national domain, for the privilege of a small settlement in Maine and the fisheries on the banks of Newfoundland.

There was but one other hope in this case. This old off-hand Oregon missionary at once sought an interview with President Tyler. He repeated his arguments and reasons, and asked for delay in the final settlement of the boundary question, which, to those high in office, and, we may add, total ignorance of all that related to this vast country, was of small moment. But that Dr. Whitman (for the reader has already guessed the name of our missionary) stood before the President of the United States the only representative of Oregon and all her future interests and greatness, a self-constituted, self-appointed, and without a parallel self-periled representative, pleading simply for delay in the settlement of so vast and important a question to his country,—that he should be able to successfully contend with the combined influences brought against him,—can only be attributed to that overruling power which had decreed that the nation, whose interests he represented, should be sustained.

Mr. Tyler, after listening to the Doctor’s statements with far more candor and interest than Mr. Webster was disposed to do, informed him that, notwithstanding they had received entirely different statements from gentlemen of the Hudson’s Bay Company and the British minister, then in Washington, yet he would trust to his personal representation and estimate of the value of the country to the American people. He said: “Dr. Whitman, in accordance with your representations and agreeable to your request, this question shall be deferred. An escort shall be furnished for the protection of the emigration you propose to conduct to that distant country.”

It is with deep regret, not to say shame, that truth and justice compel us to give in this connection any notice of this faithful and devotedmissionary’s reception and treatment, on his arrival in Boston, derogatory to the Board whom he had served so faithfully for seven years. Instead of being received and treated as his labors justly entitled him to be, he met the cold, calculating rebuke for unreasonable expense, and for dangers incurred without order or instructions or permission from the mission to come to the States. Most of his reverend associates had, as the writer is credibly informed, disapproved of his visit to Washington, being ignorant of the true cause of his sudden determination to defeat, if possible, the British and Jesuitical designs upon the country; hence, for economical and prudential reasons, the Board received him coldly, and rebuked him for his presence before them, causing a chill in his warm and generous heart, and a sense of unmerited rebuke from those who should have been most willing to listen to all his statements, and most cordial and ready to sustain him in his herculean labors.

His request at Washington to save this richest jewel of our nation from British rule is granted, while the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions is appealed to in vain for aid to save the Indians and the country from becoming the boast of the Italian Jesuit, and a prey to his degrading superstitions. The Doctor’s mission, with all its accumulated influence, labors, and importance, is left to be swallowed up and destroyed by the same influence that had divided and destroyed that of the Methodist Mission.

Dr. Whitman disposed of his own little private property in the States, and, with the aid of his brother and brother’s son, returned to Missouri, joined the emigration of 1843, and, as he had intimated to President Tyler, brought on an emigration outnumbering all the Hudson’s Bay Company had brought to aid in securing the country to the British crown, proving to the American people and the world, what had long been asserted as impossible, that there was a practicable wagon road to the Pacific Ocean on American soil. His care, influence, aid, and attention to the emigration of 1843, I leave with those who can speak from personal observation. Their gratitude and deep sympathy for this self-devoted, faithful, and generous missionary led five hundred of them with uplifted hand to say they were ready with their own life-blood to avenge his death, and protect and defend the country. But influences, such as we have been speaking of, came in, justice was robbed of its right, and crime and murder permitted to go unpunished.

The cause in which Dr. Whitman enlisted, labored, and fell a victim, is allowed to suffer and fall, and in a Memorial Volume of the American Board, page 379, a false impression is given to the world, and a wholemission ignored. In this splendid, well-bound, and elegantly gotten up “Memorial Half-Century Volume,” justly claiming much credit for the fifty past years of its labors, this Board has ignored all its errors and mistakes, and with one fell swoop of the pen consigned to oblivion, so far as its great standard record is concerned, one whole mission and a vast Indian population, as unworthy of a name or a notice in their record, further than as “Rev. Samuel Parker’s exploring tour beyond the Rocky Mountains, under the direction of the Board, in 1835, 1836, and 1837, brought to lightno field for a great and successful mission, but it added much to the science of geography, and is remarkable as having made known a practicable route for arailroadfrom the Mississippi to the Pacific.” This shows a want of candor and also a disposition to ignore all influences and causes of failure of one of their own missions, and directs the attention of the reader to foreign objects, leaving their missions to become an easy prey to avarice, the Indian tribes to ignorance and superstition, and their missionaries to be despised and superseded by Jesuits; giving their enemies the benefit of that influence which they should have exerted to save their own missionary cause. Such being the case, we are not to wonder at the cold reception of Dr. Whitman, or the boundless influence and avarice of the men who compassed the early destruction of that mission; and, failing to destroy the American settlement, that they should now seek to rob our national treasury as they sought to rob the nation of its rightful domain. After being defeated by the American settlers in the organization of the provisional government in 1843, by the provisional army of 1847-8, they now come forward with the most barefaced effrontery and claim millions of dollars for a few old rotten forts. They have fallen to the lowest depths of crime to obtain compensation for improvements of no real value.

As we said when speaking of the “combination of influences and no harmony,” we believe Dr. John McLaughlin to have been one of the best and noblest of men; yet the governing power of the Hudson’s Bay Company would, if it were possible, have compelled him to starve the immigrants, and sacrifice all the early settlers of the country. Do you ask me how I know this? I answer, by the oaths of good and true American citizens, and by my own personal knowledge. These depositions or statements under oath but few of the readers of this history will ever see. In this connection we will give part of one deposition we listened to and penciled down from the mouth of the witness, who was the legal counselor and confidential friend of Dr. McLaughlin from the fall of 1846 till his death. This witness, in answer to the inquiry as to what Dr. McLaughlin told him about the Hudson’sBay Company’s encouraging the early settlement of Oregon, said Dr. McLaughlinhad not encouraged the American settlement of the country, but from the fact that immigrants arrived poor and needy, they must have suffered had he not furnished supplies on a credit; that he could have wished that this had not been necessary, because he believed there were those above him whostrongly disapproved of his course in this respect, affirming that it would lead to the permanent settlement of the country by American citizens, and thus give to the United States government an element of title to the country; the United States government could not have a title to the country without such settlement, and these persons, thus alluded to as being dissatisfied, would report him to the Hudson’s Bay Company’s house in London; that he ascertained finally that such complaints had been made, but that he still continued to furnish the supplies, because,as a man of common humanity, he could not do otherwise; and he resolved that he would continue thus to do and take whatever consequences might result from it; that the company’s managing and controlling office in London did finally call him to an account for thus furnishing supplies as already stated, and for reasons indicated; that he represented to them the circumstances under which he had furnished these supplies, alleging that as a man ofcommon humanity it was not possible for him to do otherwise than as he did; that he foresaw as clearly as they did that it aided in the American settlement of the country, but that this he could not help, and it was not for him but for God and government to look after and take care of the consequences; that the Bible told him, “If thine enemy hunger, feed him; if he is naked, clothe him;” that these settlers were not even enemies; that in thus finding fault with him they quarreled with heaven (the witness said, “I do not know as that was the exact expression or word”)for doing what any one truly worthy the name of a man could not hesitate to do, and that he immediately concluded by indignantly saying, “Gentlemen, if such is your order, I will serve you no longer,” and from that day Oregon secured a warm and faithful friend in that old white-headed man, and he a base and infamous enemy in those who claimed the title of the Honorable Hudson’s Bay Company, who in 1860 are claiming all the credit and pay for this old man’s generous and noble deeds.

The readers of our history will excuse this interruption in the order of events, or rather the introduction of this testimony at this time in our sketches, for we shall still have to speak of Dr. McLaughlin as the head of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and continue him as a representative of that influence, as also connected with the Roman Catholic efforts in the country; for while we condemn and speak of base andinfamous acts in all alike, we will not forget the good and the noble. We have other items of testimony that reveal to us the deep-laid plans, the vast influence used, and efforts made,to prevent the American settlement of this country, which shall be brought to light as we proceed.

One other item we will now give as developed by the testimony above referred to. Dr. McLaughlin informed his attorney “that he had proposed to the company’s authority in London, that if they would allow him to retain the profits upon the supplies and advances made as above mentioned to the settlers, he would very cheerfully personally assume the payment to the company of all the sums thus advanced, but this the company declined to do.” The witness said: “My memory is not very distinct, at least, not so much as it is as to the statement above made, but my recollection is that he also informed me that the company, although it refused to permit him to retain the profits above mentioned, did hold him responsible for every dollar of the advances he made, and I do know that he regarded and treated the debts thus owing by American citizens as debts owing not to the Hudson’s Bay Company, but to himself individually.”

Dr. McLaughlin charges ingratitude upon those who were able to, and did not pay him, and were guilty of denouncing him as an aristocrat. He was no aristocrat, but one of the kindest, most obliging, and familiar men; yet his tall, erect, and noble frame, a head covered with white hair, a long white beard, light complexion, rather spare but open countenance, with a full light blue or gray eye, made the coward and the mean man hate him, while the truly noble man would love him for his generous and unbounded benevolence. Like Dr. Whitman, the influences around him weighed heavily upon his soul; he keenly felt the pain of ingratitude in others; he felt it from the Hudson’s Bay Company, whom he had faithfully served, and from the persons he had befriended. An attempt was made by a member of the company, who had previously sworn to the justness of their infamous claims, to excite the sectarian prejudice of the witness against Dr. McLaughlin on his cross-examination, by handing to the company’s attorney the following questions to be asked the witness:—

Ques.—“Do you not recollect that Dr. McLaughlin told you that Sir George Simpson’s complaint against him was his allowing a credit of ten thousand pounds sterling to Bishop Blanchet, of the Catholic mission, without any security?”Ans.—“This is the first time I have heard of that transaction.”Ques.—“Do you not know from what Dr. McLaughlin told you, that he gave large credits to the Catholic Mission while in charge of the company’s business?”Ans.—“I do not.”

Ans.—“This is the first time I have heard of that transaction.”

Ques.—“Do you not know from what Dr. McLaughlin told you, that he gave large credits to the Catholic Mission while in charge of the company’s business?”

Ans.—“I do not.”

In reference to the last two questions and answers, in looking over the items of account against our government, something over this amount is stated as an item of claim for improvements and a Catholic church building and two schoolhouses at Vancouver, as having been made by the Hudson’s Bay Company for the Catholic missions and the benefit of the company’s business, which are still standing and in possession of the priests and nuns of that order. This matter should be closely investigated. We have abundance of other evidence to show the intimate and continued connection of the Jesuit missions with the company, and we look upon this attempt to change the responsibility of that connection from the company to Dr. McLaughlin’s individual account, as among the basest of their transactions. The Jesuitical Catholic concern was a child of their own, and one they are still nursing in all their vast dominions. They made use of Dr. McLaughlin as long as they could, and when they found he was inclined to favor the American settlement of the country, he fell under the displeasure of his superiors and was called to an account.

These facts explain the careful and repeated injunctions, and positive directions given to the early missionaries not to interfere with the Hudson’s Bay Company’s trade,and by no means to encourage the settlement of white men about their stations, compelling those white men to become subject to, and connected with, the missions. They also explain the reasons for the extreme caution exercised by the company over the supplies granted to the American missions. They invariably limited them to the smallest possible necessity, and by this means sought to prevent the settlement of the country. It also explains fully the complaint of Rev. Mr. Griffin in his effort for an independent mission, and shows conclusively the continued effort of the company to check as much as possible the progress of the settlement, as also the desperate effort they made in 1847 to destroy the missions and all American settlements; and more than this, it explains the continued wars with all the Indians who have ever been under the influence of the company, or theirpet child, the Jesuit missions.

The Hudson’s Bay Company had no fault to find with Dr. McLaughlin, except in his refusing to carry out their base designs upon the American settlers and for the assistance he rendered upon his own responsibility to the naked and starving immigrants that Grant, at Fort Hall, with the Indians along the route, had combined to deceive and rob, while on the way to the country. This old, white-headed man, who had served them for forty years,was compelled, in maintaining hishonor as a man possessing one noble feeling of humanity, to leave their service.

What think you, kind reader, of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s kindness and generosity to the American settler, when this same company held this old faithful servant of theirs individually responsible for every dollar, principal and profits, of the supplies his generous heart, claiming to be humane, was induced to advance to the early settler in the hour of his greatest need?

Will you vote and pay a tax to pay claims of such a company, when one of the managing partners is still base enough to say, “It was a neglect of the company’s agent, after Dr. McLaughlin’s decease, that they did not present their accounts for payment to the doctor’s heirs or administrator before the year’s notice was up. It was now too late, and it was lost to the company unless they could get it allowed by the United States government?”

We justly deprecate piracy, slavery, highway robbery, and Indian massacres. In what light shall we hold a company and government, who have pursued a course directly and indirectly calculated to produce all these, and with the uplifted hand say they are entitled to pay for such conduct?

But we must still refer to Dr. McLaughlin as representing the Hudson’s Bay Company, as we proceed with our history of events, agencies, men, and things occurring in 1843.

Dr. Whitman is on his way back to Oregon with eight hundred and seventy-five persons, with all their equipments and cattle. Simpson is foiled and disappointed at Washington. Hines and Dr. White are among the Upper Columbia Indians. Dr. McLaughlin and the French-Canadians and priests are in commotion about the effort to organize the settlement into a provisional government, and the influence the Americans appear to be gaining over the Indians. Piopiomoxmox (Yellow Serpent) has returned and reported to the Cayuses the result of his visit to Dr. McLaughlin, and the determination of the company that, in case of a war with the Americans, “they would not aid the Americans, but let them take care of themselves.” The old Indian chiefs had advised the young men to wait and see what the future designs of the Americans were; while the Jesuits had been careful to impress upon the savage mind their peculiar sectarian notions and prejudices, as illustrated by the religious instructions given by the priests to the Cayuses.

The Rev. H. K. W. Perkins called at Young Chief’s (Tawatowe) lodge, and was informed on entering, that they had not yet had their morning prayer. The chief caused a bell to be rung, at the sound ofwhich all his band came together for devotion. Tawatowe then said to Mr. Perkins: “We are Catholics, and our worship is different from yours.” He then fell upon his knees, all the rest kneeling and facing him. The chief had a long string of beads on his neck to which was attached a brass cross. After all were knelt, they devoutly crossed themselves, and commenced their prayer as follows: “We are poor, we are poor,” repeating it ten times, and then closing with “Good Father, good Son, good Spirit,” and then the chief would slip a bead on the string. This was continued until all the beads were removed from one part of the string to the other. When this mock devotion closed, Tawatowe said: “This is the way in which the priest taught us to worship God;” but Elijah (a boy that had been educated at the Methodist Indian school) said that “Tawatowe and his band prayed from the head, but we [meaning his own Wallawalla tribe] pray from the heart.”

Since writing the above, we have found in theMissionary Heraldof December, 1866, page 371, a letter from Rev. C. Eells, formerly of the Spokan Mission. In speaking of Dr. Whitman’s visit to the States, he says: “Mr. Walker and myself were decidedly opposed, and we yielded only when it became evident that he would go, even if he became disconnected with the mission in order to do so. According to the understanding of the members of the mission, the single object of Dr. Whitman in attempting to cross the continent in the winter of 1842-43, amid mighty perils and sufferings, was to make a desperate effort to save this country to the United States.”

We are not much surprised at Mr. Eells’ ignorance of influences operating in this country. His fears and caution have made him unreasonably timid. He is always so fearful that he will do or say something wrong, that the saving of this country to our government, and an attempt on the part of his associates to counteract Roman Catholic superstitions and maintain the influence of the Protestant religion on our western coast, are opposed by him and his equally timid associate. He has not the frankness or courage to state the whole truth in the case, as developed in Mr. Treat’s remarks, who, after giving Mr. Eells’ letter, says: “It was not simply an American question, however;” it was at the same time a Protestant question. He [Dr. Whitman] was fully alive to the efforts which the Roman Catholics were making to gain the mastery on the Pacific coast, and he was firmly persuaded that they were working in the interests of the Hudson’s Bay Company, with a view to this very end. The danger from this quarter [which Messrs. Eells and Walker could never see, or, if they did, were too timid to speak or act] had made a profound impression upon his mind. Under date of April 1, 1847, he said: “In the autumn of 1842, I pointed out to ourmission the arrangements of the Papists to settle in our vicinity, and that it only required that those arrangements should be completed to close our operations.”

It is in reference to the facts above quoted from Dr. Whitman’s letter—made in our presence to those timid associates—that we say they were cowards in not speaking and acting as they should have done at that time, and since his death.

The following letter from General A. L. Lovejoy gives further proof of Dr. Whitman’s efforts to save Oregon to his country:—

Portland, Oregon, November 6, 1869.William H. Gray, Esq.:My Dear Sir,—Your note of the 27th ult., making inquiries touching the journey of the late Dr. Marcus Whitman to the United States from this coast in the winter of 1842 and ’43, and his reception at Washington, and by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, etc., has but just come to hand, owing to my being absent from home.True, I was the traveling companion of the Doctor in that arduous and trying journey, but at this late hour it will be almost impossible for me to give many of the thrilling scenes and hairbreadth escapes that we went through, traveling as we did, almost the entire route, through a hostile Indian country, as well as suffering much from the intense cold and snows that we had to encounter in passing over the Rocky Mountains in midwinter.Previous to our leaving Wailatpu, I often had conversations with the Doctor touching the prospects of this coast. The Doctor was alive to its interests, and manifested a very warm desire to have this country properly represented at Washington, and, after some arrangements, we left Wailatpu, October 3, 1842, overland, for the Eastern States.We traveled rapidly, and reached Fort Hall in eleven days, and remained only a day or two and made some few purchases; took a guide and left for Fort Wintee, as the Doctor changed from a direct route to one more southern through the Spanish country,viaTaos and Santa Fé. On our way from Fort Hall to Fort Wintee we met with terribly severe weather; the snows greatly retarded our progress, and blinded the trail, so much so that we lost much time. After reaching Fort Wintee and making some suitable purchases for our trip, we took a new guide and started on our journey for Fort Macumpagra, situate on the waters of Grand River, in the Spanish country.Here again our stay was very short. We simply made some few purchases, took a new guide, and left for Taos. After being out some fouror five days, as we were passing over high table-lands, we encountered a most terrific snow-storm, which forced us to seek shelter at once. A deep ravine being near by, we rapidly made for it, but the snow fell so rapidly, and the wind blew with such violence, that it was almost impossible to reach it. After reaching the ravine, and cutting some cotton-wood trees for our animals, we attempted some arrangements for camp as best we could under the circumstances, and remained snowed in for some three or four days, when the storm subsided, and it cleared off intensely cold. It was with much difficulty that we made our way up upon the high lands; the snow was so deep and the wind so piercing and cold, that we felt compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of weather.Our next effort was more successful, and after spending several days wandering round in the snow, without making much headway, and greatly fatiguing our animals, to little or no purpose, our guide informed us that the deep snows had so changed the face of the country, that he was completely lost, and could take us no further.This was a terrible blow to the Doctor. He was determined not to give it up without another effort. And we at once agreed that the Doctor should take the guide and make his way back to the fort, and procure a new guide, and that I should remain in camp with the animals until his return, which was on the seventh day, with a new guide.We were soon under way, on our route, traveling through the snows at rather a snail’s pace. Nothing occurred of much importance, other than hard and slow traveling until we reached, as our guide informed us, the Grand River, which was frozen, on either side, about one-third across. The current was so very rapid, that the center of the stream remained open, although the weather was intensely cold.This stream was some one hundred and fifty, or two hundred yards wide, and looked upon by our guide as very dangerous to cross in its present condition. But the Doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to take the water. He mounted his horse, and the guide and myself pushed them off the ice into the boiling, foaming stream. Away they went completely under water—horse and all; but directly came up, and after buffeting the waves and foaming current, he made to the ice on the opposite side, a long way down the stream—leaped from his horse upon the ice, and soon had his noble animal by his side. The guide and myself forced in the pack animals; followed the doctor’s example, and were soon drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable fire.With our new guide, traveling slowly on, we reached Taos in about thirty days. We suffered considerably from cold and scarcity of provisions, and for food were compelled to use the flesh of mules, dogs, and such other animals as came in our reach.We remained at Taos some twelve or fifteen days, when we changed off our animals, and made such purchases as our journey required, and left for Bent’s Fort, on the headwaters of the Arkansas River, where we arrived about the third day of January, 1843.The Doctor left here on the 7th, at which time we parted, and I did not meet him again until some time in the month of July, above Fort Laramie, on his way to Oregon with a train of emigrants.The Doctor often expressed himself to me about the remainder of his journey, and the manner in which he was received at Washington and by the Board of Missions at Boston.The Doctor had several interviews with President Tyler, Secretary Webster, and many members of Congress, touching the interests of Oregon. He urged the immediate termination of the treaty with Great Britain relative to this country, and the extension of the laws of the United States, and to provide liberal inducements to emigrants to come to this coast.He felt much chagrined at the lack of interest, and the great want of knowledge concerning Oregon, and the wants of this country, though he was very cordially and kindly received, and many seemed anxious to obtain every information which he could give them; and I have no doubt, the Doctor’s interviews resulted greatly to the benefit of Oregon and the entire coast.But his reception at Boston was not so cordial. The Board censured him for leaving his post, for the waste of time and the great expense attending so long a journey across the continent at that season of the year.The Doctor returned to the frontier settlements, urging the citizens to emigrate to the Pacific coast. After his exertions in this behalf, he left for Independence, Missouri, and started for Oregon with a large emigrant train some time in the month of May. With his energy and knowledge of the country, he rendered them very great assistance, and continued to do so, till he reached his home about the first of October (one year from the time he left), to find the home of his choice sadly neglected, and the flouring mill burned to the ground.The Indians were very hostile about the Doctor’s leaving at the time he did, and I have no doubt, that during his absence, the thistles of his destruction—the seeds of that awful massacre of himself, Mrs. Whitman, and many others—were then sown by those haughty and savage Cayuses, although it did not take place till four years afterward.As to your fourth inquiry relative to the Cayuse war. It is a longtime since these events took place; and most of them are on record, and have passed into the history of the country; so that I would not like to make many statements from memory, although I was an adjutant-general, and was also one of the commissioners to raise means to equip the first company, which was dispatched to the Dalles the day after the sad news of the massacre reached Oregon City.There being no supplies at Oregon City suitable to fit out this company, the commissioners proceeded at once to Fort Vancouver to procure supplies for an outfit. The Hudson’s Bay Company refused to let us have any thing on account of the government; but would on our joint and several note, to the amount of $1,000, which was cheerfully given, and the outfit was obtained, and the company was pushed on to its destination, and reached the Dalles in time to prevent further bloodshed at that place by the red devils.Yours, with great respect,A. L. Lovejoy.W. H. Gray, Esq., Astoria, Oregon.

Portland, Oregon, November 6, 1869.

William H. Gray, Esq.:

My Dear Sir,—Your note of the 27th ult., making inquiries touching the journey of the late Dr. Marcus Whitman to the United States from this coast in the winter of 1842 and ’43, and his reception at Washington, and by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, etc., has but just come to hand, owing to my being absent from home.

True, I was the traveling companion of the Doctor in that arduous and trying journey, but at this late hour it will be almost impossible for me to give many of the thrilling scenes and hairbreadth escapes that we went through, traveling as we did, almost the entire route, through a hostile Indian country, as well as suffering much from the intense cold and snows that we had to encounter in passing over the Rocky Mountains in midwinter.

Previous to our leaving Wailatpu, I often had conversations with the Doctor touching the prospects of this coast. The Doctor was alive to its interests, and manifested a very warm desire to have this country properly represented at Washington, and, after some arrangements, we left Wailatpu, October 3, 1842, overland, for the Eastern States.

We traveled rapidly, and reached Fort Hall in eleven days, and remained only a day or two and made some few purchases; took a guide and left for Fort Wintee, as the Doctor changed from a direct route to one more southern through the Spanish country,viaTaos and Santa Fé. On our way from Fort Hall to Fort Wintee we met with terribly severe weather; the snows greatly retarded our progress, and blinded the trail, so much so that we lost much time. After reaching Fort Wintee and making some suitable purchases for our trip, we took a new guide and started on our journey for Fort Macumpagra, situate on the waters of Grand River, in the Spanish country.

Here again our stay was very short. We simply made some few purchases, took a new guide, and left for Taos. After being out some fouror five days, as we were passing over high table-lands, we encountered a most terrific snow-storm, which forced us to seek shelter at once. A deep ravine being near by, we rapidly made for it, but the snow fell so rapidly, and the wind blew with such violence, that it was almost impossible to reach it. After reaching the ravine, and cutting some cotton-wood trees for our animals, we attempted some arrangements for camp as best we could under the circumstances, and remained snowed in for some three or four days, when the storm subsided, and it cleared off intensely cold. It was with much difficulty that we made our way up upon the high lands; the snow was so deep and the wind so piercing and cold, that we felt compelled to return to camp and wait a few days for a change of weather.

Our next effort was more successful, and after spending several days wandering round in the snow, without making much headway, and greatly fatiguing our animals, to little or no purpose, our guide informed us that the deep snows had so changed the face of the country, that he was completely lost, and could take us no further.

This was a terrible blow to the Doctor. He was determined not to give it up without another effort. And we at once agreed that the Doctor should take the guide and make his way back to the fort, and procure a new guide, and that I should remain in camp with the animals until his return, which was on the seventh day, with a new guide.

We were soon under way, on our route, traveling through the snows at rather a snail’s pace. Nothing occurred of much importance, other than hard and slow traveling until we reached, as our guide informed us, the Grand River, which was frozen, on either side, about one-third across. The current was so very rapid, that the center of the stream remained open, although the weather was intensely cold.

This stream was some one hundred and fifty, or two hundred yards wide, and looked upon by our guide as very dangerous to cross in its present condition. But the Doctor, nothing daunted, was the first to take the water. He mounted his horse, and the guide and myself pushed them off the ice into the boiling, foaming stream. Away they went completely under water—horse and all; but directly came up, and after buffeting the waves and foaming current, he made to the ice on the opposite side, a long way down the stream—leaped from his horse upon the ice, and soon had his noble animal by his side. The guide and myself forced in the pack animals; followed the doctor’s example, and were soon drying our frozen clothes by a comfortable fire.

With our new guide, traveling slowly on, we reached Taos in about thirty days. We suffered considerably from cold and scarcity of provisions, and for food were compelled to use the flesh of mules, dogs, and such other animals as came in our reach.

We remained at Taos some twelve or fifteen days, when we changed off our animals, and made such purchases as our journey required, and left for Bent’s Fort, on the headwaters of the Arkansas River, where we arrived about the third day of January, 1843.

The Doctor left here on the 7th, at which time we parted, and I did not meet him again until some time in the month of July, above Fort Laramie, on his way to Oregon with a train of emigrants.

The Doctor often expressed himself to me about the remainder of his journey, and the manner in which he was received at Washington and by the Board of Missions at Boston.

The Doctor had several interviews with President Tyler, Secretary Webster, and many members of Congress, touching the interests of Oregon. He urged the immediate termination of the treaty with Great Britain relative to this country, and the extension of the laws of the United States, and to provide liberal inducements to emigrants to come to this coast.

He felt much chagrined at the lack of interest, and the great want of knowledge concerning Oregon, and the wants of this country, though he was very cordially and kindly received, and many seemed anxious to obtain every information which he could give them; and I have no doubt, the Doctor’s interviews resulted greatly to the benefit of Oregon and the entire coast.

But his reception at Boston was not so cordial. The Board censured him for leaving his post, for the waste of time and the great expense attending so long a journey across the continent at that season of the year.

The Doctor returned to the frontier settlements, urging the citizens to emigrate to the Pacific coast. After his exertions in this behalf, he left for Independence, Missouri, and started for Oregon with a large emigrant train some time in the month of May. With his energy and knowledge of the country, he rendered them very great assistance, and continued to do so, till he reached his home about the first of October (one year from the time he left), to find the home of his choice sadly neglected, and the flouring mill burned to the ground.

The Indians were very hostile about the Doctor’s leaving at the time he did, and I have no doubt, that during his absence, the thistles of his destruction—the seeds of that awful massacre of himself, Mrs. Whitman, and many others—were then sown by those haughty and savage Cayuses, although it did not take place till four years afterward.

As to your fourth inquiry relative to the Cayuse war. It is a longtime since these events took place; and most of them are on record, and have passed into the history of the country; so that I would not like to make many statements from memory, although I was an adjutant-general, and was also one of the commissioners to raise means to equip the first company, which was dispatched to the Dalles the day after the sad news of the massacre reached Oregon City.

There being no supplies at Oregon City suitable to fit out this company, the commissioners proceeded at once to Fort Vancouver to procure supplies for an outfit. The Hudson’s Bay Company refused to let us have any thing on account of the government; but would on our joint and several note, to the amount of $1,000, which was cheerfully given, and the outfit was obtained, and the company was pushed on to its destination, and reached the Dalles in time to prevent further bloodshed at that place by the red devils.

Yours, with great respect,A. L. Lovejoy.

W. H. Gray, Esq., Astoria, Oregon.

Assembly of the Nez Percés, Cayuses, and Wallawallas.—Mock fight.—Council with the Indians.—Speeches by Yellow Serpent, Tilokaikt, the Prince, and Illutin.—The secret of the whole difficulty.—John, the Kanaka.—A cow for a horse.—Killing of a medicine woman.

We will return to Rev. Mr. Hines’ narrative of his trip among the Cayuses, May 22, 1843.

“As the Indians refused to come together unless Ellis and his men came down to meet us, we informed them that we would go up and see Ellis in his own country; but being suspicious that we intended to prevent his coming down, they were much opposed to our going. Explaining to the chiefs the object of our visit, they seemed to be satisfied.”

We have, in this short statement of Mr. Hines, an important fact. The Cayuse Indians had been instructed what to do; they were not to be diverted by any arrangements of the sub-agent. Notwithstanding, the agent and Mr. Hines had learned that Ellis was coming with several hundred warriors, they knew not for what purpose, some saying to make war upon the Cayuses, and they had determined to prevent the meeting of the two tribes if possible. During their absence the Cayuses all collected not far from Dr. Whitman’s, and were waiting the arrival of the Nez Percés. On the 22d of May the Nez Percés, some six hundred strong, with a thousand horses, arrived on the plain. Some three hundred of the Cayuses and Wallawallas uniting formed a grand Indian cavalcade on the plain in front of Dr. Whitman’s house, when a grand display of Indian horsemanship commenced, such as advancing in mock fantastic fight, with discharges of blank cartridges, wheeling and running in all directions, till the Indians had nearly worked themselves into a real fight and a great excitement. Ellis said that he thought the Cayuses were determined to have a fight in earnest.

Tawatowe, theCatholicchief, as he approached them appeared quite angry and disposed to quarrel. Seeing the excitement increasing, and fearing that it might end seriously unless the attention of the Indians could be drawn to some other subject, Mr. Spalding, who was present, gave notice that all would repair to Dr. Whitman’s house fortallapooso(worship). But Tawatowe came forward in a very boisterous manner and inquired what we had made all this disturbance for. TheAmerican party, followed by several hundred Indians, repaired to the station and engaged in religious exercises, when the excitement subsided for the night.

On May 23, the chiefs and principal men of the three tribes assembled at the station to hear what the self-constituted United States Indian commissioner and his secretary of state had to say.

“They were called to order by Tawatowe, who by this time had got over his excitement, and then was placed before them the object of our visit. They were told that much had been said about war, and we had come to assure them that they had nothing to fear from that quarter.” If Dr. White was no more explicit in setting forth the object of this visit to the Indians than Mr. Hines is in giving the account of it, there certainly was room for a misunderstanding between him and the Indians. He said “the President of the United States had not sent him [Dr. White] to make war upon them, but to enter into arrangements with them to regulate their intercourse with the white people. We were not there to catch them in a trap, as a man would a beaver, but to do them good; and if they would lay aside their former practices and prejudices, stop their quarrels, cultivate their lands, and receive good laws, they might become a great and happy people; that in order to do thisthey must all be united.” Exactly what the Hudson’s Bay Company wished to have done to aid them in crushing the American settlement and preventing further American emigration to the country.

As a reason for their being united, Mr. Hines says, 178-9th pages:

“They were told they were few in comparison to the whites, and if they were not all of one heart they would be able to accomplish nothing. The chiefs should set the example and love each other, and not get proud and haughty, but consider the people as their brothers and their children, and labor to do them good, that the people should be obedient, and in their morning and evening prayers they should remember their chiefs.“Ellis remarked that it would not be proper for the Nez Percé chiefs to speak until the Cayuse people should receive the laws. The Cayuse chiefs replied: ‘If you want us to receive the laws, bring them forward and let us see them, as we can not take them unless we know what they are.’“A speech was then delivered to the young men to impress them favorably with regard to the laws. They were told that they would soon take the places of the old men, and they should be willing to act for the good of the people; that they should not go here and there and spread false reports about war; and that this had been thecause of all the difficulty and excitement that had prevailed among them during the past winter.”

“Ellis remarked that it would not be proper for the Nez Percé chiefs to speak until the Cayuse people should receive the laws. The Cayuse chiefs replied: ‘If you want us to receive the laws, bring them forward and let us see them, as we can not take them unless we know what they are.’

“A speech was then delivered to the young men to impress them favorably with regard to the laws. They were told that they would soon take the places of the old men, and they should be willing to act for the good of the people; that they should not go here and there and spread false reports about war; and that this had been thecause of all the difficulty and excitement that had prevailed among them during the past winter.”

With the information which Mr. Hines has already given us in the first part of his ninth chapter, we would suppose he would avoid this apparently incorrect statement to the Indians of the cause of the difficulties then existing. He and Dr. White appear to have acted under the same influence with Dr. McLaughlin, and to have carried all their acts and counsels to the one object, which was to combine the Indians, and divide and destroy the settlement. He tells us, in continuation of the proceedings of this council, that “the laws were then read, first in English, and then in Nez Percé.”

“Yellow Serpent then rose and said: ‘I have a message to you. Where are these laws from? I would that you might say they were from God. But I think they are from the earth, because, from what I know of white men [a term claimed by Brouillet as belonging to the Hudson’s Bay Company and Frenchmen], they do not honor these laws.’ In answer to this, the people were informed that the laws were recognized by God, and imposed on men in all civilized countries. Yellow Serpent was pleased with the explanation, and said that it was according to the instructions he had received from others, and he was glad to learn that it was so, because many of his people had been angry with him when he had whipped them for crime, and had told him that God would send him to hell for it, and he was glad to know that it was pleasing to God.“Tilokaikt, a Cayuse chief, rose and said: ‘What do you read the laws for before we take them? We do not take the laws because Tawatowe says so. He is aCatholic, and as a people we do not follow his worship.’ Dr. White replied that this did not make any difference about the law; that the people in the States had different modes of worship, yet all had one law.“A chief, called the Prince, arose and said: ‘I understand you gave us liberty to examine every law,—all the words and lines,—and as questions are asked about it, we should get a better understanding of it. The people of this country have but one mind about it. I have something to say, but perhaps the people will dispute me. As a body, we have not had an opportunity to consult, therefore you come to us as in a wind, and speak to us as to the air, as we have no point, and we can not speak because we have no point before us. The business before us is whole like a body; we have not dissected it. And perhaps you will say it is out of place for me to speak, because I am not a great chief. Once I had influence, but now I have but little.’”

“Tilokaikt, a Cayuse chief, rose and said: ‘What do you read the laws for before we take them? We do not take the laws because Tawatowe says so. He is aCatholic, and as a people we do not follow his worship.’ Dr. White replied that this did not make any difference about the law; that the people in the States had different modes of worship, yet all had one law.

“A chief, called the Prince, arose and said: ‘I understand you gave us liberty to examine every law,—all the words and lines,—and as questions are asked about it, we should get a better understanding of it. The people of this country have but one mind about it. I have something to say, but perhaps the people will dispute me. As a body, we have not had an opportunity to consult, therefore you come to us as in a wind, and speak to us as to the air, as we have no point, and we can not speak because we have no point before us. The business before us is whole like a body; we have not dissected it. And perhaps you will say it is out of place for me to speak, because I am not a great chief. Once I had influence, but now I have but little.’”

This was one of the principal chiefs of the tribe that assisted in taking Fort Wallawalla and tying Mr. Pambrun to compel him to give more goods for horses and furs. “He was about to sit down, but was told to go on. He then said: ‘When the whites first came among us, we had no cattle; they have given us none; what we have now got we have obtained by an exchange of property. A long time ago Lewis and Clarke came to this country, and I want to know what they said about us. Did they say they found friends or enemies here?’ Being told that they spoke well of the Indians, the Prince said: ‘That is a reason why the whites should unite with us, and all become one people. Those who have been here before you have left us no memorial of their kindness, by giving us presents. We speak by way of favor; if you have any benefit to bestow, we will then speak more freely. One thing that we can speak about is cattle, and the reason why we can not speak out now is because we have not the thing before us. My people are poor and blind, and we must have something tangible. Other chiefs have bewildered me since they came; yet I am from an honorable stock. Promises which have been made to me and my fathers have not been fulfilled, and I am made miserable; but it will not answer for me to speak out, for my people do not consider me as their chief.’ [This was just what Mr. Pambrun, of the Hudson’s Bay Company, had done to this Indian chief to break his power and destroy his influence with his tribe and his people. But let us hear him through.] ‘One thing more; you have reminded me of what was promised me some time ago, and I am inclined to follow on and see, though I have been giving my beaver to the whites and have received many promises, and have always been disappointed; I want to know what you are going to do?’

“Illutin, or Big Belly, then arose and said that the old men were wearied with the wickedness of the young men; that if he was alone he could say ‘Yes’ at once to the laws, and that the reason why the young men did not feel as he felt, was because they had stolen property in their hands, and the laws condemned stealing. But he assured them that the laws were calculated to do them good and not evil.

“But this did not satisfy the Prince. He desired that the good which it was proposed to do them by adopting the laws might be put in a tangible form before them.

“He said that it had been a long time since the country had been discovered by whites, and that ever since that time people had been coming along promising to do them good; but they had all passed by and left no blessing behind them.”

This chief said that “the Hudson’s Bay Company had persuaded them to continue with them, and not go after the Americans; that ifthe Americans designed to do them good, why did they not bring goods with them to leave with the Indians? that they were fools to listen to whatSuapies(Americans) had to say; that they would only talk, but the company wouldboth talk and give them presents.”

This Indian, as his speech shows, was shrewd, and thought he was certain to obtain his object, either from the Hudson’s Bay Company or the Americans. He had been humbled by the company, and an offer to buy him back had been made. He bid for a higher price with the Americans. In doing so, he naturally exposed the secret influence of the company, which is given in this book of Mr. Hines’, as a matter of course, and he passes along without note or comment upon what he saw, and heard.

“In reply to the last Indian speech, Dr. White told the Indians that he did not come to them as a missionary or as a trader.”

To Ellis and Lawyer, who called on them in the evening to have a talk, “they said they expected pay for being chiefs, and wanted to know how much salary Dr. White was going to give them. Ellis said he had counted the months he had been in office, and thought that enough was due him to make him rich. They left at a late hour without receiving any satisfaction. In the council, efforts were made to induce the Nez Percés to unite under one chief in the fall of 1842. Thomas McKay had promised these chiefs large salaries and many presents that Dr. White and his government would give them as an inducement to form a union, knowing that White had not the ability or means to make good his promises to them, and in this way any influence as an agent of the American government he might have would be lost in this tribe.

“Ellis was a Hudson’s Bay Indian, educated at the Red River settlement. They left this private interview with White without any satisfaction, showing that the policy of the company was producing its legitimate effect upon Ellis’s mind. The Lawyer, however, understood the matter in its true light. He explained to us the whole transaction, and the promises of McKay from the company. He thought Dr. White was foolish to let McKay talk so much for him and the American government.

“Some hundreds again assembled the next day (May 24) to renew the business relative to laws; but the first thing investigated was the shooting of John, the Kanaka, by the Indian. John had gone to a lodge the day before, and in a dispute in a trade he had dared the Indian to shoot him. The Indian had seized his gun and fired it at John’s head, making considerable of a hole in the scalp, but none in the skull. The Indian fled, but was brought back and found guilty and kept tillthe laws were adopted for sentence and punishment, and finally punished with forty lashes on the bare back.

“The Indians continued to speak in reference to the laws. Their speeches were grave, energetic, mighty, and eloquent, and generally in favor of receiving the laws. After all had spoken it was signified that they were ready to vote whether they would take the laws or not, and the vote was unanimous in the affirmative. Having adopted the laws, it was now necessary to elect their chief, according to the provisions of the laws, and Tawatowe was nominated to the highest chieftainship. Some were opposed; a majority were in favor, and while the question was pending [this Indian had not consulted his priest, or he would have declined at once on this first proposition to elect him chief], Tawatowe arose and said, ‘My friends, I rise to speak to you, and I want you all to listen.’ He then adverted to his past history, and told them how much he had suffered in consequence of their divisions and quarrels. Tawatowe joined his influence with the Prince to get more pay from the Hudson’s Bay Company for horses and furs, hence his tribe were encouraged to quarrel with and disrespect him. When we first arrived in the country he was seldom invited to the fort, and received no presents from the company. He inquired of his people if they would lay aside all their past difficulties and come up and support him if he would accept of the chieftainship.

“It was now time to close for the day, and the vote being put, Tawatowe was declared duly elected to the high chieftainship of the Cayuse tribe.

“Dr. White bought of Mrs. Whitman a fat ox and presented it to the Indians. Mrs. W. gave them a fat hog, which they butchered and feasted upon at night.

“May 25.—A number of the chiefs came early in the morning at Mr. Hines’ request, to settle a difficulty concerning some horses which they gave to Rev. Jason Lee when he first came to Oregon in 1834, Mr. Lee having requested Mr. Hines to come to some arrangement with them if possible. After a long talk we succeeded in settling with them by proposing to give them a cow for each horse that they had given to Mr. Lee. We found that the Indians always expected to be well paid for a present.”

The Jesuit missionaries and the Hudson’s Bay Company had represented to the Indians that Mr. Lee’s receiving their horses and not making them any presents was the same as stealing from them, and in this way the American missionary was regarded as having stolen the Indians’ horses. In the conversations and talks the Indians had with Dr. Whitman about the land the mission occupied, the horses given toMr. Lee were generally mentioned. Dr. Whitman was anxious that some arrangement should be made to settle that matter as soon as he learned the facts in the case. The Indians, as per arrangement with Mr. Hines, did receive a cow for each horse given, and thus the matter was satisfactorily settled.

The Indians having again assembled, Tawatowe came forward and said that he had made up his mind that he could not accept of the chieftainship, in consequence of thedifference of his religionfrom that of most of his people.

Here is Jesuitism and Hudson’s Bay, combined with ignorance and religious bigotry, and shows the influence then operating upon the savage mind. This Indian declared a reason why he could not accept the chieftainship, which, four years later, would have fixed at once a crime upon that sect, without a shadow of doubt in their favor. As it was, the plan was deeper, and a Protestant Indian, or one that favored the Protestant cause and American missions, a younger brother of Tawatowe is selected. Tawatowe resigned, and his brother Five Crows is elected the American head chief of the Cayuse tribe, with the approval of the sub-agent of the United States. Bear these facts in mind as we proceed, that you may fully understand the deep-laid plots of the foreign influence then operating in the country to secure the whole or a large portion of it for themselves and their own government.

In connection with this we will give one other incident as related by Mr. Hines on his tour among the Indians; to show the shrewdness, as also the long premeditated baseness of the Hudson’s Bay Company in their efforts to get rid of all American missionaries and settlers, and to bring on a war with the Indians. Mr. Hines and party returned to the Dalles, and from there Mr. Hines embarked on one of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s boats with Mr. Ogden for Vancouver. A short distance below the Dalles they were driven ashore by a wind storm. While there, Mr. Ogden told the following story of the killing of a medicine woman, or doctress:—

“Mr. Ogden related some of his wonderful adventures among the Indians, with whom he had resided more than thirty years. He was an eye-witness to a remarkable circumstance that transpired at the Dalles during one of his voyages up the Columbia.“He arrived at the Dalles on the Sabbath day, and seeing a congregation of some three hundred Indians assembled not far from the river, he drew near to ascertain the cause, and found the Rev. H. K. W. Perkins dispensing to them the word of reconciliation through a crucified Redeemer. There was in the outskirts of the congregation an Indian woman who had been for many years a doctress in the tribe,and who had just expended all her skill upon a patient, the only son of a man whose wigwam was not far distant, and for whose recovery she had become responsible by consenting to become his physician. All her efforts to remove the disease were unavailing; the father was doomed to see his son expire. Believing that the doctress had the power of preserving life or inflicting death according to her will, and that instead of curing she had killed his boy, he resolved upon the most summary revenge. Leaving his dead son in the lodge, he broke into the congregation with a large butcher-knife in his hand, and, rushing upon the now terrified doctress, seized her by the hair, and with one blow across her throat laid her dead at his feet.”

“He arrived at the Dalles on the Sabbath day, and seeing a congregation of some three hundred Indians assembled not far from the river, he drew near to ascertain the cause, and found the Rev. H. K. W. Perkins dispensing to them the word of reconciliation through a crucified Redeemer. There was in the outskirts of the congregation an Indian woman who had been for many years a doctress in the tribe,and who had just expended all her skill upon a patient, the only son of a man whose wigwam was not far distant, and for whose recovery she had become responsible by consenting to become his physician. All her efforts to remove the disease were unavailing; the father was doomed to see his son expire. Believing that the doctress had the power of preserving life or inflicting death according to her will, and that instead of curing she had killed his boy, he resolved upon the most summary revenge. Leaving his dead son in the lodge, he broke into the congregation with a large butcher-knife in his hand, and, rushing upon the now terrified doctress, seized her by the hair, and with one blow across her throat laid her dead at his feet.”

This story is a very plausible one, as much so as the one Mr. Hines tells us on the 110th page of his book, about Smith, Sublet, and Dripse’s partner. There is an object in telling this story at this time to Mr. Hines, as much so as there was in a letter written by James Douglas, Esq., to S. N. Castle, Esq., and published in the March number of theFriend, at Honolulu, Sandwich Islands, which we will give in due time.

The reader will observe in these sketches that our effort has been to speak of all the principal events and prominent and prospective influences in our early history, as in the year in which they occurred. In attending to other duties we have not been able to keep as close to dates and chronological order as we could wish; still, with patience and perseverance we can restore the “lost history” of our early settlement upon this coast, so that the future historian can have the material before him for an interesting chapter in the history of our country.

We have, in addition to personal and public duties, to wade through an immense amount of what is called Oregon history, to gather up dates and events that have been given to the public at different times, without order, or apparent object, only to write a book on Oregon. We have no hesitancy in saying that Rev. G. Hines has given to the public the fullest and best book, and yet there is but a single chapter that is useful to the historian.

Rev. Samuel Parker has many scientific and useful statements and observations, but all come in before our civil history began to develop itself.

The Legislative Committee of nine.—Hon. Robert Moore, chairman.—Description of the members.—Minutes of their proceedings.—Dr. R. Newell, his character.—Two specimens of his speeches.—The dark clouds.

In 1843 the people of Oregon showed signs of life, and sprang into existence as an American Territory with their provisional government, which we have allowed to be silently forming in the Wallamet Valley, while we have traced the operations of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and Dr. Whitman to Washington; and also Dr. White and Mr. Hines among the Indians, all over the country. This will enable the reader to understand the strong influences operating against the American settlement; and if he will go with us, we will introduce him to the first Legislative Committee of nine, and tell him just what we know of their proceedings all through their deliberations.

The record shows no instruction from the settlers, as to when or where the committee should meet to prepare the laws, to report at Champoeg, only, that they were limited to six days, and to be allowed $1.25 per day, and that the money be raised by subscription. Every member at once subscribed to the full amount of his own per diem pay, and in addition to this, Mr. Alanson Beers, Rev. J. L. Parish, and Dr. Babcock subscribed the full amount of the board of the whole nine, and the Methodist Mission furnished without charge the use of their granary at the old mission, as the first council chamber on this western coast. The building was a frame some sixteen by thirty feet, one and a half stories high, boards upright, with one square room in front, and the balance used for a granary, from which it derived its name; the upper part was for storing and sleeping use. The square room was used for schoolhouse and church, and now, for a legislative hall.

We will enter this hall and introduce you to an old gray-headed man with a fair complexion, bald head, light eye, full face, frequent spasmodic nodding forward of the head, and a large amount of self-importance, not very large intellectual developments, with a superabundance of flesh, sitting by a square-legged table or stand, in a chair with square posts, and strips of rawhide for bottom; dressed in fustian pants, large blue vest, and striped shirt, and a common brown coat, who, on motion of Mr. Hill, was chosen Speaker of the House, and hereafter will be known in our history as Hon. Robert Moore, Esq.

The first difficulty the committee found was to organize a government without an executive. They could organize a legislative body, and appoint all the committees and officers and draft all the laws necessary, but the folly and absurdity of the effort without an executive, was so apparent, that the first thing decided upon, was, Shall we have an executive head, called a governor, or a committee with executive powers! This was a difficult question, under all the votings and the discussions that had taken place. The committee were fully aware of all the opposition they must contend with. The judgeship had passed by vote of the people at Champoeg from a member of the Methodist Mission to Mr. A. E. Wilson, an intelligent, unassuming, and excellent young man, who came to the country in the employ of Mr. Cushing, and had become a settler.

The committee were well assured that they could eventually secure the Methodist Mission influence, yet at this time it was extremely doubtful, and they feared that it would, as in the previous effort of 1841, go against them, with that of the Catholic Mission and the Hudson’s Bay Company. An executive committee consisting of three men would form a council that could act in any emergency, and at the same time enable the Methodist Mission to be represented by one of their members in the Executive Council.

Alanson Beers was a good, honest, faithful, and intelligent Christian man, acting with heart and soul with the interests of the settlement and the American cause. The settlers could rely upon him.

David Hill was a resident of Hillsborough, Tualatin Plains, and was known to be decidedly opposed to the company, and not any too favorable to the Catholic and Methodist missions. He could be relied upon so far as the outside settlers were concerned, and Robert Newell could represent the Rocky Mountain men and such of the Canadian-French Hudson’s Bay Company, and Roman Catholics as were disposed to join our organization. It was in consequence of his contending so strongly for the Hudson’s Bay Company’s rights, interests, and privileges, at Champoeg, on the 5th of July, that he was dropped, and Joseph Gale (who was one of the Ewing Young party to bring cattle from California to the Wallamet settlement) elected in his place.

With the understanding as above indicated, the Legislative Committee, consisting of Hon. Robert Moore, David Hill, Robert Shortess, Alanson Beers, W. H. Gray, Thomas J. Hubbard, James A. O’Neil, Robert Newell, and William Dougherty, with the uplifted hand solemnly declared before God that they would faithfully perform the duties assigned them by the people of this settlement, at Champoeg, on the 2d day of May,A. D.1843, so far as they understood the duties thus assignedthem. W. H. Gray then by request administered an oath to the Speaker elect, that he would faithfully and impartially discharge the duties of his office as presiding officer of the present appointed Legislative Committee of the people of Oregon, so help you God; to which Beers said, Amen. The question arose as to the appointment of a clerk for the committee, when the members agreed, if necessary, to pay his expenses per diem, if no other means were provided.

George W. Le Breton, a young man of active mind, ready with the pen, useful and agreeable, and practical in his conversation, having come to the country as an adventurer in a vessel with Captain Couch, was chosen secretary and duly qualified by the Speaker. The records of the proceedings, as published, seem to have left out the preliminary part of this Legislative Committee’s proceedings. This is owing to the fact that the compiler had no personal knowledge of them, and perhaps sought information from those as ignorant of the facts as himself; hence the meager and unsatisfactory document given to the country. Most, or all of the proceedings thus far mentioned were with closed doors, as will be seen by the record published. It was not deemed important by Messrs. Newell, O’Neil, and Hubbard, to have any record of our daily proceedings, only the result or report. Messrs. Shortess, Beers, Gray, Dougherty, and Hill thought it best to keep a record, which was commenced.

“Wallamet, May 15, 1843.—The Legislative Committee met, and after the preliminary discussions above alluded to, came to order by electing Robert Moore, Esq., chairman, and G. W. Le Breton, secretary.“On motion of W. H. Gray, a committee of three was appointed by the chairman to prepare rules and business for the house. This committee (Messrs. Gray, Shortess, and Newell), at once, in a hasty manner, prepared eight rules, and suggested the business proposed for the committee as a whole to perform. The rules were taken up and adopted with scarcely a single objection. Up to this time no one except members of the committee had been allowed a place in the house as spectators.“On motion, it was decided that the committee sit with open doors. O’Neil, Hubbard, and Dougherty favored the closed-door sessions, as they did not want to expose their ignorance of making laws. Newell thought we had better make as little display as possible, for it would all be known, and we might be ashamed of what we had done.“Shortess, Hill, Gray, and Beers were willing that all our efforts to make laws for ourselves should be fully known, and were ready to receive instructions and advice from any source. The deliberations of thecommittee, they were confident, would not prevent opposition or aid the opposers of our proposed organization.“On motion, a judiciary committee was appointed by the Speaker or chairman, consisting of Messrs. Beers, Hubbard, and Shortess.“On motion, a committee of ways and means was appointed, consisting of Messrs. Shortess, O’Neil, and Dougherty.”

“On motion of W. H. Gray, a committee of three was appointed by the chairman to prepare rules and business for the house. This committee (Messrs. Gray, Shortess, and Newell), at once, in a hasty manner, prepared eight rules, and suggested the business proposed for the committee as a whole to perform. The rules were taken up and adopted with scarcely a single objection. Up to this time no one except members of the committee had been allowed a place in the house as spectators.

“On motion, it was decided that the committee sit with open doors. O’Neil, Hubbard, and Dougherty favored the closed-door sessions, as they did not want to expose their ignorance of making laws. Newell thought we had better make as little display as possible, for it would all be known, and we might be ashamed of what we had done.

“Shortess, Hill, Gray, and Beers were willing that all our efforts to make laws for ourselves should be fully known, and were ready to receive instructions and advice from any source. The deliberations of thecommittee, they were confident, would not prevent opposition or aid the opposers of our proposed organization.

“On motion, a judiciary committee was appointed by the Speaker or chairman, consisting of Messrs. Beers, Hubbard, and Shortess.

“On motion, a committee of ways and means was appointed, consisting of Messrs. Shortess, O’Neil, and Dougherty.”

The minutes at this stage show that there was a doubt as to the disposition of the Speaker, Mr. Moore, to place the best men as chairmen of the several committees. Mr. Moore had peculiar notions of his own about land claims, and had placed upon the committee, I think, Robert Newell, as favoring his and Dr. McLaughlin’s pretensions to the entire water privileges at Wallamet Falls, which resulted in the appointment as above stated. The record seems to convey the idea that the first appointment was conferred by vote. This was not the case. It was the final action that was repeated and entered.

“On motion, a committee, consisting of Hubbard, Newell, and Gray, was appointed on military affairs.”

We have not the original documents to refer to, but are of the impression that considerable correction was made in the first day’s journal, and that more should have been made at the time. There was a little feeling on the part of the Speaker and the writer as to the necessity of an extended minute, and a disposition on the part of Mr. Le Breton to do as little writing as possible, not for want of time and material, but, from the deep interest he took in the discussions, he seemed to forget his work. I am not prepared to think the compiler has abridged the minutes, yet such may be the fact.

“On motion, Messrs. Shortess, Dougherty, and Hill were appointed a committee on private land claims.“On motion, Messrs. Gray, Dougherty, and Beers were appointed a committee on districting the Territory into not to exceed five districts.”

“On motion, Messrs. Shortess, Dougherty, and Hill were appointed a committee on private land claims.

“On motion, Messrs. Gray, Dougherty, and Beers were appointed a committee on districting the Territory into not to exceed five districts.”

This committee, it seems by the motion, was to be appointed by the chairman or Speaker.

“Adjourned to 8 o’clock,A. M., May 17, 1843.“The house was called to order by the chairman, and Mr. Gray appointed secretary,pro tem.The session was then opened with prayer by A. Beers. The minutes of yesterday’s session were then read, corrected, and accepted.”

“Adjourned to 8 o’clock,A. M., May 17, 1843.

“The house was called to order by the chairman, and Mr. Gray appointed secretary,pro tem.The session was then opened with prayer by A. Beers. The minutes of yesterday’s session were then read, corrected, and accepted.”

The house then adjourned for one hour and a half to prepare business, at the expiration of which time they were called to order by the chairman.

The judiciary committee reported progress. The military committee reported in part; also committee on districts.

“Reports accepted.“It was moved that there be a standing committee on finance, which was lost, as the vote at Champoeg had directed that the finance of the government should be by subscription and voluntary contribution.“Adjourned to 1.30P. M.“House called to order by Speaker.“On motion, house went into committee of the whole upon reports of committees, Gray in the chair. It was soon found that the business before the committee of the whole was not in a shape to be properly acted upon, and that by an open and informal meeting of the members, it could be brought into shape for action, or rather that the several members of the different committees had not had a full expression upon the reports that were before them, and these expressions could be shortened by separate committee consultation and agreement among the members of the several committees; hence an adjournment of one hour was agreed upon.“At the close of the hour the house met and agreed, went into committee of the whole as to the number of districts. The report of the committee accepted, as amended in committee of the whole.”

“Reports accepted.

“It was moved that there be a standing committee on finance, which was lost, as the vote at Champoeg had directed that the finance of the government should be by subscription and voluntary contribution.

“Adjourned to 1.30P. M.

“House called to order by Speaker.

“On motion, house went into committee of the whole upon reports of committees, Gray in the chair. It was soon found that the business before the committee of the whole was not in a shape to be properly acted upon, and that by an open and informal meeting of the members, it could be brought into shape for action, or rather that the several members of the different committees had not had a full expression upon the reports that were before them, and these expressions could be shortened by separate committee consultation and agreement among the members of the several committees; hence an adjournment of one hour was agreed upon.

“At the close of the hour the house met and agreed, went into committee of the whole as to the number of districts. The report of the committee accepted, as amended in committee of the whole.”

The question arises here why did not this committee on districts, and the whole Legislative Committee, specify all north of the Columbia River?

It will be remembered that the Hudson’s Bay Company, with all the influence and votes they, with the priests, could collect, had met the settlers at Champoeg on the 2d of May previous, and opposed the entire organization; and the French priest had sent to the Legislative Committee a protest against any organization; at least the districting committee was aware that such would be the case, as the protest already given was in the hands of Le Breton, the secretary of the committee, and of the whole house. In specifying the districts beyond the limits named, or north of the Columbia, the additional votes and personal influence of the company would be thrown against us. The district committee contended that that influence and vote would defeat us, and make us an English or Hudson’s Bay Company settlement. We could, without the interference of the company, manage our own affairs with such of the French settlers as chose to remain and vote with us. Such as did not like our laws could have a place to which they could continue their allegiance. Besides, we were confident we should receive a large immigration in the fall, and in that case we could extend our settlements and districts and laws to that section of the country.

Another prominent, and perhaps the most prominent reason of allwas, we were afraid to attempt to enforce any laws we might wish to adopt, or think necessary among ourselves, upon the servants of the company. We did not acknowledge their right to enforce any English laws over us, and we, as the writer thought then, and still thinks, wisely concluded if they would not openly interfere with us, we would not openly interfere with them, till we were strong enough to outnumber and control them, as will hereafter be clearly demonstrated.

The journal of the proceedings of that committee shows that there were frequent short adjournments. These moments were all occupied in discussing and agreeing upon some report that was soon to be acted upon, and in coming to a unanimous vote as to the final result; there was but one thought and but one object with the majority of the members of the Legislative Committee.

That thought and object was, to establish the provisional government they had undertaken to organize. They felt that union in their action was absolutely necessary, as the opposing elements were so strong, that without it we must fail, and subject ourselves and the settlement to the worst possible tyranny and humiliation from Dr. White and the Hudson’s Bay Company.

After the second recess, during the second day, the report of the military committee was before the house and instructions asked. Newell was opposed to any military arrangements at all. Hubbard was undecided. Gray insisted on carrying out the instructions and ideas of the meeting of the 2d of May in regard to military officers that had been appointed at that meeting, and in preparing rules to govern them in organizing and drilling the men. He was unwilling to leave the military power without any responsibility to any one but themselves; hence instruction was asked, and given, to proceed as indicated in the meeting at Champoeg, and prepare a military law, to be included in the articles of organic compact.

“May 18, 1843.—House met pursuant to adjournment. Session was opened by prayer. Minutes of yesterday’s session read, corrected, and accepted.“Robert Newell moved, and was seconded, that a committee be appointed to prepare a paper for the signature of all persons wishing an organization.”

“May 18, 1843.—House met pursuant to adjournment. Session was opened by prayer. Minutes of yesterday’s session read, corrected, and accepted.

“Robert Newell moved, and was seconded, that a committee be appointed to prepare a paper for the signature of all persons wishing an organization.”

The reader is already informed of the appearance of the French protest, and that it was in the possession of Le Breton. It is possible that Newell may have received it from the French priest. The writer has never been able to learn the exact facts in the case. At all events Newell’s resolution shows, that however willing and ready he was tocommence the organization of an American government with hisadoptedcountrymen, he is now in doubt as to the propriety of the step he, with others, had undertaken.

He presents a resolution to get up a committee to prepare a paper to circulate among the people, to find out who were in favor of the organization we were then attempting to bring into shape, under the instructions already received.

Perhaps the reader will understand Mr. Newell better if he is more fully informed as to his real genealogy, as there has always been a little doubt whether he belonged to the American or British nation. From the best information we could get about him, he was formerly from Cincinnati, Ohio, and the Rocky Mountains. From the earliest history we have of him, he has claimed to be an American, and represented the interests of a foreign monopoly, under a religious belief that he was conscientiously right in so doing. By keeping himself talking strong American sentiments to Americans, and acting strongly anti-American while in the mountains and in the settlement, he succeeded in obtaining and holding positions to benefit the trade of the Hudson’s Bay Company; also a place in the Legislative Committee, and in the settler’s government, to shield and protect those who were seeking the destruction of all American trade and influence in the country. He was a man of quite ordinary ability, yet smooth and insinuating in his manners, with a great abundance of plausible stories, to make a stranger believe he was learned in a profession. His real sentiments could never be learned except by his vote; his thoughts only read by his acts, which always tended to complicate and confuse legislation. This probably arose from a disposition to seek popularity and places he was incompetent to fill; as, also, from the title he assumed in early life, it naturally made him a hypocrite in action as well as profession. He had not the moral principle requisite to make known the truth, and to assume his proper position and be regarded as a plain man without a title. As plain Bob Newell he could be respected for his natural and genial talent. AsDr.Newell he assumes an air to correspond with the title, and shows the hypocrisy of his life. He was at this time, and has continued to be, a faithful representative of the Hudson’s Bay Company and Jesuit interests in the country, for which service they should enter his name upon their calendar of saints. As a public man, we are not aware that he ever originated a single act or law; but as representing a clique, or the interests of his masters, he has always been ready to do his utmost in every possible way. At the time we were called to vote upon Mr. Newell’s first resolution, his position was fully known to but few, yet enough was understood of his duplicity to rejecthis proposition at once, and the house proceeded to amend its rules and add a ninth to those already adopted.

The report of the military committee was recommitted with instructions for further notion. Mr. Hubbard was considerably under the influence of Newell, and in consequence of this fact the military rules or laws were remodeled in committee of the whole. Newell and Hubbard were disposed to defeat it altogether as unnecessary, as intimated in the tenth proposition in the French priest’s address. In fact, Mr. Newell acted all through the proceedings of the Legislative Committee upon the ideas contained in that address, and opposed all measures looking beyond the suggestions contained in it.

At this point, the judiciary committee, consisting of Beers, Hubbard, and Shortess, reported in part on the executive power, and opened the eyes of Dr. Newell to the awful responsibility and to a full realization of the fact that a majority of the committee were in favor of an organization, and a real, actual American government. He took the floor and commenced: “Wall, reelly now, Mr. Chairman, this ’ere report is a stumper, I see from the report of this ’ere committee that you are going on a little too fast. I think you had better find out if we can carry this thing through before we go too far. We have a good many people that don’t know what we are about, and I think we had better adjourn before we go too far.”

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