CHAPTER XXXIII.

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Department of War,Office of Indian Affairs, Nov. 24, 1845.

Two interesting and very instructive reports have been received from the sub-agent west of the Rocky Mountains. They present that country in a new and important light to the consideration of the public.

The advancement in civilization by the numerous tribes of Indians in that remote and hitherto neglected portion of our territory, with sofew advantages, is a matter of surprise. Indeed, the red men of that region would almost seem to be of a different order from those with whom we have been in more familiar intercourse. A few years since the face of a white man was almost unknown to them; now, through the benevolent policy of the various Christian churches, and the indefatigable exertions of the missionaries in their employ, they have prescribed and well adapted rules for their government, which are observed and respected to a degree worthy the most intelligent whites.

Numerous schools have grown up in their midst, at which their children are acquiring the most important and useful information. They have already advanced to a degree of civilization that promises the most beneficial results to them and their brethren on this side of the mountains, with whom they may, and no doubt will at some future period, be brought into intercourse. They are turning their attention to agricultural pursuits, and with but few of the necessary utensils in their possession, already produce sufficient in some places to meet their every want.

Among some of the tribes, hunting has been almost entirely abandoned, many individuals looking wholly to the soil for support. The lands are represented as extremely fertile, and the climate healthy, agreeable, and uniform.

Under these circumstances, so promising in their consequences, and grateful to the feelings of the philanthropist, it would seem to be the duty of the government of the United States to encourage their advancement, and still further aid their progress in the path of civilization. I therefore respectfully recommend the establishment among them of a full agency, with power to the President to make it an acting superintendency; and to appoint one or more sub-agents, whenever, in his judgment, the same may become necessary and proper.

All which is respectfully submitted.

W. Medill.

Hon.Wm. L. Marcy,Secretary of War.

The reader will observe the clear statement of the United States Indian policy in the above communication. That schools, farming, and civilization are prominent. That the Indians, as the whole of this report indicates, are rapidly improving under the instructions of the missionaries in the interior,—Spalding and Whitman in particular. That Dr. White, in this report, as contained in the previous chapter, attempts to include Blanchet and associates as erecting mills, etc., for the benefitof the Indians, while Spalding’s and Whitman’s stations were the only places where mills had been erected.

These facts brought so prominently before the British and foreign mind their sectarian and commercial jealousies; and national pride was so excited that it knew no bounds and could not be satisfied short of the effort that was made in 1847-8. Subsequent Indian wars were but the spasmodic and dying action of the spirit that instigated the first.

It will also be observed that this report brings out the bold efforts of our foreign emissaries to excite the Indians in the settlement, and to disturb and divide the American population on the question of an organization.

First council to organize a provisional government.—Library founded.—Origin of the Wolf Association.—The Methodist Mission influence.—Dr. White exhibits his credentials.—First “wolf meeting.”—Proceedings of the second “wolf meeting.”—Officers.—Resolutions.—Bounties to be paid.—Resolution to appoint a committee of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement.—Names of the members of the committee.

First council to organize a provisional government.—Library founded.—Origin of the Wolf Association.—The Methodist Mission influence.—Dr. White exhibits his credentials.—First “wolf meeting.”—Proceedings of the second “wolf meeting.”—Officers.—Resolutions.—Bounties to be paid.—Resolution to appoint a committee of twelve for the civil and military protection of the settlement.—Names of the members of the committee.

A consultation was held at the house of Gray to consider the expediency of organizing a provisional government. In it the whole condition of the settlement, the missions, and Hudson’s Bay Company, were carefully looked at, and all the influences combined against the organization of a settlers’ government were fully canvassed. The conclusion was that no direct effort could succeed, as it had already been tried and failed, from the combined influence of the Hudson’s Bay Company and the Roman Catholic and Methodist missions. To the writer, who up to this time had not fully understood all the causes of the failure, it was doubtful. Two plans were suggested; one, at least, might succeed. The first was to get up a circulating library, and by that means draw attention and discussion to subjects of interest to the settlement, and secure the influence of the Methodist Mission, as education was a subject they had commenced. We found no difficulty in the library movement from them, only they seemed anxious to keep from the library a certain class of light reading, which they appeared tenacious about. This was not a vital point with the original movers, so they yielded it. The library prospered finely; one hundred shares were taken at five dollars a share; three hundred volumes of old books collected and placed in this institution, which was called the “Multnomah Circulating Library;” one hundred dollars were sent to New York for new books which arrived the following year. Now for the main effort to secure another position.

It will be remembered that in the winter of 1836-7 the Wallamet Cattle Company was formed. All the settlers that could raise the funds entered heartily into the project, and such as had no means to advance money for stock at the time had succeeded in buying from those that would sell. Besides, part of the estate of Ewing Young had been sold and distributed, and the Hudson’s Bay Company had also organized the Puget Sound Company, and had begun to distributecattle; hence almost every settler, the missions, the Hudson’s Bay Company, and some Indians were owning cattle.

The wolves, bears, and panthers were very destructive to the cattle of all alike. Here was an object of sufficient interest to all, to bring a united action, and collect a large number of the settlers. Accordingly, a notice was given, requesting all interested in adopting some united action to get rid of the wild beasts, that were destroying our domestic animals, to meet at the house of W. H. Gray, on the 2d of February, 1843. This was the first move to the provisional government. While this was being done in the valley, at Wallamet Falls, since Oregon City, the question of a provisional government was up before a lyceum held at that place and debated warmly for several evenings, and finally voted down. Dr. John McLaughlin took the side of an independent government. Mr. Abernethy, afterward governor, moved that, in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent government. This idea was favored by Dr. White, upon condition that the settlers would vote generally to elect him as their governor, as from the fact that he held the office of sub-Indian agent by the appointment of the President, he could officiate as governor, and it would be no additional expense to the settlers. This was a plausible argument, and had Dr. White been a man of moral principle and capable of understanding his duties in the office he held, the settlers would without a doubt have adopted his suggestions; but, unfortunately for him, they had lost all confidence in his executive and judicial ability, as also in his ability to deal with Indians. Besides, the leading members of the Methodist Mission were opposed to him on account of his shameful course while one of their number, though Mr. Hines seems to have held to his skirts during the greater portion of the time he was creating all the disturbance he was capable of among the Indians, and being the dupe of the Hudson’s Bay Company.

These facts were all known to the getters-up of the “Wolf Organization,” as it was called. In fact, Le Breton had participated in the discussions at the Wallamet Falls, and reported them to those of us in the valley. Our idea was, to get an object before the people upon which all could unite, and as we advanced, secure the main object,—self-preservation, both for property and person.

The “wolf meeting” was fully attended, and all took a lively interest in it, for there was not a man in the settlement that had not been a loser from wild animals. There was a little suspicion in this first meeting that more than protection for animals was meant.

Dr. Ira L. Babcock, who was elected our chairman, and who, wesupposed, would be the first to suspect the main object, seemed to discard the idea as foolish and ridiculous, as he thought “we had all the protection for our persons that we needed in the arrangements already entered into, and the object for which the meeting was called was a good and laudable one; we were all interested in it; we had all lost more or less from the ravages of wild animals, and it became necessary to have a united effort to get rid of them and protect our property.” This was the very point we wished to hold the doctor to. He had expressed the idea exactly, and placed it in a clear light. As settlers, we had nothing to do but submit to the rule of the Hudson’s Bay Company, the missions, and Dr. White, and do all we could to protect their cattle and herds.

The Oregon archives show that there were persons present who were prepared for the occasion. The remarks of our chairman were appropriate, for it was self-evident that our domestic animals needed protection; we could not spend all our time to guard them, hence a united effort would accomplish in a short time, and at comparatively little expense to all, what would otherwise be impossible, scattered as our settlements were, with our domestic animals exposed to the ravages of wild animals known to be numerous all over the country. It was moved that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and prepare a plan, and report the matter for the action of the settlers.

The chairman was called upon to appoint a committee to call a public meeting. Gray, Beers, and Wilson, already known to the reader, and Gervais and Lucie, Canadian-Frenchmen, who came to the country with Wilson G. Hunt’s party, and Barnaby, a French Rocky Mountain hunter, were appointed.

These three men were the most intelligent and influential French settlers that were then in the country, having considerable influence with the Canadian-French settlers, and generally favored American settlement and enterprise.

The preparation for the general meeting, which was moved by Alanson Beers to be called at the house of Mr. Joseph Gervais on the first Monday in March next, at ten o’clockA. M., devolved on Gray, Beers, and Wilson. The giving of the notices, which Le Breton with his ready pen soon prepared, devolved on Gervais, Barnaby, and Lucie. Up to this time, no intimation of the proposed civil government had been given to any member of the missions, or the Hudson’s Bay Company. All was moving on harmoniously, and all were interested in caring for and protecting our domestic animals. The “wolf meeting,” and what was to be done, was the subject of general interest. Le Breton and Smith were busy in finding out the men who could be relied upon, and the men that would oppose theone great objectwe had determined to accomplish, so that on the first Monday in March, 1843, the settlement,except the clergy, were all present. If my memory serves me, there was not in that meeting a single reverend gentleman of any denomination. James A. O’Neil, who came to the country with Captain Wyeth in 1834, and had remained in it, presided at this meeting. He was informed of the main object, and requested to hurry through the “wolf meeting” business as soon as possible.

It will be seen that we had placed before the settlement, the Hudson’s Bay Company, and both missions, an object they were deeply interested in. The clergy were just then all asleep, and so were the company, for while they were all willing that we should pay our money, spend our time, and hunt wild animals to protect their by far the largest portion of property exposed, they did not suspect we were looking to a far more important object—ourpersonal liberty; hence the settlers’ “wolf meeting” did not call for their attention, but they all gave it an encouraging word, and promised to contribute to its funds, which they did, till they saw the real object, when they dropped it without ceremony, or at least saw too late that their power was gone.

The Methodist Mission influence was the most difficult to deal with. We were fully aware of their large pretensions to land, and of the consummate duplicity of White, in dealing with all parties. White, to secure the approval of the Methodist Mission, encouraged their large pretensions to mission lands, and also spoke favorably of the Jesuit influence among the Indians; while, if he had had two grains of common sense and common honesty, he could have seen their influence was tending to destroy all of his, as well as all American influence in the country. Still his supremely selfish ideas of self-honor and official dignity led him to pursue a course disgusting to all parties.

During the time between the first and second “wolf meetings,” White was called upon in a public manner to exhibit his authority from the President, which he was foolish enough to do. It was seen at once that he was in the countryonly as a spy upon the actions of the Hudson’s Bay Company, while he assumed to make treaties with Indians, and govern the country, and make pledges and promises, which no one believed the government would ever attempt to fulfill.

As a matter of history and curiosity, the proceedings of the “wolf meetings” are copied from the Oregon archives, which Mr. Hines, it seems, did not even know had an existence, showing, by his own statements, that he was so completely mixed up in his ideas of the origin of the provisional government, that though he is generally correct in his statements, yet he failed to distinguish the point of conceptionand birth of theoldest State on the Pacific, for I contend that justice to our effort and a proper understanding of our rights should have admitted us as a State instead of subjecting us to a Territorialannoyance, under suchdemagoguesas were sent among us up to the time we became a State.

Proceedings of a Meeting held at the Oregon Institute, February 2, 1843.

A public meeting of a number of the citizens of this colony was called at the house of W. H. Gray, in order to take into consideration the propriety of adopting some measures for the protection of our herds, etc., in this country.

On motion, Dr. I. L. Babcock was called to the chair, who proceeded to state the objects of the meeting, and the necessity of acting.

Mr. W. H. Gray moved, and Mr. Torn seconded the motion, “that a committee of six be appointed to notify a general meeting, and report business, etc.,” which motion was carried, and Messrs. Gray, Beers, Gervais, Wilson, Barnaby, and Lucie, were appointed said committee.

Mr. Beers moved “that a general meeting be called at the house of Mr. Joseph Gervais, on the first Monday in March next, at ten o’clock,A. M.,” which motion was carried.

W. H. Wilson, Secretary.I. L. Babcock, Chairman.

Journal of a Meeting at the house of J. Gervais, first Monday in March, 1843.

In pursuance of a resolution of a previous meeting, the citizens of Wallamet Valley met, and, the meeting being called to order, Mr. James O’Neil was chosen chairman. Mr. Martin was chosen as secretary, but declining to serve, Mr. Le Breton was chosen.

The minutes of the former meeting were read.

The committee appointed to notify a general meeting and report business, made the following report, to wit:—

“Your committee beg leave to report as follows: It being admitted by all that bears, wolves, panthers, etc., are destructive to the useful animals owned by the settlers of this colony, your committee would submit the following resolutions, as the sense of this meeting, by which the community may be governed in carrying on a defensive and destructive war against all such animals.“Resolved, 1st. That we deem it expedient for this community to take immediate measures for the destruction of all wolves, panthers, and bears, and such other animals as are known to be destructive to cattle, horses, sheep, and hogs.“2d. That a treasurer be appointed, who shall receive all funds, anddispense the same, in accordance with drafts drawn on him by the committee appointed to receive the evidences of the destruction of the above-named animals; and that he report the state of the treasury, by posting up public notices, once in three months, in the vicinity of each of the committee.“3d. That a standing committee of eight be appointed, whose duty it shall be, together with the treasurer, to receive the proofs, or evidences, of the animals for which a bounty is claimed having been killed in the Wallamet Valley.“4th. That a bounty of fifty cents be paid for the destruction of a small wolf; three dollars for a large wolf; one dollar and fifty cents for a lynx; two dollars for a bear; and five dollars for a panther.“5th. That no bounty be paid unless the individual claiming said bounty give satisfactory evidence, or present the skin of the head with the ears of all animals for which he claims a bounty.“6th. That the committee and treasurer form a Board of advice to call public meetings, whenever they may deem it expedient, to promote and encourage all persons to use their vigilance in destroying all the animals named in the fourth resolution.“7th. That the bounties specified in the fourth resolution be limited to whites and their descendants.“8th. That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and a copy thereof be presented to the recorder of this colony.”

“Your committee beg leave to report as follows: It being admitted by all that bears, wolves, panthers, etc., are destructive to the useful animals owned by the settlers of this colony, your committee would submit the following resolutions, as the sense of this meeting, by which the community may be governed in carrying on a defensive and destructive war against all such animals.

“Resolved, 1st. That we deem it expedient for this community to take immediate measures for the destruction of all wolves, panthers, and bears, and such other animals as are known to be destructive to cattle, horses, sheep, and hogs.

“2d. That a treasurer be appointed, who shall receive all funds, anddispense the same, in accordance with drafts drawn on him by the committee appointed to receive the evidences of the destruction of the above-named animals; and that he report the state of the treasury, by posting up public notices, once in three months, in the vicinity of each of the committee.

“3d. That a standing committee of eight be appointed, whose duty it shall be, together with the treasurer, to receive the proofs, or evidences, of the animals for which a bounty is claimed having been killed in the Wallamet Valley.

“4th. That a bounty of fifty cents be paid for the destruction of a small wolf; three dollars for a large wolf; one dollar and fifty cents for a lynx; two dollars for a bear; and five dollars for a panther.

“5th. That no bounty be paid unless the individual claiming said bounty give satisfactory evidence, or present the skin of the head with the ears of all animals for which he claims a bounty.

“6th. That the committee and treasurer form a Board of advice to call public meetings, whenever they may deem it expedient, to promote and encourage all persons to use their vigilance in destroying all the animals named in the fourth resolution.

“7th. That the bounties specified in the fourth resolution be limited to whites and their descendants.

“8th. That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the chairman and secretary, and a copy thereof be presented to the recorder of this colony.”

On motion, the report was accepted.

It was then moved and seconded that the report be laid on the table, which was carried.

It was moved and seconded that the first resolution in the report of the committee be adopted, which was carried.

It was moved and seconded the a sum be raised by contribution for the protection of our animals, which was carried.

It was moved and seconded that the third resolution, as amended, be adopted, which was carried.

It was moved and seconded that two collectors be appointed to receive all subscriptions, retaining five per cent. for collecting the same, and pay the amount over to the treasurer, taking his receipt for the same, which was carried.

On motion, the fifth resolution was adopted.

On motion, it was resolved “that no one receive a bounty (except Indians) unless he pay a subscription of five dollars.”

On motion, the seventh resolution was adopted.

On motion, the eighth and ninth resolutions were adopted.

It was moved and seconded that the Indians receive one-half as much as the whites.

It was moved and seconded that all claims for bounties be presented within ten days from the time of becoming entitled to said bounties, and, if there should be any doubts, the individual claiming a bounty shall give his oath to the various circumstances; which was carried.

On motion, W. H. Gray was chosen treasurer.

It was moved that Messrs. McRoy, Gervais, Martin, S. Smith, Dougherty, O’Neil, Shortess, and Lucie be the standing committee; which motion was carried.

It was moved that G. W. Le Breton and Mr. Bridgers be the collectors. Carried.

On motion, the following resolutions were adopted:—

“Resolved, That no money be paid to any white, or his descendants, previous to the time of his subscription.“Resolved, That the bounty of a minor child be paid to a parent or guardian.“Resolved, That the draft for receiving subscriptions be drawn by Mr. Gray and Mr. Le Breton.“Resolved, That drafts on Fort Vancouver, the Mission, and the Milling Company be received on subscriptions, as payment.”

“Resolved, That no money be paid to any white, or his descendants, previous to the time of his subscription.

“Resolved, That the bounty of a minor child be paid to a parent or guardian.

“Resolved, That the draft for receiving subscriptions be drawn by Mr. Gray and Mr. Le Breton.

“Resolved, That drafts on Fort Vancouver, the Mission, and the Milling Company be received on subscriptions, as payment.”

As a kind Providence would have it, the “wolf meeting” at Mr. Gervais’ house on the Wallamet River was one of the most harmonious meetings I ever attended. Every one seemed to feel that a unanimous war had been declared against the despoilers of our domestic animals that were dependent upon us for protection.

It was stated by one speaker “that no one would question for a moment that this was right. This was just and natural protection for our property in animals liable to be destroyed by wolves, bears, and panthers. How is it, fellow-citizens, with you and me, and our children and wives? Have we any organization upon which we can rely for mutual protection? Is there any power or influence in the country sufficient to protect us and all we hold dear on earth from the worse than wild beasts that threaten and occasionally destroy our cattle? Who in our midst is authorized at this moment to call us together to protect our own, and the lives of our families? True, the alarm may be given, as in a recent case, and we may run who feel alarmed, and shoot off our guns, while our enemy may be robbing our property, ravishing our wives, and burning the houses over our defenseless families. Common sense, prudence, and justice to ourselves demand that we act consistent with the principles we have commenced. Wehave mutually and unitedly agreed to defend and protect ourcattle and domestic animals; now, fellow-citizens, I submit and move the adoption of the two following resolutions, that we may have protection for our persons and lives as well as our cattle and herds:—

“Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military protection of this colony.“Resolved, That said committee consist of twelve persons.”

“Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the propriety of taking measures for the civil and military protection of this colony.

“Resolved, That said committee consist of twelve persons.”

There was not a dissenting vote in that meeting. Drs. Babcock and White were not present, but prudence and policy gave them both a place upon the proposed committee of twelve, while we knew the feelings of the balance of the committee.

Messrs. Dr. Babcock, Dr. White, O’Neil, Shortess, Newell, Lucie, Gervais, Hubbard, McRoy, Gray, Smith, and Gay were appointed said committee.

First meeting of the committee of twelve.—All invited to participate.—The Rev. J. Lee and Mr. Abernethy ridicule the organization.—Mr. Lee tells a story.—Letter from Governor Abernethy.—The main question at issue.—Drowning of Cornelius Rogers and party.—Conduct of Dr. White.—Methodist Mission.—Catholic boasts of conversions.

First meeting of the committee of twelve.—All invited to participate.—The Rev. J. Lee and Mr. Abernethy ridicule the organization.—Mr. Lee tells a story.—Letter from Governor Abernethy.—The main question at issue.—Drowning of Cornelius Rogers and party.—Conduct of Dr. White.—Methodist Mission.—Catholic boasts of conversions.

By mutual understanding the committee of twelve first met at Wallamet Falls, about the middle of March, 1843. My impression is that Dr. Babcock was not present with the committee, and that Dr. White was chosen temporary chairman. G. W. Le Breton was secretary of the committee. A motion was made and carried to invite the citizens of the village to participate in the deliberations of the committee. Rev. Jason Lee, Rev. Mr. Waller, Mr. Abernethy, R. Moore, in fact, nearly all the prominent men of the place, were present, and participated in the discussions.

We found Rev. Jason Lee and Mr. Abernethy disposed to ridicule the proposed organization as foolish and unnecessary. Rev. Jason Lee in his argument illustrated the folly of the effort, by telling us of a company of militia gotten up somewhere in Canada. He said “the requisite notice had been given, and all the people liable to military duty were present on the day to elect the officers required for the company. When they had elected all their officers, there was one private soldier left. ‘Well,’ says the soldier, ‘you may march me, you may drill me, you may face me to the right, or to the left, or about face, just as much as you please, but for mercy’s sake don’t divide me up into platoons.’”

Mr. Abernethy made a little attempt to ridicule the proposed organization, in moving to amend the resolution recommending three justices of the peace and three constables. We are now in receipt of an explanation from the governor in reference to the question of an independent government, as debated at the Lyceum, which we giveverbatim, as it places the governor with his own explanation on that question, and I think gives us the correct statement of the case, and shows his policy, which was, to defeat not only the proposition for an independent government, but any effort for a provisional one, for at least four years,—which were not only the views of Mr. Abernethy, but those of Messrs. Lee, Leslie, Babcock, and Hines:—

Portland, March 11, 1866.Dear Sir,—Allow me to correct one statement in your History of Oregon in theGazetteof 5th March. You speak of a debate in a Lyceum, and say: “Mr. Abernethy moved that in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent government.” The facts are these: We had weekly meetings for discussion. Mr. Hastings, Dr. McLaughlin’s lawyer, offered a resolution, “That it is expedient for the settlers on this coast to establish an independent government.” This subject was warmly discussed, Mr. Abernethy being, with a few others, opposed to it. At the close of the discussion the vote was taken and decided in favor of an independent government. Mr. Abernethy then offered the following: “Resolved, That if the United States extends its jurisdiction over this country within four years, it will not be expedient to form an independent government,” as the subject for the next discussion. This was warmly discussed, many who voted for the first resolution saying if the United States government is extended over us, it is all we want, and voted in the affirmative. The resolution was carried, and destroyed the effect of the first resolution.You will see by this you have the thing all wrong.Yours truly,Geo. Abernethy.P. S.—Dr. White, I think, was present; am not certain. This independent government move was a prominent scheme of Dr. McLaughlin.

Portland, March 11, 1866.

Dear Sir,—Allow me to correct one statement in your History of Oregon in theGazetteof 5th March. You speak of a debate in a Lyceum, and say: “Mr. Abernethy moved that in case our government did not extend its jurisdiction over the country in four years, that then the meeting would be in favor of an independent government.” The facts are these: We had weekly meetings for discussion. Mr. Hastings, Dr. McLaughlin’s lawyer, offered a resolution, “That it is expedient for the settlers on this coast to establish an independent government.” This subject was warmly discussed, Mr. Abernethy being, with a few others, opposed to it. At the close of the discussion the vote was taken and decided in favor of an independent government. Mr. Abernethy then offered the following: “Resolved, That if the United States extends its jurisdiction over this country within four years, it will not be expedient to form an independent government,” as the subject for the next discussion. This was warmly discussed, many who voted for the first resolution saying if the United States government is extended over us, it is all we want, and voted in the affirmative. The resolution was carried, and destroyed the effect of the first resolution.

You will see by this you have the thing all wrong.

Yours truly,Geo. Abernethy.

P. S.—Dr. White, I think, was present; am not certain. This independent government move was a prominent scheme of Dr. McLaughlin.

The main question at issue before the committee at the Falls meeting was the office of governor. Dr. Bailey was in the Sandwich Islands; nothing was to be feared from him; but Dr. White was, to say the least, an impudent candidate. I have been informed that Dr. Bailey, an Englishman, came to that meeting February 18, 1841, with all his French voters trained to vote for himself for governor, and that he nominated himself, in opposition to Mr. Hines and Dr. Babcock, for that office, and conducted himself in such a manner that it disgusted some, and was the means of breaking up the proposed civil government, as what Americans there were then in the country found they would be outnumbered by the French and English (which was unquestionably the fact), and thus they would be completely at the disposal of English rule.

Such being the case, much credit is due to the men who defeated that effort, and I see no reason why Mr. Hines, in his account, and as an actor in those meetings, should attempt to give a different impression, and say that “the officers of the squadron were consulted, and were found to be decidedly opposed to the scheme.”(Page 421 of his book.) This fact alone, and I have it from an actor and an eye-witness in the meeting referred to, is, to say the least, strange and unaccountable on the part of Mr. Hines. He either feared the influence of Bailey, or the truth, which he withheld in the case, and leaves a wrong impression upon the minds of his readers.

From the sickening, fawning, and contemptible course of Dr. White, the committee at the Falls meeting were induced to yield the point of an organization without an executive head, and by that means got a unanimous vote to call a public meeting to organize a provisional government at Champoeg, on the 2d of May, 1843. This was effort number one of February and June, 1841, over again. Those of us who commenced this move did not feel that we had gained much, still we hoped for the best and prepared for the worst as well as the meeting at Champoeg on the 2d of May, 1843.

We will let the provisional government rest till the 2d of May, 1843, while we take a look over the whole country, and at the actors in it, first stopping to drop a tear at the grave of our friends as we proceed. On the 2d of February our best and most esteemed friend, Cornelius Rogers, with whom we had spent years of the kindest confidence and friendship, left our house for Oregon City, as his future residence and home, with his young wife, the eldest daughter of Rev. David Leslie, and her youngest sister. They took passage down the river with W. W. Raymond, a man who came to the country with the re-enforcement of the mission of 1839-40. He was at that time a member of the Methodist Mission, in good standing. Dr. Elijah White and Esquire Crocker, of Lansingville, Tompkins County, New York, were also in the canoe, one of the largest of Chinook manufacturing. They arrived all safe at Canemah. It was let down stern first by a line, around a point of rocks just above the falls on the Oregon City side, since blasted away for a canal and boat channel. In the eddy formed by the point of rock a large tree had lodged, forming a convenient landing, and occupying a large portion of the eddy water, so that it was necessary for the canoe to remain close to the log for safety from the swift current. There were two Indians to guide the canoe into this landing, one in the bow and one in the stern. The one in the stern escaped by jumping from the canoe and catching upon a piece of drift-wood on a rock just above the fall. White, as the canoe came alongside of the log upon which all were to land, being near the bow of the canoe, and not thinking, or perhaps caring, for any one but himself, jumped upon the side of the canoe, and with a spring, upon the log, before there was time for any one to secure the bow of the canoe, to prevent it from swinging into the current. The force of White’s spring upon the canoe to reach the logthrew it into the current, which was too strong for Raymond and his Indians to hold, and in a moment it darted into the middle of the channel, and the next moment was plunged broadside over the falls, some twenty-five feet perpendicular. The force of the current threw the canoe to the bottom of the fall, right side up, but the under-swell threw it back to the sheet of falling water, which filled and upset the canoe in an instant. All that went over were lost. Raymond, who had attempted to hold the canoe, came over the point of rocks (a difficult place) and found White upon the log, and that he had made no effort to relieve the drowning party.

Mr. Hines, I see, gives a more favorable account of this transaction for White. I think this the nearest correct, as Raymond gave the alarm, and a boat was launched, and reached within ten feet of Mr. Rogers before he sank to rise no more. His and Esquire Crocker’s bodies were found and interred. Those of Mrs. Rogers and her sister were never found. Rev. G. Hines, W. H. Gray, and Robert Shortess, were appointed by Judge Babcock to appraise the estate of Mr. Rogers, which was found to be worth about $800, clear of all liabilities. His heirs at law resided in Utica, New York. Rev. Harvey Clark was appointed administrator, discharging that duty faithfully, and I think without compensation. None of the appraisers received a dime for their services. There followed this affliction a severe storm, and an unusually high flood in the Wallamet River. The appraisers were detained several days on account of it, but finally reached their homes in safety.

The Methodist Mission had extended their stations to Fort Nasqualla on Puget Sound and Clatsop Plains, and made an effort to establish a mission station on the Umpqua River. At this last-named place the Indians had been prepared by the instructions they had received through the Hudson’s Bay Company and the Jesuit priests to destroy Lee and Hines, and commence the slaughter of the settlement. (See Hines’ account of the trip, pages 100 to 110 inclusive, made in 1842.)

Messrs. Frost and Cowan had become disgusted with their missionary calling, and Rev. Dr. Richmond had also found his Nasqualla location not a suitable one, or at least, he by some means had become convinced that he could not benefit the Indians about the fort, and made up his mind to leave.

It will be remembered that Vicar-General Brouillet, of Wallawalla, in his attempt to prove that the “Catholic stations and stationary priests” were early in the country, says “almost every Indian tribe possessed some Catholic members” as early as 1840, and that Mr. Demerse’s labors among the Cayuses in 1840 “had made there a mission so fruitful thatthe Protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them if he continued his mission among them.” (Page 87 of “Protestantism in Oregon,” by Brouillet.) Neither Hines, Richmond, nor Smith could understand why it was that the Indians upon this coast and throughout the country were so different from the accounts they had heard and read of them up to 1840. In June, 1853, had either of those gentlemen picked up the New YorkFreeman’s Journal, they would have seen the statement that, as early as 1840, “almost every Indian tribe [on this coast] possessed some Catholic members.” A little further along they would have been startled with the announcement, that these Jesuit missions had become “so fruitful that the Protestant missionaries had got alarmed and feared that all their disciples would abandon them.” This was but the work of two years,—from 1838, late in the fall, to 1840. This was, without doubt, a great triumph, and well does this Jesuit blow his trumpet; and well he may, for he had the active aid of an unscrupulous monopoly who are said to be attempting the same thing with just such implements upon their own countrymen in British Columbia. Why, I ask, have states and countries in Europe found it necessary to suppress that order of the Roman Church? And why is England, to-day, hesitating to give this church in particular the same confidence she does to all others?

Meetings to oppose organization.—Address of the French-Canadians.—Criticisms on it by the author.—The Jesuits.—Jesuit oath.—Article from the CincinnatiBeacon.

Meetings to oppose organization.—Address of the French-Canadians.—Criticisms on it by the author.—The Jesuits.—Jesuit oath.—Article from the CincinnatiBeacon.

Between the meeting of the committee of twelve at Wallamet Falls, about the 16th of March, and the called meeting by that committee on the 2d of May, the priests and the Hudson’s Bay Company were not idle. They held two distinct meetings, one at the falls and one at Vancouver, and two in the French Prairie at the Catholic church. At all of these meetings the course to be pursued by the company and the Catholic and French settlers was discussed and decided. The result of these meetings and discussions can be found on the 12th and 13th pages of the Oregon archives. The names of the signers should have been given. This document seems to be dated the 4th of March, 1843. The meeting at Gervais’ was on the first Monday of March. So this document seems to have been prepared by our Jesuit Blanchet, just about the time the “wolf meeting” was convening, and in anticipation of the move for a provisional government. I am certain it was not before any public meeting of the settlers, and that it was handed in to the committee of three appointed by the Legislative Committee to revise and arrange the laws for the meeting on the 5th of July, 1843.

G. W. Le Breton, clerk of the Legislative Committee, handed it in, when it was examined by the committee of three, and handed back to him with the remark “it was well enough to keep it with the public papers, as it would show the influences operating, and who were opposed to our organization, and the reasons they had for their opposition. At the meeting of May 2, all the signers of that document were present with their priests at their head, and voted to a man against the proposed organization.

“Address of the Canadian citizens of Oregon to the meeting at Champoeg, March 4, 1843,” It will be seen it should have been dated May 2. This mistake simply shows that it was prepared March 4, 1843, in anticipation of the action of the meeting to be held May 2, 1843.

The address above referred to is here submitted as a matter of history, and is as follows:—

“We, the Canadian citizens of Wallamet, considering with interestand reflection the subject which unites the people at the present meeting, present to the American citizens, and particularly to the gentlemen who called said meeting, the unanimous expression of our sentiments of cordiality, and desire of union and inexhaustible peace between all the people, in view of our duty and the interest of the new colony, and declare—“1st. That we wish for laws, or regulations, for the welfare of our persons, and the security of our property and labors.“2d. That we do not intend to rebel against the measures of that kind taken last year, by a party of the people; although we do not approve of certain regulations, nor certain modes of laws, let those magistrates finish their time.“3d. That we will not address a new petition to the government of the United States, because we have our reasons, till the line be decided, and the frontiers of the States fixed.“4th. That we are opposed to the regulations anticipated, and exposed to consequences for the quantity, direction, etc., of lands, and whatsoever expense for the same lands, because we have no direct guaranty from the government to come, and, perhaps, to-morrow, all those measures may be broken.“5th. That we do not wish a provisional mode of government, too self-interested, and full of degrees, useless to our power, and overloading the colony instead of improving it; besides, men of laws and science are too scarce, and have too much to do in such a new country.“6th. That we wish either the mode of senate or council to judge the difficulties, punish the crimes (except capital penalties), and make the regulations suitable for the people.“7th. That the same council be elected and composed of members from all parts of the country, and should act in body, on the plan of civilized countries in parliament, or as a jury, and to be represented, for example, by the president of said council, and another member, as a judge of peace, in each county, allowing the principle of recalling to the whole senate.“8th. That the members should be influenced to interest themselves to their own welfare, and that of the public, by the love of doing good, rather than by the hope of gain, in order to take off from the esteem of the people all suspicions of interest in the persons of their representatives.“9th. That they must avoid every law loading and inexpedient to the people, especially to the new arrivals. Unnecessary taxes, and whatever records are of that kind, we do not want them.“10th. That the militia is useless at present, and rather a danger ofbad suspicion to the Indians and a delay for the necessary labors; at the same time, it is a load; we do not want it, either, at present.“11th. That we consider the country free, at present, to all nations, till government shall have decided; open to every individual wishing to settle, without any distinction of origin, and without asking him any thing, either to become an English, Spanish, or American citizen.“12th. So we, English subjects, proclaim to be free, as well as those who came from France, California, United States, or even natives of this country; and we desire unison with all the respectable citizens who wish to settle in this country; or we ask to be recognized as free among ourselves, to make such regulations as appear suitable to our wants, save the general interest of having justice from all strangers who might injure us, and that our reasonable customs and pretensions be respected.“13th. That we are willing to submit to any lawful government when it comes.“14th. That we do not forgot that we must make laws only for necessary circumstances. The more laws there are, the more opportunities for roguery for those who make a practice of it; and, perhaps, the more alterations there will be some day.“15th. That we do not forget in a trial that before all fraud on fulfilling of some points of the law, the ordinary proofs of the certainty of the fact ought to be duly weighed, so that justice may be done, and no shame given for fraud.“16th. In a new country the more men employed and paid by the public, the less remains of industry.“17th. That no one can be more desirous than we are for the prosperity, ameliorations, and general peace of the country, and especially for the guaranty of our rights and liberties; and such is the wish we make for all those who are, or may become, our fellow-countrymen, etc., for long years of peace.”

“We, the Canadian citizens of Wallamet, considering with interestand reflection the subject which unites the people at the present meeting, present to the American citizens, and particularly to the gentlemen who called said meeting, the unanimous expression of our sentiments of cordiality, and desire of union and inexhaustible peace between all the people, in view of our duty and the interest of the new colony, and declare—

“1st. That we wish for laws, or regulations, for the welfare of our persons, and the security of our property and labors.

“2d. That we do not intend to rebel against the measures of that kind taken last year, by a party of the people; although we do not approve of certain regulations, nor certain modes of laws, let those magistrates finish their time.

“3d. That we will not address a new petition to the government of the United States, because we have our reasons, till the line be decided, and the frontiers of the States fixed.

“4th. That we are opposed to the regulations anticipated, and exposed to consequences for the quantity, direction, etc., of lands, and whatsoever expense for the same lands, because we have no direct guaranty from the government to come, and, perhaps, to-morrow, all those measures may be broken.

“5th. That we do not wish a provisional mode of government, too self-interested, and full of degrees, useless to our power, and overloading the colony instead of improving it; besides, men of laws and science are too scarce, and have too much to do in such a new country.

“6th. That we wish either the mode of senate or council to judge the difficulties, punish the crimes (except capital penalties), and make the regulations suitable for the people.

“7th. That the same council be elected and composed of members from all parts of the country, and should act in body, on the plan of civilized countries in parliament, or as a jury, and to be represented, for example, by the president of said council, and another member, as a judge of peace, in each county, allowing the principle of recalling to the whole senate.

“8th. That the members should be influenced to interest themselves to their own welfare, and that of the public, by the love of doing good, rather than by the hope of gain, in order to take off from the esteem of the people all suspicions of interest in the persons of their representatives.

“9th. That they must avoid every law loading and inexpedient to the people, especially to the new arrivals. Unnecessary taxes, and whatever records are of that kind, we do not want them.

“10th. That the militia is useless at present, and rather a danger ofbad suspicion to the Indians and a delay for the necessary labors; at the same time, it is a load; we do not want it, either, at present.

“11th. That we consider the country free, at present, to all nations, till government shall have decided; open to every individual wishing to settle, without any distinction of origin, and without asking him any thing, either to become an English, Spanish, or American citizen.

“12th. So we, English subjects, proclaim to be free, as well as those who came from France, California, United States, or even natives of this country; and we desire unison with all the respectable citizens who wish to settle in this country; or we ask to be recognized as free among ourselves, to make such regulations as appear suitable to our wants, save the general interest of having justice from all strangers who might injure us, and that our reasonable customs and pretensions be respected.

“13th. That we are willing to submit to any lawful government when it comes.

“14th. That we do not forgot that we must make laws only for necessary circumstances. The more laws there are, the more opportunities for roguery for those who make a practice of it; and, perhaps, the more alterations there will be some day.

“15th. That we do not forget in a trial that before all fraud on fulfilling of some points of the law, the ordinary proofs of the certainty of the fact ought to be duly weighed, so that justice may be done, and no shame given for fraud.

“16th. In a new country the more men employed and paid by the public, the less remains of industry.

“17th. That no one can be more desirous than we are for the prosperity, ameliorations, and general peace of the country, and especially for the guaranty of our rights and liberties; and such is the wish we make for all those who are, or may become, our fellow-countrymen, etc., for long years of peace.”

Then follow our names and persons.

Which, if our memory is correct, were not given or signed to the original document, for, if they had been, the document would have been noticed in the legislative proceedings, and some action taken upon it. It was considered by the revising committee, as an expression of the feelings of the subjects named in the twelfth paragraph, and that while they were opposed to the proposed organization they would act as per thirteenth paragraph. The second paragraph indicates an approval of previous political action. The third, their opposition to a connection with the United States. The fourth, their decided opposition to the proposed government. The fifth is a reason, and shows that they had no confidence in the ability of the people to make laws for themselves.The sixth indicates a preference for the Hudson’s Bay Company’s mode of government. The seventh shows a leaning to republican ideas of government. The eighth to the government of the country by the clergymen in it. The ninth, opposition to taxes which the French, or the class represented in that protest, continually manifested in refusing to pay until compelled by legal or superior force. The tenth shows that they considered themselves safe from Indian hostility, and were only anxious to expose the weakness of the settlement by avoiding a show of military strength. The eleventh affirms the freedom of the country to all, and their right to occupy it without interference. The fourteenth, a childish reason against restraint. The fifteenth is considerably mixed; it is advisory. We admit that the object of it is beyond our comprehension. The sixteenth looks to one man, or clerical rule. The seventeenth shows the ecclesiastical origin of the document, and a suspicion that in the future their conduct may be such that they may require a “guaranty” of their rights and liberties.

We have an article, published in the CincinnatiBeacon, August, 1843, giving the oath taken by the Jesuits, and a short account of their objects and proceedings, which, as they had been introduced into Oregon by the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1838, and commenced their operations as in the above document, we will copy the article entire, as we shall have occasion to speak of the part taken by them in the settlement of this country:—

“The order of Jesuits was established by Loyola in 1535, having for its object the re-establishment of the pope’s sway over the civil powers of the earth.

“At that time it was found that a mighty effort was needed to regain to the pope what he had just lost by the Reformation, and this order was established for that object. Members of that society may be of any profession or of no profession, as they choose, and as best suits the object. They may prosecute their own business as merchants in foreign countries, or serve in the meanest capacity, provided they can by stealth exercise some destructive influence on any or every form of government except that under the ’sacred confirmation of the pope.’

“A dispensation is granted them,i. e., permission to lay aside all professions of regard to the Papal cause, and make outward professions to any religion or government they choose, if by so doing they can better ‘do their utmost toEXTIRPATEthe heretical Protestant doctrine, and destroy all its pretended powers,REGALor otherwise.’

“Of course they were soon found in all the political intrigues which so long distracted Europe. This is a prominent fact on the page of history. One after another of the European powers became aware ofthis, and each, especially of the Protestant powers, when their intrigues could no longer be endured, banished the Jesuits as seen above. We may add Oregon as another special field of their operations since 1838.

“The Jesuits are the most active and efficient agents of Popery in propagating the Catholic religion in foreign countries. In the following oath we notice:—

“1. An acknowledgment that Protestant governments are illegal, without the ’sacred confirmation’ of the pope, and may safely be destroyed.

“2. A renunciation of ‘any allegiance as due to any heretical’ state, named Protestants.

“3. A solemn pledge to do their utmost to ‘destroy all their pretended powers, regal or otherwise.’

“Comment on the relations which these agents of the pope sustain to our Protestant government is needless.

“The Oath of Secrecy of the Jesuits.

“‘I, A. B., now in the presence of Almighty God, the blessed Virgin Mary, the blessed Michael the Archangel, the blessed St. John Baptist, the holy apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and the saints and sacred hosts of heaven, and of you my ghostly father, do declare from my heart,without mental reservation, that his holiness the Pope Urban is Christ’s vicar-general, and is the true and only head of the Catholic or Universal Church throughout the earth; and that, by the virtue of the keys of binding and loosing given to his holiness by my Saviour Jesus Christ, he hath power to depose heretical kings, princes, states, commonwealths, and governments, all being illegal without his sacred confirmation, and that they may safely be destroyed; therefore, to the utmost of my power, I shall and will defend this doctrine, and his holiness’ rights and customs, against all usurpers of the heretical (or Protestant) authority whatsoever; especially against the now pretended authority and Church of England, and all adherents, in regard that they and she be usurpal and heretical, opposing the sacred mother church of Rome. I do renounce and disown any allegiance as due to any heretical king, prince, orstate, named Protestant, orobedience to any of their inferior magistrates or officers. I do further declare, that the doctrine of the Church of England, of the Calvinists, Huguenots, and of others of the name of Protestant, to be damnable, and they themselves are damned, and to be damned, that will not forsake the same; I do further declare, that I will help, assist, and advise all or any of his holiness’ agents in any place wherever I shall be, in England, Scotland, and Ireland, or in any other territory or kingdom I shall come to,and do my utmost to extirpate the heretical Protestant doctrine,and to destroy all its pretended powers, regal or otherwise. I do further promise and declare, that notwithstanding I am dispensed with, to assume any religion heretical, for the propagating of the mother church’s interests, to keep secret and private all her agents’ counsels from time to time, as they intrust me, and not to divulge, directly or indirectly, by word, writing, or circumstance whatsoever; but to execute all that shall be proposed, given in charge, or discovered unto me, by you, my ghostly father, or any of this sacred convent. All which I, A. B., do swear, by the blessed Trinity, and blessed Sacrament, which I am now to receive, to perform, and on my part to keep inviolably: and do call all the heavenly and glorious host of heaven to witness these my real intentions, to keep this my oath. In testimony hereof, I take this most holy and blessed sacrament of the Eucharist; and witness the same further with my hand and seal, in the face of this holy convent, this day of Anno Domini, etc.’

“The Jesuits were banished from England in 1606. They were expelled from France,A. D.1764; from Spain and Sicily,A. D.1767; from Portugal,A. D.1789; and totally suppressed by Pope Clement XIV.,A. D.1773. Everywhere they were prosecuted and repelled as injurious to youth, and dangerous to all existing forms of government. The present pope has revived the order, and now we find the Jesuits secretly and openly engaged again in their pernicious and wicked devices to re-establish his power in the United States, and in the Canadas.”

The meeting at Champoeg.—Tactics of the Jesuit party.—Counter-tactics of the Americans.—A division and its result.—Public record.—Opposition to clergymen as legislators.—Mr. Hines as an historian.—His errors.—Importance of Mr. Hines’ history.—Extract.—Difficulty among the Indians.—Cause of the difficulty.

The meeting at Champoeg.—Tactics of the Jesuit party.—Counter-tactics of the Americans.—A division and its result.—Public record.—Opposition to clergymen as legislators.—Mr. Hines as an historian.—His errors.—Importance of Mr. Hines’ history.—Extract.—Difficulty among the Indians.—Cause of the difficulty.

The 2d of May, the day fixed by the committee of twelve to organize a settlers’ government, was close at hand. The Indians had all learned that the “Bostons” were going to have a big meeting, and they also knew that the English and French were going to meet with them, to oppose what the “Bostons” were going to do. The Hudson’s Bay Company had drilled and trained their voters for the occasion, under the Rev. F. N. Blanchet and his priests, and they were promptly on the ground in the open field near a small house, and, to the amusement of every American present, trained to vote “No” to every motion put; no matter, if to carry their point they should have voted “Yes,” it was “No.” Le Breton had informed the committee, and the Americans generally, that this would be the course pursued, according to instructions, hence our motions were made to test their knowledge of what they were doing, and we found just what we expected was the case. The priest was not prepared for our manner of meeting them, and, as the record shows, “considerable confusion was existing in consequence.” By this time we had counted votes. Says Le Breton, “We can risk it; let us divide and count.” “I second that motion,” says Gray. “Who’s for a divide?” sang out old Joe Meek, as he stepped out; “all for the report of the committee and an organization, follow me.” This was so sudden and unexpected that the priest and his voters did not know what to do, but every American was soon in line. Le Breton and Gray passed the line and counted fifty-two Americans, and but fifty French and Hudson’s Bay Company men. They announced the count—“fifty-two for, and fifty against.” “Three cheers for our side,” sang out old Joe Meek. Not one of those old veteran mountain voices were lacking in that shout forliberty. They were given with a will, and in a few seconds the chairman, Judge I. L. Babcock, called the meeting to order, when the priest and his band slunk away into the corners of the fences, and in a short time mounted their horses and left.

The minutes of the meeting are as follows:—

“At a public meeting of the inhabitants of the Wallamet settlements, held in accordance with the call of the committee, chosen at a former meeting, for the purpose of taking steps to organize themselves into a civil community, and provide themselves with the protection secured by the enforcement of law and order, Dr. I. L. Babcock was chosen Chairman, and Messrs. Gray, Le Breton, and Wilson, secretaries.

“The committee made their report, which was read, and a motion was made that it be accepted, which was lost.

“Considerable confusion existing in consequence, it was moved by Mr. Le Breton, and seconded by Mr. Gray, that the meeting divide, preparatory to being counted; those in favor of the objects of this meeting taking the right, and those of a contrary mind taking the left which being carried by acclamation, and a majority being found in favor of organization, the greater part of the dissenters withdrew.

“It was then moved and carried, that the report of the committee be taken up and disposed of article by article.

“A motion was made and carried, that a supreme judge, with probate powers, be chosen to officiate in this community.

“Moved and carried, that a clerk of the court, or recorder, be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that a sheriff be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that three magistrates be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that three constables be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that a committee of nine persons be chosen, for the purpose of drafting a code of laws for the government of this community, to be presented to a public meeting to be hereafter called by them, for their acceptance.

“A motion was made and carried, that a treasurer be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that a major and three captains be chosen.

“Moved and carried, that we now proceed to choose the persons to fill the various offices by ballot.

“A. E. Wilson was chosen to act as supreme judge, with probate powers; G. W. Le Breton was chosen to act as clerk of court, and recorder; J. L. Meek was chosen to fill the office of sheriff; W. H. Wilson was chosen treasurer.

“Moved and carried, that the remainder of the officers be chosen by hand ballot, and nomination from the floor.

“Messrs. Hill, Shortess, Newell, Beers, Hubbard, Gray, O’Neil, Moore, and Dougherty, were chosen to act as Legislative Committee; Messrs. Burns, Judson, and A. B. Smith were chosen to act as magistrates; Messrs. Ebbets, Bridgers, and Lewis, were chosen to act as constables; Mr. John Howard was chosen major; Messrs. Wm. McCarty, C. McRoy, and S. Smith were chosen captains.

“Moved and carried, that the Legislative Committee make their report on the 5th day of July next, at Champoeg.

“Moved and carried, that the services of the Legislative Committee be paid for at $1.25 per day, and that the money be raised by subscription.

“Moved and carried, that the major and captains be instructed to enlist men to form companies of mounted riflemen.

“Moved and carried, that an additional constable and magistrate be chosen.

“Mr. Compo was chosen as an additional magistrate. Mr. Matthew was chosen as an additional constable.

“Moved and carried, that the Legislative Committee shall not sit over six days.

“The meeting was then adjourned.

“The question having arisen with regard to what time the newly-appointed officers should commence their duties, the meeting was again called to order, when it was moved and carried, that the old officers act till the laws are made and accepted, or until the next public meeting.

“Attest,“G. W. Le Breton.”

It will be remembered by those present, that in the appointment of the members of the Legislative Committee, Rev. J. S. Griffin was named as one of the committee. I am not positive that Mr. Griffin was present, but I remember that his nomination was opposed, or any clergyman of any denomination having any thing to do with making laws for the settlers. It was stated as a reason, that their duties and calling were not such as qualified them to enact laws adapted to a promiscuous community; they, as a matter of conscience and duty to what they, as a general thing, considered higher laws, disqualified themselves to enter the halls of legislation as law-makers. Besides, the settlers had once placed it in their hands and requested them to aid in the enactment of suitable laws for the government and protection of the settlement. This request they had neglected and refused to comply with, and we had before us the example and influence of one who had openly opposed our effort. In placing upon this committee a reverend gentleman from one denomination, we, as a matter of courtesy, must do the same to another, and, as in the former case, we would be liable to be defeated. Mr. Griffin did not receive a single vote, without it was that of the Rev. Mr. Kone, from Clatsop, who, I think, was present.

We will now leave the Legislative Committee to do their business, asper instructions, and see what our very officious Indian agent and his friend, Rev. Mr. Hines, are about.

During the fall of 1842 and winter and spring of 1843, “our plot thickens.” We must go back a little, and notice, among other things, that as soon as Uncle Samuel’s exploring squadron had looked at Oregon a little and Dr. McLaughlin’s good liquors more (when the infirmities of the stomach required something stronger than water), and had found occasion to express great praise of the kind treatment and generosity of the Hudson’s Bay Company, they also found it convenient to sanction the opposition to a temporary government for the settlement,—at least, Mr. Hines tells us they opposed it,—and leave the company to continue their kicking and changing the bushel, calling in their cattle and pay for all lost, and enter vigorously upon a settled system of opposition to all American settlements in the country. Their Jesuit missions were doing them good service in the interior. Their clerks and interpreters were ready to do their part. The puff-ball of folly and ignorance, in the shape of a sub-Indian agent, had been among the Indians, who were made to believe from his foolish statements,—confirmed or made worse by such old liars as Toupin, as in the case of Parker,—that the great parent was going to make them wise and rich, and give them all they wanted, if they would adopt his advice, and do as he wished them. All things combined aroused Mr. Hines to the solemn conclusion that it was his duty to volunteer and go with our sub-Indian agent, and assist him in pacifying the Indians. I suppose he must have gone in the capacity of prime minister or secretary of state. He says, page 146: “In the evening of the 17th, Dr. White arrived at my house, bringing intelligence from the falls.” Le Breton returned the next day, and reported that Anderson’s horse was stolen by an Indian,—the same that had stolen one from Mr. Hines two years before. Hines had the courage to go and get his horse, but Anderson, who was a Swede, had not. This transaction, it will be remembered, was on April 17, a month after the organizing committee of twelve had been appointed at Gervais’. White and Hines are in council at Hines’ house. The visit to the interior tribes is before the council. White had been up among the Nez Percés and Cayuses in the fall of 1842, and with the aid of McKay (who was the most reliable half-native servant the company ever had), the Indians were induced to form a combination, exactly such a one as Frank Ermatinger, in 1838, told the writer the company would form, with the aid of their half-breed servants, to resist the occupancy of the country by the American government. Mr. Hines’ stupidity led him to believe this was the policy of White, and not that of the company. He says, at the bottom of page 142:

“It had been the policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into small clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, thus preventing them from acting in concert.” At the time this policy was adopted by the company there were no whites in the country but themselves. Mr. Hines believes that the American settlement was to be benefited by this shrewd policy of the company, and attributes to Dr. White the opposite policy. He says, page 143, that “the sub-agent adopted a different policy.”

“It had been the policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into small clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, thus preventing them from acting in concert.” At the time this policy was adopted by the company there were no whites in the country but themselves. Mr. Hines believes that the American settlement was to be benefited by this shrewd policy of the company, and attributes to Dr. White the opposite policy. He says, page 143, that “the sub-agent adopted a different policy.”

How natural and how easy for his reverence to fall into this error, and to say, on page 142, “Thomas McKay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the natives to adopt a code of laws and appoint a head chief, and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution.” Not the least suspicion of McKay’s instructions and the Hudson’s Bay Company’s arrangements and consent in the matter, and that the sub-agent was the very man the company was making use of to get their own trained and educated Indian (Ellis) at the head of the Nez Percé tribe, to accomplish the object they had in view. Mr. Hines has given us a good history, for which we thank him in behalf of truth, and also for the assistance it has given us in showing to the world the damning policy, the accursed influences brought to bear against the little band of patriots that had the courage to contend against such fearful combinations of avarice, stupidity, superstition, and savagism; and here allow me to say, is the reason that Whitman, Harvey Clark, Shortess, Smith, Cornelius Rogers, J. L. Meek, Couch, and fifty others, had no confidence in White or his advisers and friends.

Le Breton acted well his part; the company knew him better than Mr. Hines did; his death was a victory, as they supposed, to them, but the effort moved on. The act of a few Indians, in going to St. Louis in 1832, for religious knowledge, brought Mr. Hines to the country with others more capable of meeting the combined influences of avarice, stupidity, bigotry, and superstition.

And although many things have combined to keep them from any pecuniary reward, still facts, and the history of the country they have saved as the golden gem of our great Republic, will seek to know who it was whose efforts could successfully contend with such influences as were then held by the company, the Jesuit priests, Dr. White, and the Methodist Mission. We now know why our little settlement wept and mourned the death of Rogers, Le Breton, and Whitman, as they were substantial pillars in our temple of liberty on this coast. Does a simpleslab mark the place of their rest? Their surviving associates are not able to answer in the affirmative.

It will be borne in mind that while Dr. Whitman was on his way to Washington, Dr. White and Thomas McKay visited the Indians in the interior, in October, 1842,—about one month after Dr. Whitman had left for the States. Mr. Spalding was really more stupid than Mr. Hines in all matters of policy and deep-laid plans to accomplish any object. His courage was strong in ignorance of danger. Mr. Hines had personal courage, but his self-esteem was unbounded. Dr. White was shrewd enough to make use of both. Mr. Spalding was taken with Dr. White’s smooth milk-and-water false statements about his office, powers, and duties. He was led to believe that White had all the powers he professed to have, and lent his influence to McKay to organize and combine the Indian tribes, supposing all the while he was doing it for Dr. White and the American cause.

Messrs. Hines and Spalding were alike in this particular. The reader will not forget that I am speaking of men and their actions, and the influence they had at a certain time, and the effect of those actions upon the Indians and the religious, political, and general interests of the country. Personally, I have no malice against a single man of whom I write; many of them I know are dead, and at the proper time I will give you as faithful an account of their good deeds as I now do of their errors. Besides, I hope the children and friends of all of whom I write, will see and feel the virtue there is in doing right at all times, and, as we are told, “try the spirits,” or persons, “to know whether they are good or evil.”

A large portion of the ninth chapter of Mr. Hines’ book is too important in illustrating truth to be omitted in a history such as we are giving. The reader will understand the observations we have to make, bearing in mind that all these facts have an important bearing on a transaction that occurred four years later. He says:—

“April 14. This settlement has been thrown into a panic by intelligence which has just been received from the upper country, concerning the hostile intentions of the Cayuse, Nez Percé, and Wallawalla Indians. It appears that they have again threatened the destruction of the whites. Some time in October last, Indian report said that these tribes were coming down to kill off the ‘Boston’ people, meaning those from the United States. This intelligence produced considerable excitement at the time, and induced the sub-agent of Indian affairs to go directly to the upper country and ascertain the truth of the report, and, if possible, settle all matters of difficulty. On arriving among the Indians, he ascertained that the report was not without foundation, butentered into such arrangements with them as appeared to give satisfaction. Thomas McKay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the Nez Percés to adopt a code of laws, and appoint a head chief and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution.“It had been the policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into smaller clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, by preventing them from acting in concert.But the sub-agent adopted a different policy.The individual appointed to the high chieftainship over the Nez Percés was one Ellis, as he was called by the English, who, having spent several years in the settlement on Red River, east of the mountains, had, with a smattering of the English language, acquired a high sense of his own importance; and, consequently, after he was appointed chief, pursued a very haughty and overbearing course.The fulfillment of the laws which the agent recommended for their adoption was required by Ellis with the utmost rigor. Individuals were severely punished for crimes which, from time immemorial, had been committed by the people with impunity. This occasioned suspicions in the minds of the Indians generally that the whites designed the ultimate subjugation of their tribes. They saw in the laws they had adopted, a deep-laid scheme of the whites to destroy them, and take possession of their country. The arrival of a large party of emigrants about this time, and the sudden departure of Dr. Whitman to the United States, with the avowed intention of bringing back with him as many as he could enlist for Oregon, served to hasten them to the above conclusion. That a great excitement existed among the Indians in the interior, and that they designed to make war upon the settlement, was only known to the whites through the medium of vague report, until a letter was received from H. K. W. Perkins, at the Dalles, in which he informed us that the Wascopum and Wallawalla Indians had communicated to him in substance the following information: That the Indians are very much exasperated against the whites, in consequence of so many of the latter coming into the country, to destroy their game and take away their lands; that the Nez Percés dispatched one of their chiefs last winter on snow-shoes, to visit the Indians in the buffalo country east of Fort Hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that it is expected Dr. Whitman will bring back with him to settle the Nez Percé country; that the Indians are endeavoring to form a general coalition for the purpose of destroying all the ‘Boston’ people; that it is not good to kill a part of them, andleave the rest, but thatevery oneof them must be destroyed. This information produced a great excitement throughout the community, and almost every man had a plan of his own by which to avert the impending storm. In the estimation of some, the Indians were to be upon us immediately, and it was unsafe to retire at night, for fear the settlement would be attacked before morning. The plan of the agent was to induce men to pledge themselves, under the forfeiture of one hundred dollars in case of delinquency, to keep constantly on hand and ready for use either a good musket or rifle, and one hundred charges of ammunition, and to hold themselves in readiness to go at the call of the agent to any part of the country, not to exceed two days’ travel for the purpose of defending the settlement, and repelling any savage invaders. This plan pleased some of the people, and they put down their names; but many were much dissatisfied with it; and as we had no authority, no law, no order, for the time being, in the country, it was impossible to tell what would be the result, if the Indians should attempt to carry their threats into execution.”

“April 14. This settlement has been thrown into a panic by intelligence which has just been received from the upper country, concerning the hostile intentions of the Cayuse, Nez Percé, and Wallawalla Indians. It appears that they have again threatened the destruction of the whites. Some time in October last, Indian report said that these tribes were coming down to kill off the ‘Boston’ people, meaning those from the United States. This intelligence produced considerable excitement at the time, and induced the sub-agent of Indian affairs to go directly to the upper country and ascertain the truth of the report, and, if possible, settle all matters of difficulty. On arriving among the Indians, he ascertained that the report was not without foundation, butentered into such arrangements with them as appeared to give satisfaction. Thomas McKay contributed much to allay the excitement among them, and, in connection with the sub-agent, induced the Nez Percés to adopt a code of laws, and appoint a head chief and inferior chiefs, sufficient to carry the laws into execution.

“It had been the policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company to destroy the chieftainship, cut the different tribes into smaller clans, and divide their interests as far as possible, so as to weaken them, and render them incapable of injuring the whites, by preventing them from acting in concert.But the sub-agent adopted a different policy.The individual appointed to the high chieftainship over the Nez Percés was one Ellis, as he was called by the English, who, having spent several years in the settlement on Red River, east of the mountains, had, with a smattering of the English language, acquired a high sense of his own importance; and, consequently, after he was appointed chief, pursued a very haughty and overbearing course.The fulfillment of the laws which the agent recommended for their adoption was required by Ellis with the utmost rigor. Individuals were severely punished for crimes which, from time immemorial, had been committed by the people with impunity. This occasioned suspicions in the minds of the Indians generally that the whites designed the ultimate subjugation of their tribes. They saw in the laws they had adopted, a deep-laid scheme of the whites to destroy them, and take possession of their country. The arrival of a large party of emigrants about this time, and the sudden departure of Dr. Whitman to the United States, with the avowed intention of bringing back with him as many as he could enlist for Oregon, served to hasten them to the above conclusion. That a great excitement existed among the Indians in the interior, and that they designed to make war upon the settlement, was only known to the whites through the medium of vague report, until a letter was received from H. K. W. Perkins, at the Dalles, in which he informed us that the Wascopum and Wallawalla Indians had communicated to him in substance the following information: That the Indians are very much exasperated against the whites, in consequence of so many of the latter coming into the country, to destroy their game and take away their lands; that the Nez Percés dispatched one of their chiefs last winter on snow-shoes, to visit the Indians in the buffalo country east of Fort Hall, for the purpose of exciting them to cut off the party that it is expected Dr. Whitman will bring back with him to settle the Nez Percé country; that the Indians are endeavoring to form a general coalition for the purpose of destroying all the ‘Boston’ people; that it is not good to kill a part of them, andleave the rest, but thatevery oneof them must be destroyed. This information produced a great excitement throughout the community, and almost every man had a plan of his own by which to avert the impending storm. In the estimation of some, the Indians were to be upon us immediately, and it was unsafe to retire at night, for fear the settlement would be attacked before morning. The plan of the agent was to induce men to pledge themselves, under the forfeiture of one hundred dollars in case of delinquency, to keep constantly on hand and ready for use either a good musket or rifle, and one hundred charges of ammunition, and to hold themselves in readiness to go at the call of the agent to any part of the country, not to exceed two days’ travel for the purpose of defending the settlement, and repelling any savage invaders. This plan pleased some of the people, and they put down their names; but many were much dissatisfied with it; and as we had no authority, no law, no order, for the time being, in the country, it was impossible to tell what would be the result, if the Indians should attempt to carry their threats into execution.”

We have before us, in these quotations, the facts of the change of policy of the Hudson’s Bay Company, the combining of the Nez Percé tribe, the supposed ground of complaint against the Americans, and the failure of the sub-Indian agent to get the settlers to adopt his plan for protecting the settlement against the Indians. We will now give the reasons the company had for adopting the dividing and cutting-up policy among the Indians.

The reader is requested to observe Mr. Hines’ description of Ellis, Dr. White’s Indian chief. It was this same Indian that drove the Rev. A. B. Smith in 1840 from his land, as stated by old Toupin on 15th page of Brouillet’s history of the Whitman massacre. Up to this time he was not considered an important character by the company, on account of his self-importance and insolence. In this respect he resembled Tawatowe, of the Cayuses, who, when he had been promoted to the head chieftainship of that tribe, became insolent, and going so far as to get possession of Fort Wallawalla, had tied Mr. P. C. Pambrun, and kept him tied till he agreed to give the Indians better prices for their horses and furs. As soon as they had liberated him, Mr. Pambrun made a few trades with them and treated them kindly, and induced them to leave the fort. He sent at once to Vancouver and increased the number of his men, and told the chiefs that had had him tied, that he no longer regarded them as chiefs, and at once commenced to destroy their influence by refusing to give them the accustomed presents, and gave them to lesser chiefs, and in that way divided them up and broke their power as principal chiefs.


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