[361] Plut. l.c.
[362] App.Bell. Civ. 1. 12. Plutarch (Ti. Gracch. 11) preserves a tradition that the meeting was practically broken up by the adherents of thepossessoreswho, to prevent the passing of an illegal decree, carried off the voting urns.
[363] [Greek:Mallios kai phoulbios] (Plut.Ti. Gracch. 11). Schäfer (Jahrb. f. Class. Philol. 1873 p. 71) thinks that the first name is a mistake for that of Manilius the jurist, consul in 149 B.C., and that the second refers to Ser. Fulvius Flaccus, consul in 135 B.C.
[364] App.Bell. Civ. 1. 12oi dunatoi tous daemarchous aexioun hepitrepsai tae boulae peri hon diapherontai.
[365] App.l. c.
[366] App.l. c.
[367] Or incontioheld before the meeting. The scene is described in Plut.Ti. Gracch, 11.
[368] Plut. l.c. [Greek:hypeipon ho Tiberios hos ouk estin archontas amphoterous kai peri pragmaton megalon ap' isaes exousias diapheromenous aneu polemou diexelthein ton chronon.]
[369] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 12.
[370] Cf. MommsenStaatsr. iii. p. 409, note 1.
[371] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 12.
[372] This is the name given by Appian (Bell. Civ. 1. 13); Plutarch (Ti. Gracch. 13) calls him Mucius; Orosius (v. 8. 3) Minucius.
[373] App.Iber. 83. Cf. Liv. xxvii. 20, xxix. 19. See MommsenStaatsr. i. p. 629.
[374] Mommsen l.c.
[375] App.Bell. Civ. 1. 13; Plut. _Ti. Gracch. 13.
[376] Liv.Ep. lviii Promulgavit et aliam legem agrariam, qua sibi latius agrum patefaceret, ut iidem triumviri judicarent qua publicus ager, qua privatus esset. The titles borne by the commissioners appear as III vir a. d. a. (Lex Latina Tabulae Bantinae, C.I.L. 1. 197; BrunsFontesi. 3. 9; cf.Lex Acilia Repetundarum1. 13, C.I.L. i. 198; BrunsFontesi. 3. 10): III vir a. i. a. (C.I.L. i. nn. 552-555); III vir a.d.a. i. (C.I.L. i. n. 583).
[377] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 13.
[378] App.Bell. Civ. 1. 13.
[379] Plut. l.c.
[380] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 14.
[381] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 315.
[382] Liv.Ep. lviii Deinde, cum minus agri esset quam quod dividi posset sine offensa etiam plebis, quoniam eos ad cupiditatem amplum modum sperandi incitaverat, legem se promulgaturum ostendit, ut iis, qui Sempronia lege agrum accipere deberent, pecunia quae regia Attali fuisset divideretur. [Victor]de Vir. Ill. 64 Tulit ut ea familia quae ex Attali hereditate erat ageretur et populo divideretur, Cf. Plut.Ti. Gracch. 14; Oros. v. 8. 4.
[383] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 14.
[384] Ibid.; Oros. v. 8. 4.
[385] Plut. l.c.. Cicero (Brut. 21. 81) speaks of a speech of Metellus "contra Ti. Gracchum". Plutarch's citation may be from this speech.
[386] Cicero regarded Octavius's deposition as the ruin of Gracchus.Brut. 25. 95 Injuria accepta fregit Ti. Gracchum patientia civis in rebus optimis constantissimus M. Octavius.De Leg. iii. 10. 24 Ipsum Ti. Gracchum non solum neglectus sed etiam sublatus intercessor evertit; quid enim illum aliud perculit, nisi quod potestatem intercedenti collegae abrogavit? The deposition was an act of "seditio" (pro Mil. 27. 72).
[387] Plut.Quaest. Rom. Section 81.
[388] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 14.
[389] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 15.
[390] App.Bell. Civ. i. 14.
[391] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 16 [Greek:authis allois nomois anelambane to plaethos, tou te chronou ton strateion aphairon, kai didous epikaleisthai ton daepon apo ton dikaston kai tois krinousi tote synklaetikois ousi [triakosiois] katamignus ek ton hippeon ton ison arithmon.] Dio Cass.Frg. 88 [Greek:ta dikastaeria apo taes boulaes epi tous hippeas metaege] (Cf. Plin.H.N. xxxiii. 34).
[392] Polyb. vi. 19.
[393] There was already such a maximum according to Polybius (vi. 19). What it precisely was, is uncertain, as the passage is corrupt. According to Lipsius's reading, it was twenty years, according to Casaubon's, sixteen under ordinary conditions, twenty in emergencies. The knights were required to serve ten campaigns. See MarquardtStaatsverw. ii. p. 381. The nature of the reduction proposed by Gracchus is unknown.
[394]Lex Aciliall. 23 and 74.
[395] Cic.de Fin. ii. 16. 54.
[396] No mention is made of the appeal in five cases in which criminal commissions had been established by the senate. The dates of these commissions are B.C. 331 (Liv. viii. 18; Val. Max. ii. 5. 3), 314 (Liv. ix. 26), 186 (Liv. xxxix. 8-19), 184 (Liv. xxxix. 41) and 180 (Liv. xl. 37).
[397] Vellei. ii. 2 (Tiberius Gracchus) pollicitus toti Italiae civitatem.
[398] Cicero is perhaps stating the result, rather than the intention, of the Gracchan legislation when he says (de Rep. iii. 29. 41) Ti. Gracchus perseveravit in civibus, sociorum nominisque Latini jura neglexit ac foedera. No point in the Gracchan agrarian law is more remarkable than its strict, perhaps inequitable, legality. That its author consciously violated treaty relations is improbable.
[399] App.Bell. Civ. i. 14.
[400] For the qualifications at this period see MommsenStaatsr. i. p. 505.
[401] Dio Cass.frg. 88 [Greek:epecheiraese kai es to epion etos meta tou adelphou daemarchaesai kai ton pentheron hypaton apodeixai].
[402] App. l.c.
[403] MommsenStaatsr. i. p. 523. Dio Cassius indeed says (fr. 22) [Greek:koluphen to tina dis taen archaen lambanein]; but tradition held that the proviso had been violated in the early plebeian agitations.
[404] App.Bell. Civ. 1. 14.
[405] App. l.c.; Plut.Ti. Gracch. 13. The scene is thus described by Asellio (a contemporary):—Orare coepit, id quidem ut se defenderent liberosque suos, eumque, quem virile secus tum in eo tempore habebat, produci jussit populoque commendavit prope flens (Gell. ii. 13. 5). Appian also speaks of a son, Plutarch of children.
[406] Plut.Ti. Gracch., 16.
[407] App.Bell. Civ. 1. 15.
[408] [Greek:prostataes de tou Rhomaion daemou] (Plut.Ti. Gracch. 17).
[409] App.Bell. Civ. i. 16.
[410] RichterTopographiep. 128.
[411] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 18.
[412] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 19.
[413] App.Bell. Civ. i. 15.
[414] Ibid. 16.
[415] The dictator was usually nominated by the consul between midnight and morning (Liv. viii. 23), for the purpose of the avoidance of unfavourable omens.
[416] Tradition ultimately carried it back to the fourth century B.C. In the revolution threatened by Manlius Capitolinus (384 B.C., Liv. vi. 19) the phrase Ut videant magistrates ne quid … res publica detrimenti capiat was believed to have been employed.
[417] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 19 [Greek:epei … prodidosin ho archon taen polin, oi boulomenoi tois nomois boaethein akoloutheite.] The most specific and juristically exact account of these proceedings (one probably drawn from Livy) is preserved by Valerius Maximus (iii. 2. l7): —In aedem Fidei publicae convocati patres conscripti a consule Mucio Scaevola quidnam in tali tempestate faciendum esset deliberabant, cunctisque censentibus ut consul armis rem publicam tueretur, Scaevola negavit se quicquam vi esse acturum. Tum Scipio Nasica Quoniam, inquit, consul dum juris ordinem sequitur id agit ut cum omnibus legibus Romanum imperium corruat, egomet me privatus voluntati vestrae ducem offero…. Qui rem publicam salvam esse volunt me sequantur.
[418] App.Bell. Civ. i. 16; Plut. l.c. Appian speculates as to the meaning of the act. It may have been meant to attract the attention of his supporters, it may have been a signal of war, it may have been intended to veil the impending deed of horror from the eyes of the gods. Cf. Vellei. ii. 3.
[419] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 19.
[420] [Cic.]ad Herenn, iv. 55. 68.
[421] In the highly rhetorical exercise contained in [Cic.]ad Herenn. iv. 55. 68 is to be found the following picture:—Iste spumans ex ore scelus, anhelans ex infirmo pectore crudelitatem, contorquet brachium et dubitanti Graccho quid esset, neque tamen locum, in quo constiterat, relinquenti, percutit tempus.
[422] App.Bell. Civ. i. 16.
[423] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 19.
[424] App.Bell. Civ. i. 16 [Greek:kai pantas autous nyktos exerripsan es to rheuma ton potamou]. [Victor]de Vir. Ill. 64 (Gracchi) corpus Lucretii aedilis manu in Tiberim missum; unde ille Vespillo dictus.
[425] Plut.C. Gracch. 1.
[426] Vellei. ii. 3. 3 Hoc initium in urbe Roma civilis sanguinis gladiorumque impunitatis fuit. Inde jus vi obrutum potentiorque habitus prior, discordiaeque civium antea condicionibus sanari solitae ferro dijudicatae (cf. Plut.Ti. Gracch. 20; App.Bell. Civ. i. 17). Cic.de Rep. i. 19. 31 Mors Tiberii Gracchi et jam ante tota illius ratio tribunatus divisit populum unum in duas partes.
[427] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 20 [Greek:tautaen protaen historousin en Rhomae stasin, aph' ou to basileuesthai katelysan, aimati kai phono politon diakrithaenai.]
[428] Sall.Jug. 31. 7 Occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant, in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt. Val. Max. iv. 7, 1 Cum senatus Rupilio et Laenati consulibus mandasset ut in eos, qui cum Graccho consenserant, more majorum animadverterent … Cf. Vellei. ii. 7. 4.
[429] Cic.de Amic. 11. 37.
[430] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 20.
[431] Cic.de Amic. ii. 37; Val. Max. iv. 7. 1.
[432] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 20.
[433] Ibid. 21.
[434] Val Max. v. 3. 2 e Is quoque (Scipio Nasica) propter iniquissimam virtutum suarum apud cives aestimationem sub titulo legationis Pergamum secessit et quod vitae superfuit ibi sine ullo ingratae patriae desiderio peregit. Cf. Plut. l.c.; Strabo xiv. 1. 38. See WaddingtonFastesp. 662.
[435] Vellei. ii. 3. 1 P. Scipio Nasica … ob eas virtutes primus omnium absens pontifex maximus factus est. The other view, that Nasica was already pontifex maximus before his exile, was widely prevalent and is stated by nearly all our authorities (Cic.in Cat. i. 1. 3; Val. Max. 1. 4. 1; Plut.Ti. Gracch. 21; App.Bell. Civ. i. 16).
[436] Plut. l.c.
[437] Val. Max. vii. 2, 6 Par illa sapientia senatus. Ti. Gracchum tribunum pl. agrariam legem promulgare ausum morte multavit. Idem ut secundum legem ejus per triumviros ager populo viritim divideretur egregie censuit.
[438] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 21, C.I.L. i. n. 552 C. SemproniusTi. F. Grac., Ap. Claudius C. F. Pulc., P. Licinius P. F. Crass. III vir. A. I. A. (Cf. nn. 553. 1504), n. 583 (82-81 B.C.) M. Terentius M. F. Varro Lucullus Pro Pr. terminos restituendos ex s. c. coeravit qua P. Licinius Ap. Claudius C. Graccus III vir A. D. A. I. statuerunt. Theseterminisuggest thelimites Graccaniof theLiber Coloniarum (Gromaticied. Lachmann, pp. 209. 210) which may refer to the agrarian assignments under theleges Semproniae(of Ti. and C. Gracchus) rather than to the colonial foundations of the younger brother.
[439] Liv.Ep. lix. Seditiones a triumviris Fulvio Flacco et C. Graccho et C. Papirio Carbone agro dividendo creatis excitatae. App.Bell. Civ. i. 18. C.I.L. i. n. 554 M. Folvios M.F. Flac., C. Sempronius Ti. F. Grac., C. Paperius C.F. Carb. III vire. A.I.A. (cf. n. 555).
[440] C.I.L. i. 551 (Wilmanns 797) Primus fecei ut de agro poplico aratoribus cederent pastores.
[441] Liv.Ep. lix. (131 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCXVIII milia DCCCXXIII praeter pupillos et viduas. Ib. lx. (125 B.C.) Censa sunt civium capita CCCLXXXXIIII milia DCCXXVI. See de BoorFasti Censorii.
[442] MommsenHist. of Romebk. iv. c. 3.
[443] App.Bell. Civ. i. 18 [Greek:amelounton de ton kektaemenon autaen (sc. taen gaen) apographesthai, kataegorous ekaerytton endeiknynai; kai tachy plaethos haen dikon chalepon].
[444] App. l.c.
[445] Unless we take such to be the meaning of Hyginus (de Condic. Agr. p. 116) Vectigales autem agri sunt obligati, quidam r. p. P. R., quidam coloniarum aut municipiorum aut civitatium aliquarum. Qui et ipsi plerique ad populum Romanum pertinentes…. The passage seems to state that someagriwhich owedvectigalto communities belonged to the Roman people. There might therefore be a fear of their resumption, although it should have been remote, since these lands, as the context shows, were dealt with by a system of lease (for its nature see MitteisZur Gesch. der Erbpacht im Alterthumpp. 13 foll.), and leaseholds do not seem to have been threatened by Gracchus.
[446] App.Bell. Civ. i 19.
[447] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 21. Hom.Od. i. 47.
[448] Cic.Phil. xi. 8. 18; Liv.Ep. lix.; Eutrop. iv. 19.
[449] Liv.Ep. lix. Cum Carbo tribunus plebis rogationem tulisset, ut eundem tribunum plebi, quoties vellet, creare liceret, rogationem ejus P. Africanus gravissima oratione dissuasit. Cic.de Amic. 25. 95 Dissuasimus nos (Laelius), sed nihil de me: de Scipione dicam libentius. Quanta illi, dii immortales! fuit gravitas! quanta in oratione majestas! … Itaque lex popularis suffragiis populi repudiata est. Cf. Cic.de Or. ii. 40. 170.
[450] Vellei. ii. 4. 4 Hic, eum interrogante tribuno Carbone quid de Ti. Gracchi caede sentiret, respondit, si is occupandae rei publicae animum habuisset, jure caesum. Et cum omnis contio adclamasset, "Hostium," inquit, "armatorum totiens clamore non territus, qui possum vestro moveri, quorum noverca est Italia?" Val. Max. vi. 2. 3 Orto deinde murmure "Non efficietis," ait, "ut solutos verear quos alligatos adduxi." Cf. Cic,pro Mil. 3. 8; Liv.Ep. lix; Plut.Ti. Gracch. 21.
[451] App.Bell. Civ. i. 19 [Greek:ho d' es tous polemous autois kechraemenos prothymotatois hyperidein … oknaese.]
[452] Liv.Ep. lvii.
[453] App.Bell. Civ. i 19.
[454] Liv.Ep. lviii (p. 127).
[455] App. l.c.
[456] App. l.c.
[457] App. l.c.
[458] Plut.C. Gracch. 10.
[459] Oros. v. 10. 9; Cic.de Amic. 3. 12.
[460] App.Bell. Civ. i. 20.
[461] Plut.Rom. 27 [Greek:oi men automatos onta physei nosodae kamein legousin.]
[462] Villei. ii. 4 Mane in lectulo repertus est mortuus, ita ut quaedam elisarum faucium in cervice reperirentur notae.
[463] Plut.C. Gracch. 10 [Greek:kai deinon outos ergon ep' andri to proto kai megisto Rhomaion tolmaethen ouk etyche dikaes oud' eis elenchon proaelthen; enestaesan gar oi polloi kai katelysan taen krisin hyper tou Gaiou phobaethentes, mae peripetaes tae aitia tou phonou zaetoumenou genaetai.] Vellei. ii. 4 De tanti viri morte nulla habita est quaestio. Cf. Liv.Ep. lix.
[464] Schol. Bob.ad Cic. Milon. 7. p. 383.
[465] App.Bell. Civ. i. 20.
[466] Schol. Bob. l.c.; cf. Plut.C. Gracch. 10.
[467] Plut. l.c.
[468] Cic.ad Fam. ix. 21. 3,ad Q. fr. ii 3. 3,de Or. ii. 40. 170. Cf.de Amic. 12. 41.
[469] App.Bell. Civ. i. 20.
[470] App. l.c.
[471] App.Bell. Civ. i. 20 [Greek:hos enioi dokousin, ekon apethane synidon hoti ouk esoito dynatos kataschein hon hyposchoito.] For the theory of suicide cf. Plut.Rom. 27 [Greek:oi d' auton hyph' eautou pharmakois apothanein (legousin).]
[472] Schol. Bob.in Milon, l.c.
[473] Val. Max. iv. 1. 12.
[474] Cic.de Leg. iii. 16. 35 Carbonis est tertia (lex tabellaria) de jubendis legibus ac vetandis.
[475] Liv.Ep. lvi.
[476] App. Bell.Civ. i. 21 [Greek:kai gar tis haedae nomos ekekyroto, ei daemarchos endeoi tais parangeliais, ton daemon ek panton epilegesthai.] It is possible that Appian has misconstrued the provision that, if enough candidates did not receive the absolute majority required for election (explere tribus), any one—even a tribune already in office—should be eligible. See Strachan-Davidson in loc.
[477] Or possibly by securing that some of its candidates should not receive the number of votes requisite for election. See the last note.
[478] App.Bell. Civ. i 21 [Greek:kai tines esaegounto tous symmachous hapantas, oi dae teri taes gaes malista antelegon, es taen Rhomaion politeian anagrapsai, os meizoni chariti peri taes gaes ou dioisomenous; kai edechonto hasmenoi touth' oi Italiotai, protithentes ton chorion taen politeian.]
[479] Cic.de Off. iii. 11. 47 Male etiam qui peregrinos urbibus uti prohibent eosque exterminant, ut Pennus apud patres nostros…. Nam esse pro cive qui civis non sit rectum est non licere; quam legem tulerunt sapientissimi consules Crassus et Scaevola (95 B.C.); usu vero urbis prohibere peregrinos sane inhumanum est. For the date of Pennus's law see Cic.Brut. 28. 109:—Fuit … M. Lepido et L. Oreste consulibus quaestor Gracchus, tribunus Pennus.
[480] Festus p. 286 Resp. multarum civitatum pluraliter dixit C. Gracchus in ea, quam conscripsit de lege p. Enni (PenniMüller) et peregrinis, cum ait: "eae nationes, cum aliis rebus, per avaritiam atque stultitiam res publicas suas amiserunt".
[481] App.Bell. Civ. i. 34 [Greek:Phoulouios phlakkos hypateion malista dae protos ode es to phanerotaton haerethize tous Italiotas epithymein taes Rhomaion politeias hos koinonous taes haegemonias anti hypaekoon esomenous]. (Cf. i. 21), Val. Max. ix. 5. 1 M. Fulvius Flaccus consul, … cum perniciosissimas rei publicae leges introduceret de civitate Italiae danda et de provocatione ad populum eorum, qui civitatem mutare noluissent, aegre compulsus est ut in Curiam veniret.
[482] Liv. xxxviii. 36. Four tribunes vetoed arogatioto grant voting rights to themunicipiaof Formiae, Fundi and Arpinum in 188 B.C. on the ground that the senate's judgment had not been taken, but Edocti populi esse, non senatus jus, suffragium quibus velit impertire, destiterunt incepto.
[483] Val. Max. ix. 5, 1 Deinde partim monenti, partim oranti senatui ut incepto desisteret, responsum non dedit … Flaccus in totius amplissimi ordinis contemnenda majestate versatus est. Cf. App.Bell. Civ. i. 21.
[484] App.Bell. Civ. i. 34 [Greek:esaegoumenos de taen gnomaen kai epimenon autae karteros, upa taes boulaes epi tina strateian exepemphthae dia tode].
[485] Liv.Ep. lx; Ammian, xv. 12. 5.
[486] An isolated notice speaks of a rising at Asculum. [Victor]de Vir. Ill. 65 (C. Gracchus) Asculanae et Fregellanae defectionis invidiam sustinuit.
[487] Liv. viii. 22.
[488] Liv. xxvii. 10.
[489] Liv.Ep. lx L. Opimius praetor Fregellanos, qui defecerant, in deditionem accepit; Fregellas diruit. Cf. Vellei. ii. 6; Obsequens 90; Plut.C. Gracch. 3; [Cic.]ad Herenn. iv. 15. 22.
[490] Vellei. i. 15 Cassio autem Longino et Sextio Calvino … consulibus Fabrateria deducta est.
[491] Plut.C. Gracch. 3.
[492] It has been supposed that this boy may really have been the son of Attalus brother of Eumenes, a fruit of the transitory connection between this prince and Stratonice, which followed the false news of Eumenes's death in 172 B.C. See F. KöppDe Attali III patreinRhein. Mus. xlviii. pp. 154 ff.; Wilcken in Pauly-WissowaReal, Enc. p. 2170, and for the temporary marriage of Attalus with Stratonice Plut.de Frat. Amor. 18; Polyb. xxx. 2. 6. Livy (xlii. 16) and perhaps Diodorus (xxix. 34) speak only of Attalus's wooing, not of his marriage. If Attalus the Third was not the son of Eumenes, he was at least adopted by the king and was clearly recognised as his heir. The official view made the relationship between the Attali that of uncle and nephew.
[493] For the guardianship of the younger Attalus see Strabo xiii. 4. 2. The recognition of the regent as king is clearly attested by inscriptions (FränkelInschriften von Pergamonnn. 214 ff., 224, 225, 248. In n. 248.) the future Attalus the Third is called by the king [Greek:ho tadelphon nios] (l. 18, cf. l. 32 [Greek:ho theios mon] used by Attalus the Third) and has some power of appointment to the priesthood. There is no sign that the nephew was in any other respect a co-regent of the uncle. See Fränkel op. cit. p. 169.
[494] Liv. xxxviii. cc. 12, 23, 25; Polyb. xxi. 39.
[495] Liv. xliv. 36; xlv. 19.
[496] Wilcken in Pauly-WissowaReal. Enc. p. 2168 foll.
[497] Polyb. xxxii. 22; Diod. xxxi. 32 b.
[498] For the details of this struggle see Wilcken l.c. p. 2172; UssingPergamosp. 50.
[499] Ussing op. cit. p. 51.
[500] Strabo xiii. 4. 2.
[501] Strabo l.c.; Lucian.Macrob. 12. He was sixty-one years old at his accession and eighty-two years old at the time of his death.
[502] Justin. xxxvi. 4; Diod. xxxiv. 3.
[503] Once, indeed, he seems to have taken the field with some success, as is proved by a decree in honour of a victory (FränkelInschr. von Pergamonn. 246). A vote of the town of Elaea honours the king [Greek:aretaes heneken kai andragathias taes kata polemon, krataesanta ton hupenantion] (l. 22). The victory is also mentioned in n. 249.
[504] Liv.Ep. lviii. Heredem autem populum Romanum reliquerat Attalus, rex Pergami, Eumenis filius. Cf. ib. lix; Strabo xiii. 4. 2; Vellei. ii. 4; Val. Max. v. 2, ext. 3; Plut.Ti. Gracch. 14; Eutrop. iv. 18; Justin. xxxvi. 4. 5; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15); Oros. v. 8; App.Mithr. 62.
[505] Sall.Hist. iv. 69 Maur. (Epistula Mithridatis) Eumenen, cujus amicitiam gloriose ostentant, initio prodidere (Romani) Antiocho, pacis mercedem; post habitum custodiae agri captivi sumptibus et contumeliis ex rege miserrimum servorum effecere, simulatoque impio testamento filium ejus Aristonicum, quia patrium regnum petiverat, hostium more per triumphum duxere.
[506] The reality of the will is attested by a Pergamene inscription (FränkelInschr. von Pergamonn. 249). The inscription records a resolution taken by the [Greek:daemos] on the proposal of the [Greek:strataegoi]. The resolution is elicited after the will has become known and in view of its ratification by Rome (l. 7 [Greek: dei de epicurothaenai taen diathaekaen hupo Rhomaion]). Pergamon has by the death of the king, and perhaps in accordance with the will (see p. 177), been left "free" (l. 5 Attalus by passing away [Greek:apoleloipen taen patrida haemon eleutheran)]. The first result of this freedom is that the people extends the privileges of its citizenship. Full civic rights are given to Paroeci (i.e.incolae) and (mercenary) soldiers; the rights of Paroeci are given to other classes:—freedmen, royal and public slaves. The motive assigned for the conferment is public security, and the extension of rights seems to be justified (l. 6) by the liberal spirit shown by the late king in the organisation of his conquests (see p. 175 note 2). The ruling idea seems to be that, if Pergamon was to be free, she must be strong. See Frankel in loc., UssingPergamosp. 55.
[507] At the same time the self-governing character of the civic corporation might be recognised: and Attalus, if he made the will, may have been courteous enough to recognise the "freedom" of the city from this point of view. See p. 177.
[508] Liv.Ep. lix. Cum testamento Attali regis legata populo Romano libera esse deberet (Asia). Cf. pp. 175, 176, notes 5 and 1.
[509] Justin. xxxvi. 4. 6 Sed erat ex Eumene Aristonicus, non justo matrimonio, sed ex paelice Ephesia, citharistae cujusdam filia, genitus, qui post mortem Attali velut paternum regnum Asiam invasit. The epitomator of Livy (lix.) speaks of him as "Eumenis filius". Strabo (xiv. 1. 38) describes him as [Greek:dokon tou genous einai tou ton basileon].
[510] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).
[511] Strabo xiv. 1. 38.
[512] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 26 [Greek:to paraplaesion de] (to the slave revolt in Sicily) [Greek:gegone kai kata taen Asian kata tous autous kairous, Aristonikou men antipoiaesamenou taes mae prosaekousaes basileias, ton de doulon dia tas ek ton despoton kakouchias synaponoaesamenon ekeino kai megalois atychaemasi pollas poleis peribalonton].
[513] Strabo l.c. [Greek:eis de taen mesogaian anion haethroise dia tacheon plaethos aporon te anthropon kai doulon ep' eleutheria katakeklaemenon, ous Haeliopolitas ekalese]. For the view that Heliopolis was a merely ideal city deriving its name from the sun-god of Syria, see MommsenHist. of Romebk. iv. c. 1; Bücher op. cit. pp. 105 foll. For the hopes of divine deliverance which pervade the slave revolts, see Mahaffy inHermathenaxvi. 1890, and cf. p. 89.
[514] Strabo l.c.
[515] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20).
[516] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12.
[517] Strabo xiv. i. 38.
[518] Strabo l.c. [Greek:euthus ai te poleis hepempsan plaethos, kai Nikomaedaes ho Bithynos epekouraese kai oi ton Kappadokon basileis]. Eutrop. iv. 20 P. Licinius Crassus infinita regum habuit auxilia. Nam et Bithyniae rex Nicomedes Romanos juvit et Mithridates Ponticus, cum quo bellum postea gravissimum fuit, et Ariarathes Cappadox et Pylaemenes Paphlagon. The Pontic king was Mithradates Euergetes, not Eupator.
[519] Cic.Phil. xi. 8. 18 Populus Romanus consuli potius Crasso quam privato Africano bellum gerendum dedit.
[520] In B.C. 189 (Liv. xxxvii. 51) and 180 (Liv. xi. 42).
[521] Cic. l.c. Rogatus est populus quem id bellum gerere placeret. Crassus consul, pontifex maximus, Flacco collegae, flamini Martiali, multam dixit si a sacris discessisset; quam multam populus remisit, pontifici tamen flaminem parere jussit.
[522] Cf. Liv.Ep. lix. Adversus eum (Aristonicum) P. Licinius Crassus consul, cum idem pontifex maximus esset, quod numquam antea factum erat, extra Italiam profectus….
[523] Quinctil,Inst. Or. xi. 2. 50.
[524] Gell. i. 13.
[525] Intentior Attalicae praedae quam bello (Justin. xxxvi. 4. 8).
[526] Cf. Eutrop. iv. 20 Perperna, consul Romanus (130 B.C.) qui successor Crasso veniebat.
[527] Val. Max. iii. 2. 12; Strabo xiv. i. 38.
[528] Val. Max.l.c. Cf. Oros. v. 10; Florus i. 34 (ii. 20). Eutropius (iv. 20) states that Crassus's head was taken to Aristonicus, his body buried at Smyrna.
[529] Justin. xxxvi. 4 Prima congressione Aristonicum superatum in potestatem suam redegit.
[530] Eutrop. iv. 20. Cf. Liv.Ep. lix.
[531] Justin. l.c.
[532] Justin. xxxvi. 4 M. Aquilius consul ad eripiendum Aristonicum Perpernae, veluti sui potius triumphi munus esse deberet, festinata velocitate contendit.
[533] Eutrop. iv. 20; Justin. xxxvi. 4.
[534] Vellei. ii. 4.
[535] Eutrop. l.c. Aristonicus jussu senatus Romae in carcere strangulatus est. According to Strabo (xiv. i. 38) he had been sent to Rome by Perperna.
[536] Florus i. 35 (ii. 20) Aquillius Asiatici belli reliquias confecit, mixtis-nefas-veneno fontibus ad deditionem quarundam urbium. Quae res ut maturam ita infamem fecit victoriam, quippe cum contra fas deum moresque majorum medicaminibus impuris in id tempus sacrosancta Romana arma violasset.
[537] Strabo xiv. 1. 38 [Greek:Manion d' Akyllios, epelthon hypatos meta deka presbeuton, dietaxe taen eparchian eis to nyn eti symmenon taes politeias schaema.]
[538] An inscription with the words [Greek:Man(i)os Aky(l)ios Man(i)ou hypato(s) Rhomaion] has been found near Tralles. It probably belongs to a milestone (C.I.L. i. n. 557 = C.I.Gr. n. 2920).
[539] Where the rights ofcity-stateswere in question the lines of demarcation between "province" and "protectorate" were necessarily vague. Even a protectorate over small political units would demand organisation and justify the appointment of a commission.
[540] The evidence is furnished by a Cistophorus of 77 B.C. struck at Ephesus. See WaddingtonFastesp. 674.
[541] His triumph is dated to 126 B.C. (628 A. U. C., 627 according to the reckoning of theFasti). SeeFasti triumph, in C.I.L. i.
[542] WaddingtonFastespp. 662 foll. Caria belongs to the province of Asia in 76 B.C. (Le Bas-Waddington, no. 409).
[543] It is dependent on this province in the time of Cicero (in Pis. 35. 86).
[544] Strabo xiv. 3. 4.
[545] Justin. xxxvii. i. Cf. Bergmann inPhilologus1847 p. 642.
[546] ForbigerHandb. der All. Geogr. ii. p. 338.
[547] ReinachMithridate Eupatorp. 43.
[548] Justin. xxxviii. 5.
[549] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10. Cf. Plin.H.N. xxxiii. ii. 148 Asia primum devicta luxuriam misit in Italiam…. At eadem Asia donata multo etiam gravius adflixit mores, inutiliorque victoria illa hereditas Attalo rege mortuo fuit. Tum enim haec emendi Romae in auctionibus regiis verecundia exempta est.
[550] Ramsay,Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygiai. 2, pp. 423, 762; Reinach.Mithridate Eupatorp. 457.
[551] For the evidence as to the islands, see WaddingtonFastes l. c.
[552] Regni attalici opes (Justin. xxxviii. 7. 7); Attalicae conditiones (Hor,Od. i. 1. 12); Attalicae vestes (Prop. iii. 18. 19) etc. (from IhneRom. Gesch. v., p. 76).
[553] Liv.Ep. lix; App.Illyr. 10,Bell. Civ. i. 19; Plin.H.N. iii. 19. 129;Fasti triumph. C. Sempronius C.F.C.N. Tuditan. a. dcxxiv cos. de Iapudibus k. Oct.
[554] Liv.Ep. lx; Florus i. 37 (iii. 2); Obsequens 90 (28); Ammian. xv. 12. 5.
[555] Liv.Ep. lx; Plut.C. Gracch. 1. 2.
[556]Fasti Triumph. L. Aurelius L.F.L.N. Orestes pro an. dcxxi cos. ex Sardinia vi Idus Dec. (123 B.C.)
[557] Plut.C. Gracch. 2.
[558] Diod. v. 17, 2.
[559] Besides Mago (Mahon), Bocchori and Guiuntum on Majorca, Iamo on Minorca are supposed to be Punic names. See Hübner in Pauly-WissowaReal. Enc. p. 2823. On the islands generally (Baliares, later Baleares of the Romans, [Greek:Gymnaesiai, Baliareis] of the Greeks) see the same author'sRömische Heerschaft in Westeuropa208 ff.
[560] Strabo iii. v. 1.
[561] Diod. v. 17. 4.
[562] Hübner in Pauly-WissowaReal. Enc. l. c.
[563] They also purchased wine. They were so [Greek:philogynai] that they would give pirates three or four men as a ransom for one woman (Diod. v. 17).
[564] Strabo l.c. [Greek:oi katoikountes eiraenaioi … kakourgon de tinon oligon koinonias systaesamenon pros tous en tois pelagesi laestas, dieblaethaesan hapantes, kai diebae Metellos ep' autous ho Baliarikos prosagoreutheis.]
[565] Strabo l.c.
[566] Strabo l.c. [Greek:eisaegage de (Metellos) epoikous trischilious ton ek taes Ibaerias Rhomaion.]
[567]Fasti Triumph. (121 B.C.) Q. Caecilius Q.F.Q.N. Metellus a. dcxxxii Baliaric. procos. de Baliarib.
[568] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 2.
[569] Quae sic ab illo acta esse constabat oculis, voce, gestu, inimici ut lacrimas tenere non possent (Cic.de Or, iii. 56. 214).
[570] Plut. l.c.
[571] Plut. l.c.
[572] Cic.Brut, 33. 125 Sed ecce in manibus vir et praestantissimo ingenio et flagranti studio et doctus a puero, C. Gracchus…. Grandis est verbis, sapiens sententiis, genere toto gravis. His "impetus" is dwelt on in Tac.de Orat. 26.
[573] Cic.Brut. 33. 126 Manus extrema non accessit operibus ejus: praeclare inchoata multa, perfecta non plane. Cf. Tac.de Orat. 18 Sic Catoni seni comparatus C. Gracchus plenior et uberior; sic Graccho politior et ornatior Crassus.
[574] Cic,de Or. iii. 56. 214.
[576] Plut.C. Gracch. 1.
[577] C. Gracchus ap. Charis. ii. p. 177 Qui sapientem eum faciet? Qui et vobis et rei publicae et sibi communiter prospiciat, non qui pro suilla humanam trucidet.
[578] Plut. l.c.
[579] Ibid. Cf. [Victor]de Vir. Ill. 65 Pestilentem Sardiniam quaestor sortitus.
[580] Plut. l.c.
[581] Cic.de Div. i. 26. 56 C. vero Gracchus multis dixit, ut scriptum apud eundem Coelium est, sibi in somniis quaesturam petere dubitanti Ti. fratrem visum esse dicere, quam vellet cunctaretur, tamen eodem sibi leto quo ipse interisset esse pereundum. Hoc, ante quam tribunus plebi C. Gracchus factus esset, et se audisse scribit Coelius et dixisse eum multis. Cf. Plut. l.c.
[582] Plut.C. Gracch. 2.
[583] Plut. l.c.
[584] Plut. l.c.
[585] Ibid. [Greek:alla kai pollois allokotom edokei to tamian onta proapostaenai tou archontos].
[586] Cic.Div. in Caec. 19. 61 Sic enim a majoribus nostris accepimus praetorem quaestori suo parentis loco esse oportere: nullam neque justiorem neque graviorem causam necessitudinis posse reperiri quam conjunctionem sortis, quam provinciae, quam officii, quam publici muneris societatem.
[587] A passage from Caius's speech "apud censores" is quoted by CiceroOrat. 70.233.
[588] Plutarch says (C.Gracch. 2) that Caius [Greek:aitaesamenos logon outo metestaese tas gnomes ton akousanton, hos apelthein haedikaesthai ta megista doxas]. The passage seems to imply acquittal by the censors, although [Greek:ton akousanton] suggests the larger audience. The arguments cited by Plutarch as developed by Caius appeared, or were repeated, in the speech that he subsequently made before the people.
[589] Gell. xv. 12.
[590] Plut.C. Gracch. 3; [Victor]de Vir. Ill. 65.
[591] Plut. l.c.
[592] Plut. l.c.
[593] Cic.pro Rab. 4. 12 C. Gracchus legem tulit ne de capite civium Romanorum injussu vestro (sc. populi) judicaretur. Plut.C. Gracch. 4 [Greek:(nomon eisepheren) ei tis archon akriton ekpekaerychoi politaen, kat' auton didonta krisin to daemo_.] Schol. Ambros. p. 370 Quia sententiam tulerat Gracchus, ut ne quis in civem Romanum capitalem sententiam diceret. Cic.in Cat. iv. 5. 10;in Verr. v. 63. 163. Cf. Cic.pro Sest. 28. 61; Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.
[594] Plut.C. Gracch. 4.
[595] Schol. Ambros. p. 370. Cf. Cic.pro Sest. 28, 61 Consule me, cum esset designatus (Cato) tribunus plebis (63 B.C.), obtulit in discrimen vitam suam: dixit eam sententiam cujus invidiam capitis periculo sibi praestandam videbat. Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14.
[596] Cic.pro Domo31. 82 Ubi enim tuleras ut mihi aqua et igni interdiceretur? quod C. Gracchus de P. Popilio … tulit.de Leg. iii. 11. 26 Si nos multitudinis furentis inflammata invidia pepulisset tribuniciaque vis in me populum, sicut Gracchus in Laenatem … incitasset, ferremus. Cf.pro Cluent. 35. 95;de Rep. i. 3.6. For the speeches of Caius Gracchus on Popillius see Gell. 1.7.7; xi. 13.1.5.
[597] Cic.post Red. in Sen. 15. 37 Pro me non ut pro P. Popilio, nobilissimo homine, adulescentes filii, non propinquorum multitudo populum Romanum est deprecata.
[598] Diod. xxxv. 26 [Greek:ho Popillios meta dakruon hypo ton ochlon proepemphthae ekballomenos ek taes poleos.] Cf. Plut.C. Gracch. 4.
[599] Vellei. ii. 7 Rupilium Popiliumque, qui consules asperrime in Tiberii Gracchi amicos saevierant, postea judiciorum publicorum merito oppressit invidia. It is a little difficult to harmonise Fannius's account of Rupilius's death (ap. Cic.Tusc. iv. 17.40) with this condemnation. Here Rupilius is said to have died of grief at his brother's failure to obtain the consulship, and this failure happened before Scipio's death (Cic.de Am20.73). But his brother may have continued his unsuccessful efforts up to the time of Rupilius's condemnation.
[600] Plut.C. Gracch. 4 [Greek:(nomon) eisephere … ei tinos archontos aphaeraeto ton archaen ho daemos, ouk eonta touto deuteras archaes metousian einai.] Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25. Magistrates who had been deposed, or compelled to abdicate, were known asabacti(Festus p. 23 Abacti magistratus dicebantur, qui coacti deposuerant imperium).
[601] Plut. l.c.
[602] Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek:ho Grakchos daemaegoraesas peri tou katalysai aristokratian, daemokratian de systaesai, kai ephikomenos taes hapanton euchraestias ton meron, ouketi synagonistas alla kathaper authentas eiche toutous hyper taes idias tolmaes; dedekasmenos gar hekastos tais idiais elpisin hos hyper idion agathon ton eispheromenon nomon hetoimos haen panta kindynon hypomenein.]
[603] Liv.Ep. xlviii (155 B.C.) Cum locatum a censoribus theatrum exstrueretur; P. Cornelio Nasica auctore, tanquam inutile et nociturum publicis moribus, ex senatus consulto destructum est, populusque aliquamdiu stans ludos spectavit.
[604] Liv.Ep. lx.; Oros. v. II; NitzschDie Gracchenp. 393.
[605] Plut.C. Gracch. 5 [Greek:ho de sitikos (nomos) epeuonizon tois penaesi taen agoran.] App.Bell. Civ. i. 21 [Greek:sitaeresion hemmaenon horisas hekasto ton daemoton apo ton koinon chraematon, ou proteron eiothos diadidosthai.] Vellei. ii. 6 Frumentum plebi dari instituerat. Liv.Ep. lx Leges tulit, inter quas frumentariam, ut senis et triente frumentum plebi daretur. Schol. Bob. p. 303 Ut senis aeris et trientibus modios singulos populus acciperet. Cf. MommsenDie römischen Tribuspp. 179 and 182.
[606] Mommsen (Hist. of Romebk. iv. c. 3) considers it rather less than half. The average market-price of themodiusis difficult to fix. A low price seems to have been about 12 asses themodius. See Smith and Wilkins in Smith _Dict. ofAntiq. i. p. 877. For occasional sales below the market-price at an earlier period see Plin.H.N. xviii. 3. 17 M. Varro auctor est, cum L. Metellus (cos. 251 B.C.) in triumpho plurimos duxit elephantos, assibus singulis farris modios fuisse.
[607] Cic.Tusc. Disp. iii. 20. 48 C. Gracchus, cum largitiones maximas fecisset et effudisset aerarium, verbis ramen defendebat aerarium.
[608] Cic.Tusc. Disp. iii. 20. 48.
[609] Cic.de Off. ii. 21. 72 C. Gracchi frumentaria magna largitio; exhauriebat igitur aerarium:pro Sest. 48. 103 Frumentariam legem C. Gracchus ferebat. Jucunda res plebei; victus enim suppeditabatur large sine labore. Cf.Brut. 62. 222. Diod. xxxv. 25 [Greek:to koinon tamieion eis aischras kai akairous dapanas kai charitas analiskon eis heauton pantas apoblepein epoiaese.] Cf. Oros. v. 12.
[610] Plut.C. Gracch. 6 [Greek:egrapse de kai … kataskeuazesthai sitobolia.] Festus p. 290 Sempronia horrea qui locus dicitur, in eo fuerunt lege Gracchi, ad custodiam frumenti publici.
[611] This view is represented in a criticism preserved by Diodorus xxxv. 25 [Greek:tois stratiotais dia ton nomon ta taes archaias agogaes austaera katacharisamenos apeithian kai anarchian eisaegagen eis taen politeian].
[612] Plut.C. Gracch. 5 [Greek:ho de stratiotikos (nomos) esthaeta te keleuon daemosia choraegeisthai kai maeden eis touto taes misthophoras hyphaireisthai ton stratenomenon].
[613] [Greek:kai neoteron eton heptakaideka mae katalegesthai stratiotaen] (Plut. l.c.).
[614] Plut. l.c. [Greek:ton de nomon … ho men haen klaerouchikos hama nemon tois penaesi taen daemosian.] Liv.Ep. lx Tulit … legem agrariam, quam et frater ejus tulerat. Vellei. ii. 6 (C. Gracchus) dividebat agros, vetabat quemquam civem plus quingentis jugeribus habere, quod aliquando lege Licinia cautum erat. Cf. Cic.de Leg. Agr. i. 7. 21; ii. 5. 10; Oros. v. 12; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).
[615]Lex Agraria(C.I.L. i. n. 200; BrunsFontes1. 3. 11) 1. 6. See p. 113, note 2.
[616] In 125 B.C. the census had been 394, 726 (Liv.Ep. lx), in 115 it was 394, 336 (Liv.Ep. lxiii). See de BoorFasti Censorii.
[617] HerzogStaatsverf. i. p. 466.
[618] In 142 B.C. (Cic.de Fin. ii. 16. 54).
[619] Polyb. vi. 14.
[620] Cic.pro Mur. 28. 58;pro Font. 13. 38;Brut. 21. 81;Div. in Caec. 21. 69; Tac_. Ann_ 111. 66. Valerius Maximus (viii. 1. 11) can scarcely be correct in saying that the trial took placeapud populum. It seems to have been a trial for extortion.
[621] App.Bell. Civ. i. 22. Cf. Cic.Div. in Caec. 21. 69 [Ascon.] in loc.; App.Mithr. 57.
[622] App.Bell. Civ. i. 22 [Greek:oi te presbeis oi kat auton eti parontes syn phthono tauta permontes ekekragesan.]
[623] Plut,C. Gracch. 5 [Greek:ho de dikastikos (nomos) ho to pleiston apekopse taes ton synklaetikon dynameos … ho de priakosious ton hippeon proskatelexen antois ousi triakosiois kai tas kriseis koinas ton hexakosion epoiaese]. Cf.Compar. 2. Liv.Ep. lx Tertiam (legem tulit) qua equestrem ordinem, tunc cum senatu consentientem, corrumperet: "ut sexcenti ex equitibus in curiam sublegerentur: et quia illis temporibus trecenti tantum senatores erant, sexcenti equites trecentis senatoribus admiscerentur": id est, ut equester ordo bis tantum virium in senatu haberet.
[624] Vellei. ii. 6 C. Gracchus … judicia a senatu transferebat ad equites. (Cf. ii. 13. 32). Tac.Ann. xii. 60 Cum Semproniis rogationibus equester ordo in possessione judiciorum locaretur. Plin.H.N. xxxiii. 34 Judicum autem appellatione separare eum (equestrem) ordinem primi omnium instituere Gracchi, discordi popularitate in contumeliam senatus. Cf. Diod. xxxv. 25; xxxvii. 9; App.Bell. Civ. 1. 22.
[625] The qualifications of the Gracchan jurors were probably identical with those required for jurors under the extantlex Repetundarum(C.I. L. i. n. 198; BrunsFontesi. 3. 10) which is probably thelex Acilia(Cic.in Verr. Act. i. 17. 51; cf. Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.). The conditions fixed by this law are as follows (ll. 12, l3):—Praetor quei inter peregrinos jous deicet, is in diebus x proxumeis, quibus h. l. populus plebesve jouserit, facito utei CDL viros legat, quei in hac civit[ate … dum nei quem eorum legat, quei tr. pl., q., iii vir cap., tr. mil. l. iv primis aliqua earum, iii vi]rum a. d. a. siet fueri[tve, queive mercede conductus depugnavit depugnaverit, queive quaestione joudicioque puplico conde]mnatus siet quod circa eum in senatum legei non liceat, queive minor anneis xxx majorve annos lx gnatus siet, queive in u[rbem Romam propiusve urbem Romam passus M domicilium non habeat, queive ejus magistratus, quei supra scriptus est, pater frater filiusve siet, queive ejus, quei in senatu siet fueritve, pater frater filiusve siet, queive trans mar]e erit. (Cf. ll. 16, 17). Unfortunately the main qualification for the jurors, which was stated after the words "in hac civitate," has been lost.
[626] Plut.C. Gracch. 6 [Greek:kakeino tous krinountas ek ton hippeon hedoken (ho daemos) katalexai].
[627] Thelex Aciliasays "within ten days of its becoming law" (p. 214, note 2). If Plutarch(l.c.)is right about Gracchus selecting the original judices, the provision of thislexshows that it cannot be, as some have thought, the law which firstcreatedthe Gracchan jurors. It must have been passed subsequently to Gracchus's ownlex judiciaria.
[628] In the Ciceronian period we find a knight as ajudexin a civil case (Cic.pro Rosc. Com. 14. 42), but it is not probable that senators were ever excluded from the civil bench. See GreenidgeLegal Procedure of Cicero's Timep. 265.
[629] Cic.in Verr. Act. i. 13. 38.
[630] Cic.pro Cluent. 56. 154 Lege … quae tum erat Sempronia, nunc est Cornelia (i.e. the law mentioned in note 4) … intellegebant … ea lege equestrem ordinem non teneri. Livius Drusus in 91 B.C. attempted to fix a retrospective liability on the equestrian jurors (Cic.pro Rab. Post7. 16). Cf. App.Bell. Civ. i. 35. Yet Appian elsewhere (Bell. Civ. i. 22) says that the equites obviated trials for bribery [Greek:synistamenoi sphisin autois kai biazomenoi]. It is possible that prosecutions for corruption before thejudicia populiare meant. See Strachan-Davidson in loc.
[631] Cic.pro Cluent. 55. 151 Hanc ipsam legem NE QUIS JUDICIO CIRCUMVENIRETUR C. Gracchus tulit; eam legem pro plebe, non in plebem tulit. Postea L. Sulla … cum ejus rei quaestionem hac ipsa lege constitueret, … populum Romanum … alligare novo quaestionis genere ausus non est. 56. 154 Illi non hoc recusabant, ea ne lege accusarentur … quae tum erat Sempronia, nunc est Cornelia … intellegebant enim ea lege equestrem ordinem non teneri.
[632] Gell. 1. xx. 7; Justin.Inst. iv. 5. 2.
[633] App.Bell. Civ. i. 22.
[634] App. l.c. [Greek:kataegorous te enetous epi tois plousiois epaegonto].
[635] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. xi. 10 Ego ipse, qui aput vos verba facio, uti vectigalia vestra augeatis, quo facilius vestra commoda et rem publicam administrare possitis, non gratis prodeo.
[636] Vellei. ii. 6. 3 Nova constituebat portoria.
[637] Cf. App.Bell. Civ. v. 4 (M. Antonius to the Asiatics) [Greek:ous … eteleite phorous Attalo, methaekamen hymin, mechri, daemokopon andron kai par' haemin genomenon, edeaese phoron, epei de edeaesen … merae pherein ton ekastote karpon epetazamen].
[638] Frontoad Verump. 125 (Naber) Gracchus locabat Asiam. Cic.in Verr. iii. 6. 12 Inter Siciliam ceterasque provincias, judices, in agrorum vectigalium ratione hoc interest, quod ceteris aut impositum vectigal est certum … aut censoria locatio constituta est, ut Asiae lege Sempronia.
[639] Decumani, hoc est, principes et quasi senatores publicanorum (Cic.in Verr. ii. 71. 175).
[640] Polyb. vi. 17.
[641] Schol. Bob. p. 259 Cum princeps esset publicanorum Cn. Plancii pater, et societas eadem in exercendis vectigalibus gravissimo damno videretur adfecta, desideratum est in senatu nomine publicanorum ut cum iis ratio putaretur lege Sempronia, et remissionis tantum fieret de summa pecunia, quantum aequitas postularet, pro quantitate damnorum quibus fuerant hostili incursione vexati (60 B.C.; cf. Cic.ad Att. i. 17. 9).
[642] Varro ap. Non. p. 308 G. Equestri ordini judicia tradidit ac bicipitem civitatem fecit discordiarum civilium fontem. Cf. Florus ii. 5 (iii. 17).
[643] Diod. xxxvii. 9 [Greek:apeilousaes taes synklaetou polemon to Grakcho dia taen metathesin ton kritaerion, tetharraekotos outos eipen hoti kan apothano, ou dialeipso to eiphos apo taes pleuras ton synklaetikon diaeraemenos.] Diodorus has preserved the utterance in a more intelligible form than Cicero (de Leg. iii. 9. 20 C. vero Gracchus … sicis iis, quas ipse se projecisse in forum dixit, quibus digladiarentur inter se cives, nonne omnem rei publicae statum permutavit?).
[644] Cic.pro Domo9, 24 Tu provincias consulares, quas C. Gracchus, qui unus maxime popularis fuit, non modo non abstulit a senatu, sed etiam, ut necesse esset quotannis constitui per senatum decretas lege sanxit, eas lege Sempronia per senatum decretas rescidisti. Sall,Fug. 27 Lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae. Cic.de Prov. Cons. 2. 3 Decernendae nobis sunt lege Sempronia duae (provinciae). Cf.ad Fam. i. 7. 10;pro Balbo27. 61.
[645] Cic.de Prov. Cons. 7. 17.
[646] The colonists were to be [Greek:oi chariestatoi ton politon] (Plut.C. Gracch. 9).
[647] Liv.Ep. lx Legibus agrariis latis effecit ut complures coloniae in Italia deducerentur. Cf. Plut.C. Gracch, 6. App.Bell. Civ. 1. 23; Foundations at Abellinum, Cadatia, Suessa Aurunca etc. are attributed to alex Semproniaorlex GraccanainLiber Coloniarum(GromaticiLachmann) pp. 229, 233, 237, 238; cf. pp. 216, 219, 228, 255. It is difficult to say whether they were products of the Gracchan agrarian or colonial law. In either case, these foundations may have been subsequent to his death, as neither law was repealed.
[648] Vellei. 1. 15 Et post annum (i.e. a year after the foundation of Fabrateria, see p. 171) Scolacium Minervium, Tarentum Neptunia (coloniae conditae sunt).
[649] ForbigerHandb. der Alt. Geogr. ii. p. 503.
[650] L'AnnéeEpigraphique, 1896, pp. 30, 31.
[651] Plut.C. Gracch. 8.
[652] Vellei. ii. 6 Novis coloniis replebat provincias. This may be wrong as a fact but true as an intention.
[653] Vellei. ii. 7.
[654] Plut.C. Gracch. 10 [Greek:Rhoubrion ton synarchonton henos oikizesthai Karchaedona grapsantos anaeraemenaen hypo Skaepionos]….Lex Acilia1. 22 Queive 1. Rubria in. vir col. ded. creatus siet fueritve. Cf.Lex Agraria1. 59. Oros. v. 12 L. Caecilio Metello et Q. Titio (Scr. T. Quinctio) Flaminino coss. Carthago in Africa restitui jussa vicensimo secundo demum anno quam fuerat eversa deductis civium Romanorum familiis, quae eam incolerent, restituta et repleta est. Cf. Eutrop. iv. 21.
[655] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.
[656] Mommsen l.c. This was the tenure afterwards called that of thejus Italicum.
[657] Liv.Ep. ix; App.Bell. Civ. i. 24.
[658] Plut.C. Gracch. 6; App,Bell. Civ, i. 23.
[659] Plut.C. Gracch. 7.
[660] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 402.
[661] These are apparently theViasii vicaniof thelex Agraria. Sometimes the service was performed by personal labour (operae), at other times avectigalwas demanded. See Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.
[662] Cic.ad Fam. viii. 6. 5; cf. Mommsen l.c.
[663] This was prohibited by alex Liciniaand alex Aebutiawhich Cicero (de Leg. Agr. ii. 8. 21) callsveteres tribuniciae. But it is possible that they were post-Gracchan. See MommsenStaatsr. ii. p. 630.
[664] App.Bell. Civ. i. 23 [Greek:ho de Grakchos kai hodous etemnen ana ten Italian makras, plaethos ergolabon kai cheirotechnon hyph' eauto poionmenos, hetoimon es ho ti keleuoi]
[665] Plut.C. Gracch. 8.
[666] Cic.Brut. 26, 100.
[667] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. p. 158.
[668] Plut.C. Gracch. 6.
[669] Senecade Ben, vi. 34. 2 Apud nos primi omnium Gracchus et mox Livius Drusus instituerunt segregate turbam suam et alios in secretum recipere, alios cum pluribus, alios universos. Habuerunt itaque isti amicos primos, habuerunt secundos, numquam veros.
[670] The name of the law was probablylex de sociis et nomine Latino. See Cic.Brut. 26. 99.
[671] App.Bell. Civ. i. 23 [Greek:kai tous Latinous epi panta ekalei ta Rhomaion, hos ouk euprepos sygnenesi taes boulaes antistaenai dynamenaes; ton de heteron symmachon hois ouk ezaen psaephon en tais Rhomaion cheirotoniais pherein, edidous pherein apo toude, epi to echein kai tousde en tais cherotioniais ton nomon auto syntelountas]. The words [Greek:psaephon k.t.l.] refer to the limited suffrage granted to Latinincolae(Liv. xxv. 3. 16); but the voting power of his new Latins would be so small that the motive attributed to this measure by Appian is improbable. See Strachan-Davidson in loc. Other accounts of Gracchus's proposal ignore this distinction between Latins and Italians, e.g. Plutarch (C. Gracch. 5) describes his law as [Greek:isopsaephous toion tois politais tous Italiotas] and Velleius says (ii. 6) Dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis.
[672] If we may trust Velleius (ii. 6) Dabat civitatem omnibus Italicis, extendebat eam paene usque Alpis. Cisalpine Gaul was not yet a separate province, but it was not regarded as a part of Italy. The Latin colonies between the Padus and the Rubicon would certainly have received Roman rights, and this may have been the case with a Latin township north of the Padus such as Aquileia. But it is doubtful whether Latin rights would have been given to the towns between the Padus and the Alps. TheseTranspadanireceivedLatinitasin 89 B.C. (Ascon.in Pisonian. P. 3).
[673] C. Gracch. ap, Gell. x. 3. 3.
[674] Fann. ap. Jul. Victor 6. 6. A speech of Fannius as consul against Caius Gracchus is also mentioned by Charisius p. 143 Keil.
[675] Cic. Brut. 26. 99.
[676] App.Bell. Civ. i. 23.
[677] Plut.C. Gracch. 12 [Greek:antexethaeken ho Gaios diagramma kataegoron ton hypaton, kai tois symmachois, an menosi, boaethaesein epangellomenos.] The invective may have been directed against Fannius, According to Appian (l.c.) both consuls had been instructed by the senate to issue the edict.
[678] If it had been hampered in this way, the judicial protection ofperegriniagainst the judgments of the Praetor Peregrinus would have been impossible.
[679] Plut.C. Gracch. 12.
[680] App.Bell. Civ. i. 23.
[681] [Sall.]de Rep. Ord. ii. 8 Magistratibus creandis haud mihi quidem apsurde placet lex quam C. Gracchus in tribunatu promulgaverat, ut ex confusis quinque classibus sorte centuriae vocarentur. Ita coaequatus dignitate pecunia, virtute anteire alius alium properabit.
[682] Plut.C. Gracch. 8.
[683] Vir et oratione gravis et auctoritate (Cic.Brut. 28. 109) [Greek:haethei de kai logo kai plouto tois malista timomenois kai dynamenois apo touton enamillos] (Plut.C. Gracch. 8).
[684] Suet.Tib. 3 Ob eximiam adversus Gracchos operam "patronus senatus" dictus.
[685] Plut.C. Gracch. 9.
[686] App.Bell. Civi. 35.
[687] Plut.C. Gracch. 10.
[688] Plut.C. Gracch. 9 [Greek:Libios de kai taen apophoran tautaen] (which had been imposed by the Gracchan laws) [Greek:ton neimamenon aphairon haeresken autois]. The tense ofneimamenonseems to show that the Gracchan as well as the Livian settlers are meant. See Underhill in loc. In any case, the reimposition of thevectigalon the allotments by the law of 119 (App.Bell. Civ. i. 27) proves that it had been remitted before this date.
[689] [Greek:hopos maed' epi strateias exae tina Latinon rhabdois aikisasthai] (Plut.C. Gracch. 9).
[690] Thelex Acilia Repetundarumgrants them the right of appeal as an alternative to citizenship as a reward for successful prosecution. Cf. the similar provision in the franchise law of Flaccus (p. 168).
[691] Plut.C. Gracch. 9.
[692] Appian (Bell. Civ. i. 24) says that Gracchus was accompanied by Fulvius Flaccus. Plutarch (C. Gracch. 10) implies that the latter stayed at Rome.
[693] App. l.c. Appian represents this measure as having been proposed after the return of the commissioners to Rome. The words of Plutarch (C. Gracch. 8) [Greek:apaertaesato to plaethos … kakon … epi koinoniai politeias tous Latinous] probably refer to an invitation of the Latins to share in these citizen colonies.
[694] Plut.C. Gracch. 10.
[695] Mommsen in C.I.L. l.c.
[696] Plut.C. Gracch. 11.
[697] App.Bell. Civ. i. 24. According to Appian, the wolf event occurred after Gracchus had quitted Africa.
[698] Plut.C. Gracch. 11.
[699] Plut.C. Gracch. 12.
[700] Ibid. [Greek:synetyche d' auto kai pros tous synarchontas en orgae genesthai. synarchontas] here is not limited to his colleagues in the tribunate.
[701] [Greek:exemisthoun] (Plut. l.c.), probably to contractors who would sublet the seats.
[702] BeeslyThe Gracchi, Marius and Sullap. 53.
[703] [Greek:psaephon men auto pleiston genomenon, adikos de kai kakourgos ton synarchonton poiaesamenon taen anagoreusin kai anadeixin]. (Plut. l.c.)
[704] Cic.in Pis. 15. 36; VarroR.R. iii. 5. 18.
[705] [Greek:hos Sardonion gelota gelosin, ou gignoskontes hoson autois skotos ek ton auton perikechytai politeumaton.] (Plut. l.c.)
[706] Cic.pro Caec. 33. 95;pro Domo40. 106.
[707] [Victor]de Vir. Ill. 65.
[708] Cornelia ap. Corn. Nep. fr. 16 Ne id quidem tam breve spatium (sc. vitae) potest opitulari quin et mihi adversere et rem publicam profliges? Denique quae pausa erit? Ecquando desinet familia nostra insanire? Ecquando modus ei rei haberi poterit? Ecquando desinemus et habentes et praebentes molestiis insistere? Ecquando perpudescet miscenda atque perturbanda re publica?
[709] [Greek:hos dae theristas] (Plut.C. Gracch. 13).
[710] Plutarch (l.c.) says that the consul had "sacrificed" [Greek: (thysantos)] and, if this is correct, Opimius must have summoned the meeting.
[711] App.Bell. Civ. i. 25.
[712] Plut.C. Gracch. 13; App.Bell. Civ. i. 25; [Victor]de Vir. III. 65. The last author calls the slain man Attilius and describes him as "praeco Opimii consulis". Cf. IhneRöm. Gesch. v. p. 103.
[713] [Victor] l.c. Imprudens contionem a tribuno plebis avocavit. Cf. App.Bell. Civ. i. 25.
[714] Plut.C. Gracch. 14.
[715] App.Bell. Civ. i. 25.
[716] App. l.c.
[717] Plut.C. Gracch. 14.
[718] Cic.Phil. viii. 4. 14 Quod L. Opimius consul verba fecit de re publica, de ea re ita censuerunt, uti L. Opimius consul rem publicam defenderet. Senatus haec verbis, Opimius armis. Cf.in Cat. i. 2. 4; iv. 5. 10. Plut.C. Gracch. 14 [Greek:eis to bouleutaerion apelthontes epsaephisanto kai prosetaxan Opimio to hypato sozein taen polin hopos dynaito kai katalyein tous tyrannous.]
[719] Plut. l.c.
[720] App.Bell. Civ. i. 26.
[721] Plut.C. Gracch. 14.
[722] Ibid. 15.
[723] App.Bell. Civ. i. 26.
[724] Cf. BardeyDas sechste Consulat des Mariusp. 61.
[725] Plut. l.c.
[726] Plut.C. Gracch. 16; App. l.c.
[727] Plut. l.c.
[728] Plut. l.c.
[729] Cic.in Cat. iv. 6. 13.
[730] App.Bell. Civ. i. 26. Plut. (C. Gracch. 16) states that Flaccus fled to a bathroom ([Greek:eis ti balaneion]).
[731] Dionys. viii. 80.
[732] Plut. l.c.
[733] Val. Max. iv. 7. 2; [Victor]de Vir. Ill. 65; Oros, v. 12. Plutarch (l.c.) gives he second name as Licinius.
[734] Plut. l.c.
[735] [Victor] l.c.
[736] Translated "Grove of the Furies" by Plutarch; cf. Cic.de Nat. Deor. iii. 18. 46. The true name of the grove was Lucus Furrinae, named after some goddess, whose significance was forgotten (VarroL. L. vi. 19 Nunc vix nomen notum paucis). See RichterTopographiep. 271.
[737] Plut.C. Gracch. 17. Cf. Val. Max. vi. 8. 3.
[738] Plin.H.N. xxxiii. 3. 48. Cf. Plut. l.c.; [Victor] l.c.; Florus ii. 3 (iii. 15).
[739] Oros. v. 12.
[740] Oros. l.c. Opimius consul sicut in bello fortis fuit ita in quaestione crudelis. Nam amplius tria milia hominum suppliciis necavit, ex quibus plurimi ne dicta quidem causa innocentes interfecti sunt. Plutarch (l.c.) gives three thousand as the number actually slain in the tumult. Orosius (l.c.) gives the number slain on the Aventine as two hundred and fifty. For the severity with which Opimius conducted thequaestiosee Sall.Jug. 16. 2, 31. 7; Vellei. ii. 7.
[741] Plut. l.c.
[742] Dig. xxiv. 3. 66. The passage speaks of Licinia's dowry; yet Plutarch (l.c.) says that this was confiscated.
[743] In Plutarch's Greek version (C. Gracch, 17) [Greek:ergon aponoias] (vecordiae) [Greek:naon homonoias] (concordiae) [Greek:poiei].
[744] Cf. NeumannGeschichte Roms. p. 259.
[745] Plut,C. Gracch, 18.
[746] Plut.C, Gracch, 19.
[747] Plin.H.N. xxxiv. 6. 31.