Importance of the Catalan towns.
The most marked feature in the political life of Catalonia in this period was the rise of the towns, and especially the vast power exercised by the city of Barcelona. The towns became veritable lords, buying jurisdictions, privileges, immunities, castles, and lesser towns from the king, just as the nobles were in the habit of doing. Important cities got to be protectors of villages and towns, granting the right ofcarreratge, which entitled them to be considered a street of the city. As a rule the kings favored this increase in the power of the municipalities, and the latter might have made themselves an irresistible force, had it not been for their internal party strife, and for the armed struggles of rival cities. There began to be a certain uniformity in the organization of royal towns in the thirteenth century, and in the fourteenth it became more marked under the influence of the centralizing policy of Pedro IV. The general assembly was the basis of government at first, but its place was taken later by a council elected from the wealthy citizens; at times, the officials themselves were the only ones to vote, and they too chose the representatives to theCortes. This aristocratic form of government did not please the kings,since it tended to create a force which would be hostile to them and led to social strife in the municipalities, wherefore matters were adjusted at the close of the fourteenth century by the entry of the popular element into the council. Just as in Castile, the nobles and churchmen were forced to grant privileges to their towns almost equal to those enjoyed by the royal municipalities, in order to retain the people. They still collected certain taxes, exercised judicial powers, and appointed some officials, but the greater part of local administration was in the hands of the towns themselves, which developed along lines similar to those of the royal towns.
Greatness of the city of Barcelona.
The most accentuated representation of municipal life was to be found in the city of Barcelona. The administrative organization of the preceding era did not change fundamentally, but the power and privileges of the city increased greatly, due to the concessions of the kings. The council of five was at first composed only ofhonrats, or members of the bourgeois aristocracy, but by the year 1455 only two were of this class, a third was a merchant, a fourth an artist, and a fifth an artisan. The classes of lower grade than thehonratswere admitted to theConsellin 1387, and by the end of the period the popular element had become preponderant. The five councillors, though subject to theConsell, formed an administrative commission for the government of the city. It was also their privilege to advise the king, something which they frequently did, and they were charged with the duty of maintaining the charter rights of the city, a matter to which they attended most zealously, even to the point of war with the king. Through purchase, annexation, royal donations, and the extensive application of the institution ofcarreratgeBarcelona acquired a great part of Catalonia and other portions of the realm; the possession of Elche and other towns in Valencian territory illustrates the far-reaching authority of the great Catalan city. The subject towns had a right to protection and to the privileges and exemptions of Barcelona, in return for which the latter had more or less complete control of the administration of justice, was supposed to have their coöperation in mattersof general interest, and was entitled to contributions of soldiers and the payment of certain tributes. The vast power of Barcelona was not always exercised for the best interests of the state, as in the case of the blow inflicted on the commerce of Valencia, through the influence of Barcelona, whereby no merchandise was allowed to be shipped from that port in foreign vessels. At times, the governing authorities of Barcelona equalled, or even exceeded, the power of the deputation of theCortesof Catalonia, and sustained disputes with it. On the other hand, Barcelona repeatedly intervened in the struggles ofcaballeros, towns, and social classes to impose peace. The authority of the city was reflected in the pride of its aristocracy, thehonrats. They enjoyed the right ofriepto, or duel, the same as members of the nobility, and vigorously protested against measures which seemed to place them on a lower level than any other class of society,—for example, when the order of St. John proposed to admit only the descendants of nobles. Anybody might become anhonratif he combined certain prerequisites, such as wealth, with an election by the council.
Struggle between absolutism and seigniorial society in Catalonia.
The same struggle of absolutism against the seigniorial elements appeared in Catalonia as in Castile and Aragon, although the monarchy was more consistently victorious there than elsewhere. The nobles opposed the kings, though somewhat weakly, for they were more concerned with the social problems of the era. The cities and towns, especially Barcelona, also constituted a feudal element which was not always in accord with the king. Although during most of the era there was no armed conflict between these forces, there were a number of symptoms of discontent which at length broke forth in the civil wars of the reign of Juan II. Some of the causes of dissatisfaction were the following: the belief that their Castilian sovereign, Ferdinand I, and his successors had an exaggerated ideal of absolutism; the employment of foreigners in public offices, especially Castilians, by the same monarchs,—a demonstration also of the lack of Spanish national feeling; and the absence of Alfonso V in Italy and his expensive wars there, although the Catalans were as a rule partisans of the policy of Mediterraneanexpansion. Fundamentally, however, the strife at the end of this period was a conflict between centralized absolute monarchy and decentralization based on charter rights. Neither Juan II nor his predecessors varied the charters or the political organization of the principality, but nevertheless the blow was struck, and the downfall of the sovereign rights of the lords and towns was already at hand.
The CatalanCortes.
TheCortescontinued to meet separately from that of Aragon and to be chiefly important for its grant or refusal of taxes. The third estate (representatives of the towns) endeavored to establish its right to participate with the king in legislation, but the latter made laws independently of theCortesas before. When theCorteswas not in session, it was represented by the general deputation, orGeneralitat, usually made up of three members, or one for each branch of theCortes. In addition to keeping watch to see that the laws were strictly observed, the deputation had certain police powers, including the defence of the principality, and other less notable administrative functions. The generalCortesof the entire realm held occasional meetings, as did also a newCortesfor the Mediterranean possessions of the kingdom (Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and Naples).
Legislation in Catalonia.
Administration in general.
Legislation was characterized by the variety of jurisdictions of former years, but the number of grants of new municipal charters diminished greatly, and the general decrees of the kings increased. If this manifested a tendency toward unity, the citation of the principles of the Roman law did so even more. This had already proved influential in the preceding era, but it did not establish itself securely until the fifteenth century. There was a strong sentiment in its favor in Catalonia, and Pedro IV ordered its study and its use in cases at law. Finally it was established in theCortesof 1409 that the Roman and canon law might be cited as supplementary law after certain other specified legal sources. Like the adoption of thePartidasin Castile (in 1348) this meant an ultimate, complete victory for the Roman principles. In most other respects the administration of justice in Catalonia followed the course already described forCastile. In financial history the only features worthy of note were the development of a system of taxation by the deputation of Catalonia, whereby it met its own expenses and provided funds for the grants to the king, and the growth of a system of municipal finance in Barcelona on a scale in keeping with its extensive power. In both military and naval affairs the authority of the deputation was the most striking element. This body merely loaned the army and navy to the king, specifying the cases when the loan was allowable. The principal military force was that of the municipal militia, although the seigniorial levies still formed part of the army. In addition to the flotilla of the deputation there were the navies of the king, of the corporation of merchants of the city of Barcelona, and of private individuals or towns. The most persistent enemies in the Mediterranean were pirates, both the Moslems of northern Africa, and the Christians from Majorca, southern France, Italy, and Catalonia itself. Towers were built and a messenger service developed to advise of the presence of pirates, but the evil was not eliminated.
Power of the great prelates.
The general relaxation in the customs and discipline of churchmen already mentioned in the case of Castile and the course of ecclesiastical history described for Aragon apply equally to the church of Catalonia. The most noteworthy characteristic in the relations of the church and state was the continuation of the feudal authority of the more powerful prelates. Principal among them were the bishops of Gerona, whose dominions and wealth in personalty were greatly increased in this period. As they were virtual monarchs on their lands, they were able to challenge the authority of neighboring nobles or of the kings themselves, and they oppressed the people. Their scant respect for the royal power was often displayed; on one occasion they compelled two of the highest officials of the kingdom to walk through the streets of Gerona in the garb of criminals, submitting all the while to a beating, and made them ascend the long stairway fronting the cathedral on their knees, wearing only a shirt, and carrying a candle. Several of the bishops were banished, and even the nobles joined thekings against the ecclesiastical lords. The Franciscans and Dominicans opposed the bishops and abbots, but although they had popular sympathy in their favor they did not have an equal political influence, since they were not represented in theCortes. The power of the great churchmen was not materially diminished, but the last bishop of Gerona in the era was a strong partisan of the king.
Distinctive features in Valencian political life.
In some parts of Valencia the law of Aragon applied, but the usual rule, especially after the victory of Pedro IV, was the jurisdiction of the laws, orfurs, granted by Jaime I, added to, or modified by, the grants of different kings and the ordinances of theCortes. The law of Barcelona applied in a number of towns which were joined to that city by the institution ofcarreratge. In general administration the practices were much the same as those mentioned for Castile. The extreme harshness of judicial punishments, possibly surpassing other regions, may be noted. The death penalty was habitually given, and various cruel methods of execution were employed. A sentence of imprisonment was rarely inflicted. The greatness of the city of Valencia was almost as noteworthy in this part of Spain as that of Barcelona in Catalonia. Valencia put itself at the head of the Union which fought Pedro IV, only to go down in defeat.
General factors of Castilian economic life.
ACONTINUATIONin this era of the factors which had tended in the preceding period to develop material resources brought about progress in agriculture, stock-raising, mining, industry, and commerce, although it was not great enough to cause general economic prosperity. The stock-raisers, as before, received more favors than their rivals, the farmers, and it was at this time that the powerful corporation of sheepmen, theMesta, was formed. Alfonso X granted charters to various of these corporations, entitling them to electalcaldeswith special jurisdiction in the affairs of theMestaand its disputes with the farmers. The different organizations were united in the reign of Alfonso XI to form a single CastilianMesta, a body which possessed immense power. Gold, silver, quicksilver, and lead mines were worked to some extent; these, with salt mines and fisheries, constituted a royal monopoly, but were exploited by private individuals who paid rent to the kings. The advance in industry was particularly marked. Santiago de Compostela no longer enjoyed a unique position as a manufacturing centre, for every important town now had its industries devoted to supplying the needs of daily life and the exigencies of a growing artistic refinement, as evidenced by the wealth in jewelry, arms, architecture and its appurtenances, furniture, rich embroideries, and other articles far superior in quality and quantity to those of the preceding era. The towns conquered from the Moslems, especially the city of Seville, were particularlynoteworthy for their industrial life. Among the principal commercial outlets for Castilian products were the ports of the Basque provinces; their exports seem to have been chiefly raw materials, but there were also such items as cloth, wine, oil, and sugar. It is probable, however, that most of the manufacturing done in the Castilian towns was for the consumption of the towns themselves and a very limited neighboring area. Distribution within Castile was not well developed, for many of the same (or similar) products as those exported were also imported. Industry and commerce were very largely in the hands of foreigners, Jews, and Mudéjares.
Legislative helps and hindrances to economic progress.
Legislation showed the double tendency of encouraging economic development and of checking it by laws looking to the temporary needs of the royal treasury. ThePartidasurged the cultivation of the soil, the building of bridges and repair of roads, the prevention of frauds in customs houses, and the exemption of certain imports from the payment of duty when they seemed likely to aid in material progress,—such as farming utensils when destined for use by the importer himself and not intended for resale. Commercial treaties with foreign countries began to be made in the fourteenth century, although often by merely a portion of the kingdom, particularly the north coast ports; thus there were treaties of 1351 and 1366 with England. On the other hand there were the royal monopolies, thealcabala, and the rigid maintenance of customs duties,—for the exemptions, after all, were few in number. Not only was there the obstacle of different state boundaries, but also there were the duties collected by many, if not most, of the towns. No distinction was made as to the source of goods, and those of Castile paid equally with foreign products. Another hindrance to economic advance was the well-intentioned, but mistaken, policy of excessive governmental regulation of the industries. Both the state and the guilds themselves made laws fixing wages, the hours of labor, prices, methods of contract, amount of interest, and even the way in which goods should be made. These regulations were not uniform for all Castile, but varied according to the special circumstancesof the different regions. The municipalities also intervened to fix prices for goods of prime necessity or of general use. At times they granted an exclusive right of sale, or established municipal shops.
Progress in commerce.
To facilitate commerce fairs and general markets were greatly resorted to, being established by law, or, if already in existence, favored by grants of new privileges. The insecurity of the roads and the civil wars prevented the royal grants from having their full effect, and other circumstances, such as the popular attacks on Jewish districts, the variety and uncertainty of coins and of weights and measures, the debasement of the coinage by the kings, and the prevalence of counterfeiting (despite the penalty imposed,—burning to death), tended to interfere with commerce. Nevertheless, notable progress was made. Bills of exchange first appeared in this era. Foreign merchants visited Castile, and Castilians went abroad, especially to England and Flanders; there were Castilian consuls in Bruges. The Jews figured prominently in foreign trade, as money changers and makers of loans, while their international relations due to the solidarity of their race enabled them to act as bankers.
Public works.
Something, though little, was done to assist in economic betterment by the building of public works. The lords, both lay and ecclesiastical, resisted many of these projects, notably the building of bridges, since it deprived them of the tolls which they were in the habit of collecting for ferrying goods, animals, and persons across the rivers. Men travelled on horseback, or on a litter, and goods were carried by pack-animals or carts, although the latter could rarely be used because of the bad condition of the roads. Measures to improve the highways were frequently taken, however. The greater part of the revenues devoted to public works was still applied to the building or repair of fortifications.
Economic factors in the kingdom of Aragon, especially in Catalonia.
The economic history of this region, based on the natural differences of the three principal sections, followed much the same lines as before, but the principal note was the all-rounddevelopment in Catalonia. Grain in that region was scarce, on which account large quantities were imported from Aragon and from foreign countries, but some other agricultural products, such as rice, grapes, and olives, were cultivated with success. Stock-raising was also a prominent occupation. The most important source of Catalan wealth continued to be in manufacturing, especially in Barcelona. A great variety of cloths and fabrics was made, as also pottery, barrels, rope, glass, and many other articles of practical utility. Aragon was less important in commerce, as in other respects, than the other parts of the realm. Something was done there by royal legislation to favor trade, and enough of it existed to warrant the founding of aconsuladoin Saragossa (1391) with mercantile jurisdiction. Catalan commerce was so great in volume that it rivalled that of the Italian cities. From the Scandinavian lands in the northwest to the extremes of the Mediterranean, Catalan ships might be seen, and if there were many Italian vessels which visited the ports of Catalonia, so too the Catalans carried their trade to the cities of Italy, where many Catalan consuls resided. Kings, lords, and towns endeavored to build up Catalan industry and commerce, by favorable legislation, by extending the institution of theconsulados, and by making commercial treaties. Nevertheless, not a few obstacles were also raised, largely as a result of the false economic ideas of the era. Thus, prices were often fixed; a precise order, or sequence, of sale might be required,—for example, in La Bisbal the crop of the bishop had to be sold first; the technical regulation of industries was carried to excess, far beyond the rules established in this respect in the other lands of the peninsula; taxes were numerous in kind, and some were very heavy; and the policy of protection was carried to extremes in favor of some municipalities as against others. Furthermore there were dangers of piracy and the insecurity of the roads. Valencia was commercially prosperous in only less degree than Catalonia. Both regions were represented principally, in industry and commerce, by their great capital cities.
The industrial and mercantile system of Barcelona.
Barcelona was easily the greatest industrial and mercantilecentre in Spain, and was also the leading exponent of the Catalan policy of protection. Foreign goods like those produced in Catalonia were either prohibited from entry or charged with excessive duties. On the other hand, the importing of goods which had no counterpart in Catalonia, such as fine cloths, or which existed in small quantity, such as grain, was encouraged. In the case of grain, premiums were granted to importers, and heavy export duties were collected, or its exportation entirely prohibited. From 1249 to 1347 theConsellexercised mercantile jurisdiction through the medium of two consuls of the sea (consules de mar), but in the last-named year aconsuladowas created to perform that function and to provide for the protection of commerce against pirates. Both the deputation of theCortesand the two local councils occasionally intervened, however. The local authorities appointed the consuls to represent Catalan interests in foreign countries. This was a post of high consequence, and was rewarded by a grant of a certain percentage of the purchases and sales of merchandise in the entire realm of Aragon. The consuls acted as judges, mercantile agents, and guardians and defenders of the persons and property of their compatriots. The councils of Barcelona concerned themselves with the introduction of new industries, bringing in foreigners skilled in such manufactures. Financial and technical experts were maintained at municipal expense. Not only do these facts evidence the attention paid by the people of Barcelona to mercantile life, but they also demonstrate a surprising modernity in point of view. It is no wonder that the merchants of that city were notably wealthy, proud, and given to luxury.
Economic prominence of the city of Valencia.
Favored by the rich agricultural productivity of the Valencian kingdom, the industrial traditions of the Moslem population, and the energy of its Catalan bourgeoisie, the city of Valencia became a veritable rival of Barcelona in industry and commerce, and enjoyed a wide fame in Mediterranean lands, especially in Italy. Aconsuladowas founded as early as 1283, and the first bills of exchange known in the peninsula (from 1376) were drawn up in Valencia. Legislation favoring Barcelona at Valencia’s expense caused a considerabledamage to the latter’s commerce, although it continued to be important.
Public works.
In the erection of public works this was a notable era in all the kingdom of Aragon. A number of bridges were built, and tolls were collected to provide for their preservation and repair. The Catalans were particularly mindful of improving their ports. That of Barcelona was enlarged in the fourteenth century, and in the fifteenth an artificial port was begun and completed. The fifteenth century also marked the beginning of work on the artificial port of Valencia. Old roads were improved and new ones built. A considerable advance was made in works of irrigation in all parts of the realm. In this respect Valencia took the lead, making use of the canals dating from the Moslem period, but amplifying and improving them. A mail service developed at this time. The kings and the municipalities had their separate mails, but in Catalonia there was also a private mail-carrying industry as early as the latter part of the thirteenth century.
Beginning of Castilian intellectual superiority in the peninsula.
General characteristics of the era.
WITHthe advance of the Christian conquest against the Moslems the political centre had passed from the northern coast to the Castilian table-land, and thence to Andalusia, where for a time the court was set up in Seville. There was a tendency, however, to return to Castile proper, since the people of that region were the principal element in the conquest and in internal political affairs. The political preponderance of the Castilian part of the realm was so clearly established that it transformed that region in many ways, and caused it to have for the first time a civilization superior to that of the coastal plains, overcoming the geographical handicaps which hitherto had held it back. The predominance of Castile in intellectual life was to become yet more marked in later centuries. In earlier times the rude Asturians and Galicians had joined with the no less rude Leonese and Castilians against the Moslems, but they had become modified by contact with the conquered people themselves and with the various foreigners who joined them in the conquest. The indigenous people did not lose their own individuality, however; rather they assimilated the new influences, and paved the way for the brilliant and original manifestation of intellectual culture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The principal characteristic of this epoch was the desire for knowledge, leading to the incorporation into indigenous civilization of many other elements. The conquest of Andalusia brought Castile into more intimate contact with Moslem civilization, which reached itsculminating point in science and in art in the fourteenth century. French elements continued to affect polite literature and didactic works. Especially noteworthy was the great prominence of the influences coming out of Italy, giving a new direction to Castilian literature, and substituting for the Moslem scientific element the direct study of classical texts and the use of observation and experiment as a means to knowledge. The entry of western European culture into Castile was accelerated by those Castilians who went to France and Italy at this time to study in the great schools and universities of those lands. The two capital moments of the era were the reigns of Alfonso X and Juan II.
University and other education.
The universities increased in number and influence to the point of being a vital factor in the intellectual life of the period. In thePartidas, Alfonso X distinguished between the “general studies” founded by the pope, emperor, or king, and the “particular studies,” the creation of an individual or town. The former combined secondary and higher education, for the oldtriviumandquadriviumwere retained, with the addition of the Roman and canon law.[48]Gradually the higher studies began to predominate, and associated themselves with the term “university.” The “particular studies” were usually conducted by a single master with a few students, and were confined to some one or two branches of learning. Some of these subjects, when they differed from the fundamental courses of the “general studies,” tended to be adopted by the latter. Thus theology was added to the university curriculum in the fifteenth century. Other subjects were also studied in the universities, even though not common to all, such as medicine and surgery at Salamanca. Primary education was neglected, although the church schools still continued and some towns or individuals founded such schools. The universities received considerable government aid, but were autonomous, and depended in part on other sources of income, such as theirown fees and the gifts by individuals or corporations other than the state. The students and teachers together formed acofradía, or fraternity, which elected its own rector, or president. A bishop, dean, or abbot was usually constituted a kind of guardian by royal mandate. This official was gradually replaced by the “schoolmaster of the cathedral,” who came to be judge in cases affecting university students, and even arrogated to himself the right to confer degrees, rivalling the president of the university in authority. All members of the university were granted special legal privileges (approximately those of the clergy) with respect to their persons and goods. The method of teaching employed was the reading of a text by the teacher, who commented upon and explained it. Examinations were held for the granting of the bachelor’s and doctor’s degrees. Not only did each university possess a library, but there were also many other public and private libraries, and the trade of the copyist and the manufacture of books were markedly more prominent than before. In the universities texts were loaned (not sold) to students to enable them to correct their notes,—which shows that books were still comparatively scarce. Some time before 1475, at an uncertain date, the art of printing was introduced into Castile,—with effects which belong to the following eras.
Moslem, Jewish, and other influences on Castilian thought and science.
The oriental influence on Castilian thought and science, or rather the classical influences transmitted through Moslem and Jewish writers, advanced for a time, and continued to be preponderant until the fifteenth century, when European ideas, principally Italian, became the more important. There was a change in direction of the Moslem influence, however. Philosophy dropped back from the leading place, and was substituted by juridical and moral studies, while the physical and natural sciences, including their superstitious derivations, acquired a remarkable vogue. Christian writers imitated Moslem philosophers and moralists, or translated their works; many Castilian writers were of Moslem or Jewish origin, or still continued to belong to those peoples and faiths; many Arabic works were included in the libraries of the time; and the oriental form of scientificexposition, the encyclopedia, was frequently used. The oriental influence manifested itself especially in the natural sciences. Books of mathematics, physics, chemistry, medicine, and astronomy were almost the only ones to be translated from the Arabic, and these branches were also the ones to which Mudéjar scholars of the period most frequently devoted themselves. Moslems and Jews continued to be the most famous physicians of Castile. The deductive method and dialectic forms were still employed by them, rather than personal observation and experiment. The most marked characteristic of the cultivation of the natural sciences was in their extravagant applications with a view to a knowledge of the future or to obtain vast wealth through supernatural agencies. Thus chemistry tended toward alchemy, with the aim of finding the philosopher’s stone, whereby base metals might be turned into gold, or with the object of producing mysterious elixirs endowed with wonder-working virtues. Chemists and alchemists came to be considered as practicers of magic arts in more or less intimate communion with the Devil, a belief in which the individuals themselves often shared. Men of high attainments were credulous exponents of these superstitions,—for example, Archbishop Alonso de Carrillo and the learned Enrique de Villena; the latter attained to a legendary fame which has endured even to the present day. Similarly, astronomers were at the same time astrologers. Both alchemy and astrology served a useful purpose, however, in stimulating the study of the true sciences, with a resulting advance in knowledge. The age of the Moslem and Jewish philosopher was past, and very little that was original in the realm of philosophy appeared in Castile in this period; even theological writings were not prominent, despite the study of theology in the universities and schools. Moral and political literature abounded, such as discussions of the wiles or virtues of women on the one hand, and works on the relations between church and state on the other. In the latter respect ecclesiastical writers maintained the superior authority of the pope over the king, but were in the main defenders of monarchy, although distinguishing the legitimate king from thetyrant, and sustaining the ultimate dependence of the monarch on his people. The Italian influence appeared in philosophy through translations of classical (Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Seneca) and contemporary Italian (Colonna, Petrarch, Boccaccio) texts. The most influential manifestation of Castilian thought was in the field of jurisprudence, to which references have already been made in dealing with thePartidasand other legal volumes. The entire period abounded in this type of literature, not only in compilations of an official character, but also in those of private individuals, all of them greatly influenced by the legal works of Justinian.
The triumph of Castilian in polite literature.
External influences upon Castilian literature.
The same factors which affected the literary history of the preceding period continued to exist in this, although occupying different positions, and in addition competing with the Classical Renaissance and Italian elements, which almost overwhelmed the others. Just as in the scientific works, so in literature, these factors were assimilated and made over to produce the original Castilian product of succeeding centuries. Castilian became the language of poetry and of didactic works, routing its Galician and Latin rivals. Latin works were translated to Castilian, and from the middle of the thirteenth century the latter began to be used instead of the former in public documents. Galician-Portuguese lyric poetry, half erudite, half popular, born of the Provençal, which it had assimilated and transformed, advanced to its highest point, and seemed to have won a victory over Castilian. About the middle of the fourteenth century it commenced to decline, and by the end of that century Castilian lyric poetry was already predominant; in the fifteenth century Galician ceased to be a literary language, and even Portuguese writers frequently used Castilian. Besides satire and even more sensuality than its Provençal prototype the Galician literature often included ethical and religious sentiments in the same poem. The Provençal influences proper also affected Castile, but did not take root as in Catalonia, because of the difference in language. When Galician poetry lost its place it was the Castilian which became its successor, manifesting in one of its forms the samecurious mixture of ethics and satire. At length a satirical element of a free and sensual type prevailed, and brought about a degeneration of this kind of literature. With the fourteenth century the powerful Classical and Italian Renaissance influences made themselves felt in Castile both in poetry and in prose. Works of the classical poets (Homer, Virgil, Ovid, Lucan) and writers of prose (Livy, Sallust, Cæsar, Plutarch, and others) were translated, and served to enrich Castilian literature both in form and in content. The Italian influence proper (Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio) was by far the greatest, however, especially that of Dante, which vanquished the former French influence in poetry, and in part the Galician, and banished the earlier Castilian literary forms. The Italian influence was most deeply felt in its effects on lyric poetry. Epic poetry and prose were not altogether uncultivated, however, and in this field French influence continued to exist. Many of the older unwritten poems were reduced to writing, and French poems of chivalry and French novels of adventure, telling of the fantastic deeds of King Arthur, Charlemagne, the magician Merlin, and others, were repeated or reconstructed in Castilian. The fabulous element became predominant, leading to the books ofcaballería, or chivalry, based on the extraordinary adventures of wandering knights (caballeros andantes), full of the extravagant exaggeration of unbridled imagination. The first great work of this sort in the peninsula, and the best of its kind, was a novel by Vasco de Lobeira calledAmadés de Gaula, written originally in Portuguese, but already known in Castile in the later fourteenth century. In the fifteenth century amatory novels began to appear.
Historical literature.
The drama.
The advance of the preceding period in historical literature was continued in this. One of the principal names was that of Alfonso X, who was also a writer of note in other branches of literature and learning. His principal work was a history of Spain, compiled probably by a number of men under his direction, just as thePartidaswas. Various sources were employed, Spanish, French, Latin, and Arabic, and a certain spirit of criticism, superior to that of the earlier histories, wasdisplayed. On the other hand the work was defective from the historiographical standpoint because of its lack of proportion, its inclusion of epic poems in the body of the narrative, and its manifestation of an ardent patriotism. Perhaps the best historian of the era was the many-sided chancellor and litterateur, López de Ayala, author among other historical works of a chronicle of the reigns of Pedro I, Henry II, Juan I, and part of that of Henry III. López de Ayala wrote in direct imitation of classical writers, especially Livy. Pérez de Guzmán, as author of a collection of biographies reaching down to the fifteenth century, made use of a psychological interpretation of human events. Dramatic literature did not change from the religious dramas and popular representations of jugglers of the preceding era, but progress was made in both of these forms, and each attained to greater favor, preparing the way for the rapidly approaching inauguration of the national theatre.
The developed Castilian Gothic architecture.
Mudéjar architecture.
Gothic architecture had its most brilliant expression in the early part of this period, degenerating later largely through an exaggeration of its elements. At the end of the thirteenth century Castilian Gothic may be said to have differed from that of the other European countries in the following respects: its maintenance of classical proportions, with scant difference between the length and width of an edifice, reducing the height; less development in the use of windows; greater robustness of walls, columns, and piers, diminishing the importance of buttresses; more nearly flat roofs; and the general use and ample size of cloisters in convents and churches. The structural basis and sober character of early Gothic began to be lost sight of in the fourteenth century, and, in particular, ornamentation was used without any relation to structural needs. The corruption of Gothic became more and more marked in the fifteenth century, when proportions and structural ideals were forgotten, and adornment, notably in the use of pinnacles, was employed in excessive degree. It was at this time that the choir of Spanish cathedrals was moved to the centre of the nave, in front of the high altar. This was the greatest age of Gothic civil and military art, especially of the latter.Castles were more solidly and more richly built, with handsome towers and other exterior defences and with embattled walls. Towers and battlements also appeared on the walls of cities. Mudéjar architecture continued to develop, notably in Toledo and Seville, in both religious and civil edifices, and some of the best specimens of this art date from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It was especially employed in the interior decoration of palaces and private houses,—in panelling, handsomely worked wooden roofs, painted and sculptured friezes, and the use of tiles. On the outside it appeared in eaves and beams of brightly colored woods.
The lesser arts.
Sculpture remained, as before, an adjunct of architecture, but was employed more than formerly in the ornamentation of buildings. In form it became more and more affected by Italian influences. The comparative wealth and luxury of the era, as well as the needs of religion, led to an advance in metal work and the making of jewelry and rich embroideries. The illumination of manuscripts reached a higher level than before, but declined before the end of the period, partly because of the invention of printing. The painting of windows in cathedrals attained to a greater richness and variety in scene, and wall painting acquired an independent position. The Italian influence of Giotto was apparent in the fifteenth century, although it did not get beyond the point of mere copying. The Flemish influence was more important, dating from Van Eyck’s visit to Spain in 1428, after which date paintings in the Flemish style abounded in Castile, especially altar-pieces. Music turned upon singing, usually of one part, although occasionally other parts were sung. Musical instruments were employed solely for accompaniments of songs and dances.
General characteristics of intellectual culture in the kingdom of Aragon.
In intellectual culture Aragon proper, Catalonia, Valencia, and Majorca may be considered together. The same general line of progress was in evidence as that already described for Castile. There was the same eagerness for learning amongthe upper classes, the same development of educational institutions, an analogous penetration of foreign influences (especially French and Italian), and an identical practice of going to other parts of Europe to study. The landmarks in intellectual history were the reign of Pedro IV in didactic literature, that of Juan I for the Provençal troubadour literature, and that of Alfonso V for the Classical Renaissance.
Education and printing.
The most noteworthy university founded in the period was that of Barcelona, which evolved from an academy in the opening years of the fourteenth century to the rank of a university in 1450, with courses in theology, civil and canon law, philosophy, arts, and medicine. In addition to numerous other schools similar to those of Castile there were two more or less distinct types here: the primary school, much more frequently met with than in other parts of the peninsula; and the Lulian schools (due originally to the initiative of Raymond Lull, but carried on throughout the era), which devoted themselves primarily to philosophy, but also to foreign languages, especially Arabic. Naturally the invention of printing at the end of the period gave a fresh impulse to intellectual culture. The first book to be printed in this region was published in Valencia in 1474. In 1478, or a little before, books began to be printed in Barcelona.
Leading currents in thought and science.
Philosophy, medicine, nautical science, cartography, and cosmography were the studies most cultivated. The influence of Raymond Lull continued to be felt, both in the imitations and translations of Hebrew and Arabic philosophers, especially Averröes, and in the reaction against them. In the fifteenth century the Italian, and to a less extent the French, influences began to be felt. The Neapolitan court of Alfonso V was the great centre for the penetration of Italian and classical thought. Theologians proper contributed little in this period, but there were numerous writings on ecclesiastical subjects,—works of a controversial or moral nature, translations, and histories of saints, mystics, ascetics, and sacred orators. The extraordinary development of the study of medicine was due primarily to Jewish and Moslem elements. Toward the endof the fifteenth century a marked current of opinion against the deductive method in medicine and in favor of experimental studies became apparent. Chemistry, the companion study of medicine, was much in favor, as also was alchemy, which counted King Juan I and Miguel Jiménez de Urrea, bishop of Tarazona, among its devotees. The Catalans and Majorcans were famous for their knowledge of cartography and the related sciences. To the Catalans were due the first map of the Danish peninsula and the correction of the maps of the Norwegian and Swedish coasts and the lands touching the Baltic Sea. Jaime Ferrer, a Marrano of Majorca, was the leading nautical and geographical scholar of those whom Prince Henry attracted to Portugal to prepare the Portuguese for their rôle in the history of maritime exploration. In addition to the kindred sciences of mathematics and astronomy the pseudo-science of astrology was also much pursued. Just as in Castile, so in Aragon, juridical studies in both the civil and canon law had a great vogue.
Struggle of the Catalan, Latin, and Castilian languages for predominance in polite literature.
At the close of the preceding era Catalan was already being employed in prose works in Catalonia, while the Provençal predominated in poetry. In this period the Catalan, which also found support in Valencia and Majorca, invaded all types of literature. Against this current there appeared two powerful forces which made themselves most felt in the last century of the era,—Latin and Castilian. Latin was much more firmly rooted in Catalonia than in Castile, and the Latin tradition was greatly reinforced by contact with the Classical Renaissance influences throughout the period, owing to the intimate political relations of the kings with Sicily and Naples. These influences were at their height in the reign of Alfonso V. Castilian had the support of Aragon proper, since the Aragonese tongue was very similar to that of Castile, and it was furthered by the Castilian dynasty of Ferdinand I, which began to rule in Aragon in 1410. The same element appeared at the court of Alfonso V, much frequented by Castilian and Aragonese poets, and even by Catalans who chose to write in Castilian. As a result Catalan began to decline as a literary language, although it did not disappear, but on the contrary improvedin its elements and forms. Catalan poetry of the era never completely effaced the Provençal influence, as evidenced by the subject-matter, which was predominantly amatory, although somewhat erudite, artificial, conventional, mystical, allegorical, satirical, and even moral. Catalan prose appeared principally in novels of chivalry and in history. Castilian poetry and prose also had interesting manifestations in the entire realm of Aragon. The history of dramatic literature followed the same course as in Castile, although in some of the choral representations at the court of Alfonso V an approach to the modern theatre was made.
The fine arts.
With respect to architecture, sculpture, and the related arts the general remarks about their development in Castile may be applied to the kingdom of Aragon, subject to the observation already made[49]as to the difference of Catalan Gothic from that of Castile. The Italian influences were exceptionally strong in Catalonia and Valencia, and the French were marked in regions near the Pyrenees and in Majorca. One type of edifice peculiar to the eastern coasts was the defensive tower to which the inhabitants resorted on the appearance of pirates or in times of military danger. In painting, the Italian style of Giotto was more completely assimilated than in Castile. Flemish influences were equally prevalent.