One of the names ever to be remembered in the history of Brooklyn, and of the State and country, is that of Francis Lewis, who was an ardent patriot, and sacrificed his all to secure the independence of the colonies. As he resided for more than twenty years on Long Island, he can justly be claimed as one of her sons, and as such richly deserves a place in her history. Few men displayed so much zeal in the cause of liberty, or evinced such readiness to endure the hardships which the struggle necessarily entailed.
His career covered a period of fourscore years and ten. He spent sixty-eight of these years in the New Netherlands,—forty-one of them under the rule of England; seven years in the cause of the Revolution; and twenty years as a citizen of the Republic of the United States, upon whose banner he ever looked with pleasure and delight.
Born amidst the wilds of rocky Wales, in the town of Llandaff, in 1713, he possessed the sturdy endurance and perseverance for which the ancient Britons, from whom he was descended, were proverbial. In such a clime, and under such circumstances, he early learned to bear patiently the privations of life, and thus was fitted and prepared for the great work which characterized his eventful career.
His father, the Rev. William Lewis, was a worthy minister of the Established Church of England, and his mother was the daughter of the Rev. Dr. Pettingill, a clergyman of the same faith, whose parish was in the north of Wales. Young Lewis did not long enjoy a parent's care, being left an orphan at the early age of four or five. His education and training were now committed to a maternal aunt, who ever manifested a deep interest in his welfare. This relative and adopted mother took particular pains to have him thoroughly instructed in his native language, and instilled into him those deep religious principles, which formed a marked and striking phase of his character. Not satisfied with the means of education to be obtained in his mountain home, she sent her ward to Scotland to visit some relatives in the Highlands, amongst whom he soon acquired a perfect familiarity with the Gaelic tongue. Remaining in Scotland a short time, he was transferred to the care of an uncle, who held the position of Dean of St. Paul's in London. The Dean at once gave him the advantages of the celebrated school at Westminster. The opportunities thus afforded were embraced and appreciated. By his assiduity and proficiency he soon won a distinguished place as a scholar. His progress was rapid, and when he left the school he had obtained a complete classical education.
On leaving school the natural bent of his mind appeared to be for commercial pursuits. In order to prepare him for the path he had chosen, he was apprenticed to a merchant in London.
When Lewis reached manhood he came into possession of the little fortune left by his father, and thereupon resolved to engage in ventures on his own account. Perceiving that the old world did not present a suitable field of operation for a young man with a small capital, he anticipated the advice of the Sage of Chappaqua, and determined to seek his fortune in the new and promising western world. Collecting his effects together, he convertedthem into money, which he invested in such articles of merchandise as he thought marketable, and, with his stock in trade, sailed for New York, where he arrived in the spring of 1735. He was disappointed in finding that his stock of goods could not be sold in New York, by reason of the limited demand. A man of his energy was ready to overcome all difficulties. In the emergency he entered into a partnership with Edward Annesly, with whom he left a portion of his goods for sale, shipping the remainder to Philadelphia, whither he himself went to superintend their disposal. In the latter city he remained two years, and then returned to New York. Once more in New Amsterdam, he entered into business, becoming extensively engaged in foreign trade. While thus employed, and on June 15, 1745, realizing the truth of Scripture "that it is not good for man to be alone," he entered the holy and sacred relation of marriage with Miss Elizabeth Annesly, his partner's sister. The issue of this marriage was seven children, three only of whom survived infancy. One of his sons, Morgan Lewis, greatly distinguished himself, subsequently becoming governor of the State of New York.
During the remarkably severe winter of 1741 Lewis drove his horse and sleigh from New York to Barnstable, the entire length of Long Island Sound, on the ice. This must have been an interesting episode in his life. Referring to the intensity of the cold season, the "Boston Post" of January 12, 1741, says: "For these three weeks we have had a continued series of extreme cold weather, so that our harbors and rivers are continually frozen up. On Charles River a tent is erected for the entertainment of travellers. From Point Alderton, along the South Shore, the ice is continued for the space of above 20 miles."
The Boston "News Letter" of March 5, 1741, contains the statement that "people ride every day from Stratford, Conn., to Long Island, which is three leagues across, which was never known before."
It appears that the temperature did not moderate with the appearance of spring, as the same paper, on April 2, again alludes to the subject, saying, "that people from Thompson Island, Squantum, and the adjacent neighborhood have come fifteen Sabbaths successively upon the ice to our meeting."
Francis Lewis being an active and industrious man, his business often required his presence abroad, and led him to travel extensively in Europe. At various times he visited Russia, the Orkney and Shetland Islands, and on two occasions endured the terror and discomfort of shipwreck on the coast of Ireland.
On his return from the old world he found the affairs of the colony in a very unsettled condition. The French war was engaging the attention of the people. During a short period he was employed as agent to supply the wants of the British troops. The romance of his life was now about to commence. In the performance of his duties, he was present in August, 1756, when Fort Oswego was reduced, and compelled to surrender to the French General de Montcalm. The fort at this time was commanded by Colonel Mersey, one of his warm personal friends. In the emergency attending the bombardment, Lewis, to serve his friend, acted as his aid. Montcalm on the 10th of August approached the fort at the head of a mixed array of 5000 men, consisting of Europeans, Canadians, and Indians. The garrison having used up all their ammunition, Mersey spiked the cannon, and crossed the river to Little Oswego, without the loss of a single man. Montcalm at once took possession of the deserted fort, and immediately began a heavy fire, which was kept up without intermission. The next day Mersey was killed by a shot while standing by the side of Lewis. The commander having fallen, the garrison at once capitulated, surrendering themselves prisoners of war. It consisted of 1400 men, composing three regiments, one of which was the Jersey Blues, under Col. Peter Schuyler. By the terms of the surrender they were to be exemptedfrom plunder, taken to Montreal, and treated with humanity. The French, however, did not regard the promise which they had made. When the surrender was effected, Montcalm soon forgot his pledge, and shamefully allowed one of the Indian warriors to select thirty of the prisoners to treat as he pleased. Lewis was one of the number chosen, and naturally expected a speedy and cruel death. He was, however, saved in a most unexpected manner. The family tradition on the subject, handed down by his son, and communicated to the writer by a gentleman of this city, who received it from Governor Morgan Lewis himself, is that Francis Lewis soon ascertained that he understood their dialect, and could freely converse with them, so that they comprehended what he said. His ability to communicate with the Indians in their own tongue pleased the chieftain, who extended to him the utmost kindness, and on his arrival at Montreal sought by every means within his power to induce the French commander to allow him to return to his family, without being compelled to pay any ransom. The request so urgently made was refused. Lewis was sent as a prisoner of war to France, and upon being exchanged was permitted to return to America.
The British government, in consideration of the services he had rendered, gave him a grant of 5000 acres of land, but as the fees amounted to more than the land was worth he never took out the necessary patent, the warrant for which was left in the Secretary of State's office.
Many have looked upon this tradition concerning Francis Lewis as mythical. Had it been false, a man of his sterling qualities would have contradicted the statements published during his lifetime. Some have supposed that he gathered more or less knowledge of the Indian dialect through business intercourse. It presents a very interesting feature in American history, opening up as it does a wide field for research. As it deserves more than a passing notice, it will not be out of place toturn aside for a moment, and consider how it was that Francis Lewis understood the Indian warrior.
It frequently has been claimed that Madoc, a Welshman, made voyages to America, long before Columbus was born. It has been conceded by many authorities that Prince Madoc, a Welsh navigator, upon the death of his father resolved to seek a new home, and thereby avoid contention with his brothers and relatives as to the succession. This was about the year 1170. He prepared his ships and munitions of war, and sailing westward came to a country theretofore unknown. Upon his return to his native land he gave a glowing account of the richness and beauty of the land he had visited. Restless in spirit, he could not long remain satisfied with the crags of Cambria, and prepared a fleet of ten sails, once more bent his course westward, and was never heard of again. There are many curious evidences that in early times Welsh tribes of Indians, or Indians speaking the Welsh language, were to be found on the continent of America.
Dr. John Williams published in London, in 1791, a very interesting inquiry into the truth concerning the discovery of America by Prince Madoc. In his treatise much valuable information is to be found, and many strong arguments in favor of the claim that the Welsh settled America more than 300 years anterior to the discovery by Columbus. Dr. Williams refers to the Lewis incident, and published his book twelve years before the death of Francis Lewis.
To return from our digression, Francis Lewis could not be idle. On his return from his enforced trip to France, we find him once again engaged in business. He was a man in advance of his time, and well knew the value of newspaper advertisements. The following is a copy of one of his announcements, published in the "New York Gazette and Weekly Post Boy," the leading journal of theday:—
"Just imported and to be sold by Francis Lewis in the Fly, Alamodes, Lutestrings, Ducapes, Damasks, Mantua Silks, Grazettes, Padajoy's Velvets, India Taffities, Groganes, Sewing Silks, etc."
"Just imported and to be sold by Francis Lewis in the Fly, Alamodes, Lutestrings, Ducapes, Damasks, Mantua Silks, Grazettes, Padajoy's Velvets, India Taffities, Groganes, Sewing Silks, etc."
The commercial trips taken by Lewis gave him an enlarged view of men and things. In Europe he had witnessed the aggressions of the rich landed proprietors upon the poorer classes, and the untold wrongs perpetrated upon the white slaves of the mines and manufacturing towns. His natural, inherent sense of right led him to endorse and freely proclaim the doctrine, "that all men are born free and equal." Wherever he went he beheld the outrages which the assumed leaders imposed upon the common people. He saw how utterly powerless they were to remove the burdens and restrictions which stood in the way of their advancement. Everywhere he found power trampling upon human rights. In him the downtrodden and oppressed ever found a faithful friend and helper. As he always kept his eyes and ears open, he was prepared with force and vigor to oppose the encroachments of the British Crown upon the rights of the people. Looking upon America as the home of the oppressed, with whom he always sympathized, he at once became greatly attached to his adopted country.
Watching with close scrutiny every act of the mother country, he early foresaw that the demands of Great Britain would eventually result in a rupture.
George II. died October 25, 1760, and was succeeded by his grandson, George III., a young man of twenty-two years of age. Shortly after his accession, and on the 18th of November, 1761, Lieutenant-Governor Cadwallader Colden assumed control of affairs in the colony of New York, during the temporary absence of Governor Monckton. Governor Monckton returned after capturing the island of Martinique in June, 1762, and remained in office until June, 1763, when he returned to his native land, again leaving the management of affairs in the hands of Lieutenant-Governor Colden.
During Monckton's career, it may be said that the principles of liberty were first invaded by an assault upon the independence of the judiciary by the board of trade. Justice Pratt was appointed chief justice in the place of De Lancey. The board of trade declared that he should hold office during the pleasure of the King, and not during good behavior, as had always been the rule. Such a declaration and assumption gave the King power to remove for political reasons any judge in the land, thus making the judge but a tool of the King, and depriving him of that independence which could alone render his decisions entitled to respect. The people naturally looked upon this action as an invasion of their civil rights, and calculated to destroy the confidence of the community in the expounders of the law. To their credit be it said that both Monckton and Colden boldly opposed the measure.
The Provincial Assembly looked upon the conditions imposed relative to the appointment of the chief justice with detestation. They opposed it bitterly, manifesting their opposition by absolutely refusing to make any provision for the payment of his salary until he received a commission, which would place him above and beyond legislative political control. The board of trade refused to surrender, or in any wise alter the conditions they had adopted. As the Assembly would make no provision for his salary, it was suggested that the royal quit-rents should be applied to the object. The plan was adopted, and thus the judiciary passed under the control of the sovereign, and the death knell of its independence was sounded.
Colden was destined to wield the reins of government during an important and trying time. The storm cloud could be seen gradually rising. At first appearing no larger than a man's hand, it slowly increased until at last the black and heavy clouds seemed ready to break forth at any moment with devastating fury. Everything looked dark and gloomy, and betokened the approaching storm.The mutterings of the people grew louder and more threatening. The government did not heed them, but made their demands more arrogant, seeming to take the Egyptian taskmasters as their guide. Parliament acted as if they considered the colonies fit subjects for plunder.
In 1763 the subject of taxing the colonies was brought up in Parliament, and a measure introduced for its imposition. This was antagonized by the Provincial Assembly of New York, and denounced as arrogant and illegal.
Lord Grenville was the chancellor of the English exchequer. To him belongs the credit of suggesting the proposition of raising a revenue by a direct tax upon the colonies. He, then, was the initiator of the abuses which led to the independence of the people.
Lord Grenville understood human nature, and therefore resolved to accomplish his purpose by degrees. He sought to gradually obtain entire control over the finances and resources of the colonies, take from the people their liberties, and render them merely subservient vassals of the Crown. He proposed as an entering wedge that a tax should be imposed upon foreign productions, and that stamp duties should be created. As such measures were always unpopular, he saw at once that men and means would have to be provided for the collection of the duties. He well knew that the people would not tamely submit to the enforcement of such burdens. In order to carry the law into effect, he proposed the creation of an army of 10,000 men, believing that such a force would act upon the fears of the subjects, and compel them to submit quietly to the great wrong.
The thunderings of discontent grew louder and louder; and the murmurs resounded on every side. Grenville became prime minister in 1764, and by reason of his elevation exerted a great and controlling influence over Parliament. He was now in a position to successfully carry out the schemes he had proposed the year before. Upon assuming his new position, next to the Crown itself, he forcibly urged upon Parliament his peculiarmethods to raise revenue. He contended that the home government had the right to impose such duties and taxes as they thought proper, without consulting the wishes of the colonists. An act was passed in accordance with his views, providing a tax upon various articles, which formerly had been admitted free of duty.
The Provincial Assembly of the colony of New York protested against these tyrannical acts, and forwarded a strong and forcible memorial to the ministry. The manliness manifested by the Assembly in thus declaring its rights brought down upon them the animosity of the Crown; led to the suspension of their legislative prerogatives, thereby depriving the people of representation in the affairs of the colony. New York was not the only province that sent protests. While the Assembly of New York spoke boldly and fearlessly, the sister colonies were more suppliant. If the other colonies had displayed the same determination to oppose the inroads upon their rights as New York evinced, it would have resulted at the outset in a repeal of the odious measures.
The Stamp Act was passed on the 22d of March, 1765, to take effect on the 1st of November ensuing. The colonial Governor Colden declared that he would enforce the law. This enunciation did not terrify the people, as a fixed resolve permeated the masses to oppose its enforcement at all hazards. Citizens obtained copies of the act, and in broad daylight hawked them about the street with a death's head bearing the inscription, "The Folly of England and the Ruin of America." Meetings, public and private, were held throughout the city, and in the outlying sections of the colony. The subject was earnestly discussed on the streets and in all places of public resort. Lewis was amongst the first to refuse submission to or acquiescence in the royal demands. Love of liberty and justice induced him to enlist in the cause of the patriots against the enactments of Parliament. This was the grand principle which induced him to unite with the devoted band which sprang into existence,and was known as the "Sons of Liberty." The avowed object of this noble company was to concert and adopt measures whereby the exercise of an undue power by the mother country might be defeated.
When the Provincial Assembly of New York, apprehending danger, and realizing the necessity of united action on the part of all the colonies, deemed it wise and prudent to recommend a congress of delegates to assemble in New York on the 7th of October, 1765, to consider what action should be taken to oppose the repulsive Stamp Act, Mr. Lewis was elected to represent New York as a delegate, and when they met took his seat in the convention. His head, heart, and soul were enlisted in the cause, and he earnestly advocated the adoption of the Bill of Rights.
He was one of the men selected to circulate the principles of the Sons of Liberty, and seek the formation of similar societies throughout the colonies. In this grand work he was associated with Isaac Sears, Marrinus Willett, Gershom Mott, Hugh Hughes, William Wiley, Thomas Robinson, Flores Bancker, and Edward Laight, all of whom were tried patriots, whose deeds of daring and earnest labors will live in the memory of a grateful people while time shall last. Truly have they "left behind them footprints on the sands of time," and "their actions smell sweet and blossom in their dust."
At this time Francis Lewis resided at Whitestone, L. I., having removed with his family to his country home early in 1765. His residence in Queens County did not prevent his acting with the Sons of Liberty. In those days many of the prominent officials lived in Brooklyn and on the Island.
The appointment of this committee resulted in the selection of a correspondent in London, who kept the patriots informed as to the projected movements of the British authorities, by which means they were enabled to adopt measures to thwart the purposes of the Crown. The information received from time to time led to adesire for a closer union of the colonies. The old Dutch maxim, which has been preserved and adopted as part of the seal of our good city of Brooklyn, "In union is strength," was uppermost in their minds, and induced them to invite the respective colonies to send delegates to a congress to assemble in New York on the 7th of October, 1765.
Some New England writers have given the credit of the formation of this congress to Massachusetts. This is an unhistorical assumption. Whilst New England men did yeoman service in the cause, they did not enlist in it until they had been spurred on by the "Sons of Liberty" of New York. This congress of delegates owed its existence to the persistency of New Yorkers, and was by them first called together.
The congress was organized by the election of Timothy Ruggles, of Massachusetts, as president. The session lasted for three weeks. The measures introduced and the work accomplished were mainly initiated by the delegates from New York. A declaration of rights, prepared and submitted by John Cruger, Mayor of New York, was adopted; and a memorial and statement of grievances for presentation to Parliament was prepared and introduced by Robert R. Livingston, also of New York. Livingston subsequently was a member of the Continental Congress, and associated with Jefferson on the committee appointed to draft the Declaration of Independence. Livingston's address to Parliament was signed by nearly all the members. The declaration of rights was a vigorous and forcible document. It announced the grand principle that "taxation without representation is tyranny," and declared that as the colonies were so remote as to preclude representation in Parliament, the right of taxation only vested in the legislative authorities. It boldly denounced the Stamp Act as tyrannical, and demanded its repeal.
Prior to the assembling of this congress a committee waited upon Governor Colden to solicit his aid and encouragement.As Colden had in former times advocated the rights of the people, it was but natural to expect encouragement and support from him in this trying hour. The committee was disappointed. To their infinite surprise and disgust he declared the congress to be "unconstitutional, unprecedented, and unlawful," and announced that he should give it no countenance.
It is within the bounds of reason to say that Jefferson, in the production of his inimitable paper, caught his inspiration from these noble documents emanating from the Dutchmen of New York, and so readily endorsed by their associates in this congress. The doctrine brought over in the Mayflower led for a time to proscription, whilst the lesson taught by the Dutch settlers was freedom and toleration. The forefathers of New England who sought the New World to enjoy religious liberty refused to grant the same privilege to others. The Dutch, on the other hand, extended a welcome to the Pilgrims, gave them a home at Delft Haven for eleven years, afforded an asylum to the persecuted Quakers who fled from New England, and always exercised the precept enunciated at a later day by the martyr Lincoln, "with malice toward none, with charity for all."
The acts and enunciations of the congress were approved by the people, and adopted by the Colonial Assembly which met in November. Shortly after the ratification of the petitions by the Colonial Assembly, Governor Colden wrote to the home government that "whatever happens in this place has the greatest influence on the other colonies. They have their eyes perpetually on it, and they govern themselves accordingly."
The Stamp Act was to take effect on the 1st of November, 1765. The merchants on the eve of the 1st were greatly excited. With one accord, they congregated at Burns's Coffee House, near the Battery, and with united voice passed the following resolution: "To import no goods from England until the Stamp Act be repealed; to countermand all orders already sent for spring goods;to sell no goods from England on commission; to abide by these resolutions until they should be rescinded by a general meeting called for that purpose."
The Sons of Liberty, in order to carry on their work so well commenced, appointed from their number a committee of five, which was termed the non-importation committee, whose duty it was to enter into correspondence with the other colonies, and, by enlisting their sympathy, induce them to coöperate in the work, and adopt a similar policy.
The stamps reached New York October 29, 1765. In order to protect them from the rage of the people, they were placed on board of a British man-of-war, in the harbor. Governor Colden declared that he could not be intimidated; that the stamps should be delivered in due time. The Governor was in a dilemma, as neither threats nor persuasion could induce the people to aid or assist in the removal.
The 1st of November came. Business was entirely suspended. Every heart was burdened with anxiety. The flags on the shipping were placed at half-mast, and the church bells tolled mournfully. Many private residences displayed the insignia of mourning. On every side it appeared as if a great and dire calamity had visited the colony. Handbills denouncing the administration appeared in public places as if by magic, and the people were warned not to give in their adhesion to the Crown by purchasing the condemned stamps. Activity marked the rank and file of the Sons of Liberty. During the day they bent their energies in making preparations for an evening display. Shortly after dark they assembled and proceeded to the Commons, in the neighborhood of the present City Hall, where a gallows was quickly erected, and an effigy of Governor Colden suspended therefrom. A piece of stamped paper was placed in his hand, a drum at his back, and a placard on his breast with the inscription, "To the Rebel Drummer of 1745." Another company carried a life-sized figure of Colden,seated in a chair, through the streets to the Fort. When they reached Colden's residence they broke open his stable, took therefrom his coach of state, placed the image in the coach, and with it returned and joined their companions in the park. With them they formed into line, and once again proceeded to the Fort and demanded admission. At this time the Fort was under the command of General Gage, who wisely withheld his fire, well knowing that the first shot would madden and infuriate the populace. As admission to the Fort was refused, the citizens repaired to the Bowling Green, kindled a fire, and placed thereon the Governor's coach, image, and the effigy which had been suspended on the gallows. The Sons of Liberty could not hold the people in check. The residence of James, one of the Crown officers, was visited, and because he had advocated the Stamp Act his house was reduced to ashes.
The excitement did not abate. Colden well knew that his successor was expected daily, and he was anxious to lift the responsibility from his own shoulders, and place it on those of his successor. This proffer on the part of Colden did not satisfy the people; they wanted the entire control of the stamps themselves. Again the Sons of Liberty assembled, fully equipped, resolved to obtain the stamps at all hazards, and, if needs be, storm the Fort itself. The Governor became alarmed, and agreed to deliver them to the Mayor and Corporation. The stamps were thereupon transferred to John Cruger, the Mayor, who gave a receipt on behalf of the city, "to take charge, and care of, and be accountable in case they shall be destroyed or carried out of the province." The Sons of Liberty, satisfied with the results of their labors, quietly dispersed. This was the 5th of November. Peace and quietude once again reigned.
Sir Henry Moore, the new Governor, arrived November 13, 1765, and wisely declared at the outset that he would have nothing to do with the detested stamps, and directed that those he had brought with him should be deposited with the others in the City Hall.
The spirit of hatred to the Stamp Act, manifested in the province of New York, proved contagious. The colony of Maryland caught the infection, and drove from her midst a stamp agent, who sought a refuge on Long Island. Hither the Sons of Liberty followed him, and compelled him to resign his office, under the solemnity of an oath. This act on the part of the Sons of Liberty was greatly appreciated by the inhabitants of Maryland.
The spirit displayed by the inhabitants of New York continued to spread, until at last the different colonies became one in spirit. Parliament saw it would be useless to attempt the enforcement of the Stamp Act, and repealed it February 20, 1766. The news reached New York March 20, 1766, filling the community with untold joy. A dinner was given, and a liberty pole erected, bearing the inscription, "The King, Pitt, and Liberty." This pole was destined to become the rallying-spot of the Sons of Liberty.
Peace did not last long. In 1767, the chancellor of the exchequer introduced and secured the passage of a bill, imposing duties on all tea, glass, paper, painters' colors, and lead, imported into the colony. This measure was looked upon as a fresh invasion of their rights by the inhabitants, and a new burst of feeling appeared.
In 1768 a new Assembly was convened. Kings County was represented by Simon Boerum, John Rapalje, and Abraham Schenck. At the opening of the session in October, a correspondence was entered into with the colony of Massachusetts, responsive to a circular sent by that colony, asking their aid, sympathy, and coöperation in securing a removal of common grievances. In unmistakable terms the Assembly denounced the outrages. The public prints were equally emphatic. The boldness of the Assembly led to its dissolution, and a new one in the interest of the Crown was convened in 1769. The new body catered to the Royalists, passing resolutions in the interest of the Crown, thereby exciting the Sons of Liberty to renewed efforts. In December, 1769, thepatriots again circulated handbills, denouncing the Assembly as base betrayers of the sacred trust reposed in them. The Assembly received no consideration at the hands of the malcontents.
In January, 1770, the Royalist soldiers, to show contempt for the citizens of the city, attempted to destroy the liberty pole. They even, in their fury at the failure of the effort, broke into the building occupied by the Sons of Liberty, and destroyed its windows and furniture. During several nights in succession the soldiers renewed their endeavors to destroy the emblem of liberty. At last they succeeded, manifesting their spite by cutting it in small pieces, which they placed in front of the headquarters of the patriots. The insult was understood, and fresh conflicts arose, the soldiers and the people finally coming into violent collision in the so-called battle of Golden Hill.
Early in 1770 Parliament repealed all the duties except that on tea.
In 1771 Francis Lewis removed his family to New York, and entered into business with his son. This connection did not last long. The political atmosphere was surcharged with dissatisfaction. The storm cloud of dissension still hung threateningly, and the future looked black and dismal. In such a state of affairs his course was not doubtful.
The English authorities resolved to enforce the duty on tea. The vessels containing it sailed from England October 26, 1773. The events that followed are familiar in American history.
The New York "tea party" was a greater success than the one in Boston, as the New Yorkers not only threw the tea overboard, but also confiscated one of the vessels, and sent the captains of both back in the other craft, disheartened and crestfallen.
On the 22d of April, 1775, Lewis, having relinquished business, was elected by a convention of delegates from Kings, Queens, New York, and the other counties, torepresent the province in the Continental Congress to assemble in Philadelphia. At this time Lewis lived on Long Island. The colony had two governors. Tryon represented the Crown and the Royalists, and General Nathaniel Woodhull, of Suffolk County, was president pro tem. of the Provincial Council, possessing the functions of a governor. Antagonism existed between the two. The Provincial Council directed the guns to be removed from the Battery. This was opposed by Tryon. On the 23d of August, 1775, the committee proceeded to discharge the duty assigned them. The British ship Asia was in the harbor, having just arrived from Boston, and by direction of Tryon at once opened her broadside. Morgan Lewis, son of Francis Lewis, during his lifetime stated that at this time the first ball shot from an English ship, during the war, struck his father's house on the Long Island shore, shattering the beam under his mother's foot. The family were greatly terrified, and hastily sought a refuge in the neighboring hills.
The Provincial Congress met in New York in December, 1775. Francis Lewis was continued a delegate to the Continental Congress for 1776. His appears as one of the immortal fifty-six names appended to the Declaration of Independence. On that occasion, in the impetuosity of his enthusiasm, he exclaimed: "Now we must hang together or we shall hang separately."
The convention of representatives of the State of New York, which met at White Plains, July 9, 1776, unanimously ratified the acts of their delegates. Two of the signers of the Declaration from New York, to wit, Francis Lewis and William Floyd, were residents of Long Island. It will thus be seen that our island sent one half of the State delegation.
Lewis was now kept busy in political matters. During several subsequent years he was appointed to represent the State in national affairs. Whilst in Congress his advice was often sought, and his prudence and business tact made him a valuable member. Always maintaininga spotless reputation, he secured and retained the confidence of his associates. Matters which required caution and discretion were referred to him. Valuable service was rendered by him in purchasing clothing for the army, and in importing arms and ammunition. Besides all this he was frequently employed on committees and in the secret service of the government.
At the time the Tories occupied New York, and terror and consternation filled the hearts of all, he, with Messrs. Sherman and Gerry, was appointed a committee by Congress to repair to New York, ascertain the condition of the army, and devise means to supply its wants.
In 1775 Lewis removed his family to his country residence at Whitestone, L. I. It did not prove wise on his part, as it was stepping into the hornet's nest. Shortly after the occupation of the island by General Howe, and on August 23, 1776, a party of British light horse, under Colonel Burch, plundered his home, destroyed his library and valuable papers, and removed such articles as they could conveniently carry away, leaving him barely sufficient means with which to pay his debts. At this time he was sixty-three years old, and by this wanton act was placed in a truly pitiable condition. They were not satisfied with the destruction of his property, but thirsted for vengeance on the man who dared to proclaim himself a friend of liberty by signing the Declaration of Independence, which was an indictment by the grand jury of the people against the tyranny of Great Britain. The vandal invaders took Mrs. Lewis a prisoner, and retained her in close confinement several months, without allowing her either a bed to rest upon or a change of clothing.
The attention of Congress was directed to her situation in November, 1776. A resolution was passed to exchange Mrs. Grace Kempe, wife of John Tabor Kempe, the Tory attorney-general of New York, whom the Americans held as a prisoner, for Mrs. Lewis. In the effort they were unsuccessful. Washington becamegreatly interested in her behalf, and through his instrumentality she was at last released. She had endured intense suffering, which impaired her constitution, and resulted in her death within two years thereafter. She was buried in the graveyard of Christ Church, Philadelphia.
About this time Lewis's son Francis was married to a Miss Ludlow. The Ludlow family strenuously opposed the match, saying that his father was a notorious rebel and would certainly be hanged, and they did not want to be allied to a family whose head was destined to meet such a fate.
By the terms of the resolution passed by Congress, October 14, 1777, each State was entitled to a representation of seven members, and unless two members were in attendance, the State would have no vote. The cabal took advantage of the fact that New York had but two members in town, and, as one of them was sick and unable to attend, the State would thereby have no vote in the deliberations of Congress. They determined to raise the issue in Congress by appointing a committee to arrest Washington at Valley Forge. Francis Lewis was the only member from New York capable of taking his seat. The other member, Col. Wm. Duer, was very sick; but, loving his country more than his life, immediately upon learning the necessity of his presence sent for his physician, and demanded to know whether he could be removed and taken to the halls of Congress. The doctor replied, "Yes; but at the expense of your life!" "Do you mean that I would expire before reaching the place?" "No; but I would not answer for your life twenty-four hours afterwards." "Very well, sir," the noble Roman replied; "you have done your duty, prepare a litter for me; if you refuse, some one else shall do it; but I prefer your care in this case." The litter was prepared, and the patient made ready to sacrifice his life, to defeat the machinations of the misguided men who sought to degrade Washington. Fortunately the sacrifice was preventedby the opportune arrival of Gouverneur Morris, another delegate, who, on reaching the headquarters of the New York delegation, found Colonel Duer on the litter, covered with blankets, attended by his physician and carriers, ready to go to the Court House, where Congress was to meet. Lewis and Morris being present gave New York a vote, and forced the evil-minded members to see that their scheme could not be safely advocated, and the effort was abandoned.
When Lewis retired from Congress, that body, in consideration of his services, and remembering his many sacrifices, appointed him commissioner of the board of admiralty, which position he accepted. In April, 1784, Lewis was an earnest worker in the reorganization of the Chamber of Commerce, which he had been instrumental in founding, and assisted in procuring its charter, which passed the Legislature April 13, 1784.
Lewis lived to see the accomplishment of his heart's desire, and was permitted to live in the infant republic for which he had spent his time and fortune for a period of twenty-seven years.
His children followed in his footsteps. One of them, Francis Lewis, Jr., represented Queens County in the Assembly of 1788. The other son, Morgan, was born October 16, 1754, graduated at Princeton College in 1773, studied law with John Jay, and joined the army under Washington in 1775. At first he was captain of a rifle company, but rose rapidly, becoming, in 1776, colonel and chief-of-staff under General Gates. He was at the battle of Saratoga, and distinguished himself under General Clinton in the Mohawk Valley. After the war, he continued his legal studies, and was admitted to the bar. Soon after he was appointed judge of the court of common pleas. In 1791 he was elected attorney-general, as the successor of Aaron Burr, holding the position until December 24, 1792, when he became a justice of the Supreme Court. On the 28th of October, 1801, he took his seat as chief justice of the Supreme Court of theState of New York. Other honors awaited him. He was Governor of the State from 1804 to 1807, succeeding Governor Clinton as the third Governor of the Commonwealth. At the election, party spirit and feeling were manifested to a great degree. Aaron Burr was his opponent, and displayed great anxiety to secure the election. Although Lewis was a Jeffersonian, he received the warm support of Alexander Hamilton. It was mainly through the efforts of Hamilton that his success in the contest was secured. Hamilton's labors in behalf of Lewis embittered Burr, and formed one of the main causes which a few months later led to his untimely end at the hands of the miscreant intriguer Burr. Burr was a student with Lewis at Princeton, and graduated in 1772, one year in advance of the Governor.
On several subsequent occasions, Morgan Lewis was elected state senator, and also chancellor of the University. In 1812 he was appointed quartermaster, and became a major-general in 1813. During that year he was engaged in operations on the Niagara River, and commanded the defenses in New York city in 1814. In 1828, when seventy-four years of age, he was elected a presidential elector for the fifth district of New York.
Lewis Avenue, Brooklyn, was named in his honor.
Morgan Lewis was a man of great scholastic attainments. The New York Historical Society elected him their president in 1835. In 1839 he was chosen president of the Society of the Cincinnati, holding the office until his death, April 7, 1844. He was the last but one of the Revolutionary soldiers who filled that position. He was grand master of the Free Masons at the time of his death, and was buried by the craft with their impressive ceremonies. He was married at Clermont on the Hudson in May, 1779, to Gertrude, the sister of Chancellor Livingston.
On the 6th of August, 1784, Morgan Lewis purchased eighty acres of land in Brooklyn, bounded by the Gowanus Road, and the road leading from Brooklyn to Flatbush.It was a portion of the estate belonging to John Rapelje, which became forfeited by his allegiance to the Tories, and was sold by the commissioners appointed to sell the property of all who adhered to the Crown.
Francis Lewis, the hero and patriot, spent his last days in comparative poverty; but his heart was cheered by the fact that he had given his fortune to his country, and spent his life in her service.
On the 30th of December, 1803, at the ripe age of ninety years, having witnessed the inauguration of three Presidents, all of whom were his warm and personal friends, his life-work closed.
In a letter written from Holland to the Brooklyn "Eagle," Henry C. Murphy gave an interesting explanation of the chief characteristics of Dutch nomenclature. In the course of this letter Mr. Murphysaid:—
"In order to show what difficulties the peculiar system adopted in this country (Holland), and continued by the settlers in our own home, throw in the way of tracing genealogies, it is to be observed that the first of these, in point of time, was the patronymic, as it is called, by which a child took, besides his own baptismal name, that of his father, with the addition ofzoon, orsen, meaning son. To illustrate this: if a child were baptized Hendrick, and the baptismal name of his father were Jan, the child would be called Hendrick Jansen. His son, if baptized Tunis, would be called Tunis Hendricksen; and the son of the latter might be Willem, and would have the name Willem Tunisen. And so we might have the succeeding generations called successively Garret Willemsen, Marten Garretsen, Adrien Martensen, and so on, through the whole of the calendar of Christian names; or, as more frequently happened, there would be repetition, in the second, third, or fourth generation, of the name of the first; and thus, as these names were common to the whole people, there were in every community different lineages of identically the same name. This custom, which had prevailed in Holland for centuries, was in full vogue at the time of the settlement of New Netherland. In writing the terminationsen, it was frequently contracted intose, orz, ors. Thus the name of William Barretsen, who commanded in the first three Arctic voyages of exploration,in 1594, 1595, and 1596, is given in the old accounts of those voyages, Barretsen, Barentse, Barentz, Barents; sometimes in one way, sometimes in another, indifferently. Or, to give an example nearer home, both of the patronymic custom and of the contraction of the name, the father of Garret Martense, the founder of a family of that name in Flatbush, was Martin Adriense, and his father was Adriæ Ryerse, who came from Amsterdam. The inconveniences of this practice, the confusion to which it gave rise, and the difficulty of tracing families, led ultimately to its abandonment, both in Holland and in our own country. In doing so, the patronymic, which the person originating the name bore, was adopted as the surname. Most of the family names thus formed and originating amongst us may be said to be of American origin, as they were first fixed in America, though the same names were adopted by others in Holland. Hence we have the names of such families of Dutch descent amongst us as Jansen (anglice, Johnson), Garretsen, Cornelisen, Williamsen or Williamson, Hendricksen or Hendrickson, Clasen, Simonsen or Simonson, Tysen (son of Mathias), Arendsen (son of Arend), Hansen, Lambertsen or Lambertson, Paulisen,Remsen,55Ryersen, Martense, Adrience, Rutgers, Everts, Phillips, Lefferts, and others. To trace connection between these families and persons in this country, it is evident, would be impossible, for the reason stated, without a regular record.
"Another mode of nomenclature, intended to obviate the difficulty of an identity of names for the time being, but which rendered the confusion worse confounded for the future genealogist, was to add to the patronymic name the occupation or some other personal characteristic of the individual. Thus, Laurens Jansen, the inventor of the art of printing, as the Dutch claim, had affixed to his name that of Coster—that is to say,sexton—an office of which he was in the possession of the emoluments.But the same addition was not transmitted to his son; and thus the son of Hendrick Jansen Coster might be called Tunis Hendrickson Brouwer (brewer), and his grandson might be William Tunissen Bleecker (bleacher)....
"A third practice, evidently designed, like that referred to, to obviate the confusions of the first, was to append the name of the place where the person resided, not often of a large city, but of a particular, limited locality, and frequently of a particular form or natural object. This custom is denoted in all the family names which have the prefix ofVan,Vander,Ver(which is a contraction ofVander), andTen, meaning, respectively,of,of theandat the.... The prefixesVanderorVerandTenwere adopted where the name was derived from a particular spot, thus: Vanderveer (of the ferry); Vanderburg, of the hill; Vanderbilt (of the bildt, that is, certain elevations of ground in Guederhoff and New Utrecht); Vanderbeck (of the brook); Vanderhoff (of the court); Verplanck (of the plank); Verhultz (of the holly); Verkerk (of the church); Ten Eyck (at the oak); Tenbroeck (at the marsh)."
New York City's exclusive claims to the ferry rights are almost as old as Brooklyn itself. Brooklyn was settled in 1636, and in less than twenty years, and while there was but a handful of people on this side of the river, the ferry from Peck Slip to Nassau Island, at a point corresponding to the present foot of Fulton Street, had become a public question. In the natural course of things, New York had first started the ferry. When the English conquered New Netherland, and Peter Stuyvesant stepped down (with his wooden leg) from the governorship of New Amsterdam, the conquered province was patented by Charles II. of England to the Duke of York, who afterwards became James II., and in whose honor New Amsterdam was re-named New York. The Dutch Governor was succeeded by an English Governor, the Duke's representative, Nicolls; and Dutch traditions and codes were succeeded by the famous "Duke's Laws." The new Governor granted to the little hamlet of Brooklyn a patent confirmatory of that received from the Dutch Governor, a measure that was in conformity with the general policy of the conquerors.
This patent, after naming the patentees, and describing the bounds of the town, and bounding by the river, and not by high or low water mark, proceeded to say: "Together with all havens, harbors, creeks, marshes, waters, rivers, lakes, and fisheries." The charter adds: "Moreover, I do hereby give, ratify, and confirm unto the said patentees and their associates, and their heirs, successors, and assigns, all the rights and privileges belonging to a town within their government." Under thispatent the town of Brooklyn first claimed the ownership of land between high and low water mark on the Brooklyn side, and an equal right with New York to erect and maintain ferries.
We find no adverse claim on the part of New York until nineteen years afterward, in 1686, when the Corporation of New York obtained from Governor Dongan a charter by which the ferries were granted to New York. But this charter says nothing about water rights, and expressly reserves the rights of all other persons and bodies corporate or politic. Moreover, Brooklyn in the same year secured from Dongan a patent fully confirming that of Nicolls. A similar confirmation was secured in 1691. But New York was still running the ferry, and to fortify its claims bought land on the Brooklyn side in 1694.