Chapter 32

FOOTNOTES:[1]Romancero del Cid, pp. 12, 74, 77, 79, 87, 88, etc. (Frankofurto, 1828).—Crónica de Alfonso VII, 138-141 (Florez, España Sagrada, XXI, 403)—“Castellæ vires per sæcula fucre rebelles:Inclyta Castella ciens sævissima bellaVix cuiquam regum voluit submittere collum:Indomite vixit, cœli lux quandiu luxit.”[2]Fuero Viejo de Castiella, Lib.I, Tit. iii, § 3. Cf. Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxv, ley 7.[3]See, for instance, the charter granted by Raymond Berenger IV of Barcelona, in 1108, to Olerdula, after a devastating Saracen inroad, and the charter of Lérida in 1148, after its capture from the Moors.—Marca Hispanica, pp. 1233, 1305. The same causes were operative in Castile.[4]The cities entitled to send procurators to the Córtes were Burgos, Leon, Ávila, Segovia, Zamora, Toro, Salamanca, Soria, Murcia, Cuenca, Toledo, Seville, Córdova, Jaen, Valladolid, Madrid and Guadalajara.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. xcv.[5]Marina, Teoria de las Córtes, P.I, cap. xvi, xx. (Madrid, 1820.)—Siete Partidas, P.II, Tit. xvi, ley 4.—Modesto de Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX, 34.—J. Bernays, Zur inneren Entwicklung Castiliens (Deutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 1889, pp. 381sqq.).[6]Crónica de Don Alfonso X, cap. clxxvi.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.I, cap. xiv (Memorial histórico español, VIII).[7]Crónica de Don Alfonso XI, cap. lxxx.—Barrantes,op. cit.Lib.I, cap. xxvi, lxxx.[8]Ayala, Crónica de Pedro I, añoXVII, cap. vii.[9]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, II, 330 (Madrid, 1863).[10]Seguro de Tordesillas, Madrid, 1784.[11]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. lxxiv.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xxviii.—Pulgar, Crónica, p. 3 (Ed. 1780).[12]Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrroy (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, p. 14).[13]Juan de Pineda, El Libro del Passo Honroso, Madrid, 1784.—Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. xiv.[14]Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. xxiv.[15]Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xix., xl.—Amador de los Rios, Historia de los Judíos, III, 205.[16]Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrroy, pp. 17-19.[17]Maldonado,op. cit.pp. 65, 71, 72, 83.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. iii.—Hazañas valerosas de Pedro Manrique de Lara (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, pp. 123, 126).—Hernando del Pulgar, Crónica, P.I, cap. lxxxiii.[18]Maldonado,op. cit., pp. 23, 52, 71, 73.[19]Clemencin, Elógio de Doña Isabel, p. 127.[20]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cliii.[21]Pulgar, Claros Varones de España (Elzevir, 1670, p. 6).—Castillo,op. cit.cap. cxliii.—Saez, Monedas de Enrique IV, pp. 3, 7, 23 (Madrid, 1805). At the Córtes of Segovia, in 1471, Henry ordered the destruction of all the private mints, but it is not likely that he was obeyed (Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 830, Madrid, 1866). Garcia López de Salazar, a contemporary, tells us that the gold Enriques were originally 23½ carats fine, but those struck in the royal mints gradually fell to seven carats, while the private mints made them what they pleased.—Saez, p. 418.Spanish coinage is an intricate subject, and as some knowledge of it is necessary for the proper understanding of sums of money referred to hereafter, I have given a brief account of it in the Appendix.[22]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 59-68.—Novisima Recopilacion, Lib.III, Tit. v, ley 10, 11.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. xxii.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib.XVIII, cap. xvi.—Don Clemencin (op. cit.p. 146).At the death of Henry IV, in 1474, the royal revenue had fallen to about ten million maravedís. By 1477 it increased to 27,415,626, by 1482 to 150,695,288, and in 1504, at the death of Isabella, it was 341,733,597.—Clemencin, p. 153.[23]Miscelánea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, T. XI, p. 332).[24]L. Marinæus Siculus de Reb. Hispan. (R. Beli Rer. Hispan. Scriptt, p. 774).—Damiani a Goes Hispania (Ibid. p. 1237).[25]Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. xx; Letras No. iii.—Fléchier, Histoire du Cardinal Ximenes, II, 291 (Ed. 1693).The Córtes of Toledo, in 1462, among their grievances, include the factious turbulence of the clergy—“bien sabe vuestra alteza commo algunos obispos e abades e otras eclesiasticas personas se han fecho y de cada dia se fazen de vandos, e algunos dellos tanto e mas escandalizan vuestras cibdades e villas que los legos dellas.”—Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 711 (Madrid, 1866).[26]Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Mem. hist. español, T. VI, pp. 156, 190, 193-4, 255, 293-4, 297, 304).[27]Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. 3, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 20, 25 (Aguirre, V, 344-50).[28]L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib.XIX.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1483, n. 15; ann. 1485, n. 26.[29]History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, Vol. II, pp. 180sqq.[30]Romancero del Cid, pp. 245, 269 (Francofurto, 1828).[31]Ordenanzas Reales, Lib.VI, Tit. ix, ley 21.—Villanueva, Viage Literario, XVII, 256.[32]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib. I, Tit. v, cap. 1 (Barcelona, 1588, p. 18). Similar laws adopted in 1534 and 1537 show that meanwhile it had been impossible to prevent papal encroachments.—Ib. cap. 3, 4.[33]Ayala, Crónica de Don Juan I, añoX, cap. vii.—Crónica de Don Enrique III, año III, cap. xvi.[34]Alvar Gomez, De Rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio, fol. 3 (Compluti, 1569).—Robles, Vida del Cardenal Ximenes, pp. 38-41.[35]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cv.[36]Memorial histórico español, T. I, p. 236; II, 22, 25.—Gomez de Rebus gestis a Fran. Ximenio, fol. 9-11.[37]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XX, cap. xxii.—Mariana, Historia de España, Lib.XXIV, cap. xvi.[38]Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Catolicos, Lib.II, cap. civ.The right as to bishoprics was finally conceded in 1523 to Charles V by Adrian VI (Mariana, Lib.XXVI, cap. 5).[39]Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal de Mendoza (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, p. 244).[40]Boletin de la R. Acad. de la Historia, T. XXII, pp. 220, 227.[41]Coleccion de Privilegios etc. T. VI, p. 117 (Madrid, 1833).[42]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, CarpetaIV, fol. 85, § 3 (Sevilla, 1860).[43]Ordenanzas Reales, Lib.III, Tit. i, leyes 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10.—Novís. Recop. Lib.IV, Tit. i, leyes 3, 4, 5.[44]Novísima Recop. Lib.XII, Tit. xxvi, leyes 3-5.[45]Coleccion de Cédulas, III, 113 (Madrid, 1829)[46]Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 246.[47]Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. xxiv (Aguirre, V, 350).[48]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 539; III, 33, 57, 122, 172, 192-6, 287, 328, 408.[49]Pulgar, Crónica,III, lxvi.[50]Coleccion de Cédulas, II, 49, 50 (Madrid, 1829).[51]La Puente, Epit. de la Crónica de Juan II, Lib.V, cap. xxxiii.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib.XIX.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. li.—Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. i (Sevilla, 1869).[52]Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XVIII, 254).[53]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XVIII, cap. 20, 21.—Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cxxiv.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xx.—Pulgar, Crónica P.I, cap. ii; P.II, cap. xci.—Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrrey (Mem. hist. español, T. VI, p. 94).—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. xxi.[54]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cxxxvii.—Clemencin, Elógio de la Reina Isabel, Append. I.[55]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. ii; Letra xii.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp. Lib.XIX.[56]Machiavelli’s judgement was as usual correct when he remarked (Il Principe, cap. xvi) “Il Re di Spagna presente se fusse tenuto liberale non avrebbe fatto nè vinto tante imprese.”[57]Archivo Gen. de Simancas, Consejo de la Inquisicion, Libro II, fol. 22[58]“Con gran dificultad perdonava los yerros que se le hazian.”—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc., Lib.VIII, cap. xii.[59]Palafox y Mendoza, Obras, T. VII, p. 333 (Madrid, 1762).—Ochoa, Epistolario Español, II, 14.[60]Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xxxiv-v. The value of the gold crown of the period was 4s.6d.sterling (Ibid. p. 4) and 200,000 scudos was the marriage-portion of Katharine of Aragon when wedded to Prince Arthur of England (Ibid, p. lxiv), which is the equivalent of about £500,000 of modern money. For the oppression of the people see Gonzalo de Ayora (Boletin de la R. Acad., XVII, 447-8). Cf. Clemencin, p. 185.[61]From theNotablesof Cristóbal Núñez, printed by Padre Fidel Fita in the Boletin, XVI, 561.[62]L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hisp. Lib.XXI.[63]Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib.V, Epist. cxiv.[64]Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 43sqq.[65]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. lxx.—Æl. Anton. Nebriss. Decad.I, Lib. vii, cap. 6.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VIII, cap. xv.—José Grestoso y Pérez, Los Reyes Católicos en Sevilla (Sevilla, 1891).—Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, ann. 1477, n. 5.[66]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. xcv.[67]Ferreiro, Fueros Municipales de Santiago, II, 65 (Santiago, 1896).[68]Ibidem, II, 314.[69]L. Marinæi Siculi Lib.XIX,XXI.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. xxvii, lxxviii, xcvi, xcvii, xcviii; P.III, cap. xxxix, lxvi, c, cxxvii.—Capitulos hechos por el rey y la reyna en Sevilla a ix de Junio de M. y d. (sine nota).[70]Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Españe, XVIII, 236).[71]Bernaldez, cap. xlii.[72]Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib.V, Epist. cviii. As Cardinal Ximenes says in his letter of advice to Cardinal Adrian as to the conduct of Charles V in taking possession of his inheritance, “por lo qual fue ella tan poderosisima en su reyno, que todos del mayor á el menor temianvirgam ferreamde su justicia, y asi destruyó toda la tirannia.” (Valladares, Semanario Erúdito, XX, 237).[73]Archivo Gen. de Simancas, Inquisicion LibrosI,II.[74]The limitations on the royal jurisdiction are exemplified by the unseemly contest at Alcalá de Henares, in 1485-6, between Isabella and the Archbishop González de Mendoza, respecting her right to administer justice within his province. It lasted from December till the time for opening the campaign against Granada, when she removed to Córdova without having established her claim.—Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Mem. hist, español, VI, 264).Yet her jurisdiction was one of the points on which Isabella wisely insisted with the utmost firmness. To quote Cardinal Ximenes again—“Ante todo la dicha Reyna cuidaba de defender su jurisdiccion Real, viendo que por ella los Reyes en Castilla se hacen mas poderosos y mas temidos de sus vasallos” (Valladares, Semanario Erúdito, XX, 238). When, in 1491, the royal court at Valladolid, presided over by Alonzo de Valdevielfo, Bishop of Leon, wrongfully allowed an appeal to Rome, she promptly dismissed the bishop and all the judges and replaced them with Juan Arias del Villar, Bishop of Oviedo, and other assessors.—Crónicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XIII, 184-5).—Galindez de Carbajal (Ibid. XVIII, 278).[75]Memorial histórico español, T. II, pp. 68, 72, 86, 94, 102.[76]Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, Coleccion Diplomática, T. II, pp. 3, 7, 46, 75, 81, 178 (Madrid, 1860).—Vicente Santamaria de Paredes, Curso de Derecho Político, p. 509 (Madrid, 1883).—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y Castilla, I, 247, 300 (Madrid, 1861).[77]Benavides,op. cit.II, 363.[78]Ferreiro, Fucros Municipales de Santiago, III, 44.[79]Coleccion de Privilegios, T. VI, p. 327 (Madrid, 1833).[80]Crónica de Don Juan II, añoXXXVII, cap. i.[81]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 795.[82]Castillo, Crónica de Don Enrique IV, cap. lxxxvii, xc.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VII, cap. xxviii.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib.XVII, cap. xxxi.—Coleccion de Cédulas, III, 103 (Madrid, 1829).—Bienvenido, Oliver y Esteller (Boletin, XIV, 382).[83]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. li.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp. Lib.XIX.—Æl. Anton. Nebriss. Decad. I, Lib.VI, cap. 1-3.—Garibay, Comp. Historial, Lib.XVIII, cap. viii.[84]Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, ann. 1477, No. 1.[85]Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, Lib.VIII, cap. V.—Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XVIII, 319).[86]Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VIII, cap. xx.[87]Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 70, 124, 143, 183; III, 103.[88]Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. xcv.—Palafox, Obras, VII, 338 (Madrid, 1762).—Fueros de Aragon, fol. 13 (Saragossa, 1624).[89]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 89.[90]Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. xii.[91]Novís. Recop. Tit. xxv, Lib.XII.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VIII, cap xiii.—Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 295.—See also the description of the perfected system which excited the admiration of the Venetian ambassador, Paolo Tiepolo, in 1563 (Relazioni, Serie I, T. V, p. 21).[92]Clemencin, p. 139.[93]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 136, 164, 173, 185, 336, 338; V, 669; VI, 425.—Novís Recop. Tit. xxxv, Lib.XII, ley 18.[94]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, IV, 356 (Madrid, 1882)—“E las leyes e costunbres son sujetas alos Reys, que las pueden hazer e quitar a su voluntad, e vuestra Alteza es ley viba e animada en las tierras.”[95]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 333.[96]Mariana, Lib.XXVIII, cap. xi; Tom. IX, Append. p. xix.—Giustiniani, Historie degl’Ordini Militari, pp. 386, 425, 460 (Venezia, 1692).[97]Cartas de Ximenes de Cisneros, pp. 120, 131, 181 (Madrid, 1867).—Wadding, Annales Minorum, ann. 1516, n. 12.—Gachard, Correspondence entre Charles-Quint et Adrien VI, p. cxi (Bruxelles, 1859).[98]Thus Father Gams attributes the Spanish Inquisition to the national peculiarity of the Spaniard, who requires that the State should represent God on earth, and that Christianity should control all public life; he demands unity of faith and not freedom of faith. The Inquisition is an institution for which the Church has no responsibility.—P. Pius Gams, O. S. B., Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, III,II, 7, 8, 11, 12.[99]Septimi Decretal. Lib.V, Tit. i, cap. 5.[100]Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquisitionis, p. 164.[101]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 147b(Ed. 1494).[102]Canon. Apostol. n. 69, 70.[103]Concil. Eliberitan. cap. 16, 49, 50, 78.[104]S. August, de Adult. Conjug. Lib.I, cap. xviii.[105]S. Ambros. Epist.XL, n. 26.[106]S. Joh. Chrysost. adv. Judæos Orat.I, n. 3, 4, 6. Chrysostom’s indignation was especially aroused by the popular belief among Christians in the peculiar sanctity of the synagogues, which rendered oaths taken in them more binding than in a church.[107]Socrat. H. E.VII, xiii.[108]Lib.XVI, Cod. Theodos. Tit. viii, Ll. 6, 9, 12, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27; Tit. ix, Ll. 2, 3, 4, 5.[109]Novell. Theodos. II, Tit. iii.[110]Edict. Theoderici, cap. 143.—Cassiodori Variar.IV, 33, 43; v, 37. Cf.III, 45.[111]Concil. Agathens. ann. 506, cap. 40. This was embodied in the canon law (Gratian. Decr. Caus.XXVIII, Q. i, cap. 14). The apologetic tone in which Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop of Clermont, speaks of Jews whom he likes and who “solent hujusmodi homines honestas habere causas” shows that the more enlightened churchmen felt that any favor shown to the proscribed race exposed them to animadversion (Epistt. Lib.III, Ep. 4; Lib.IV, Ep. 5).[112]Concil. Quinisext. cap. 11 (Decr. Caus.XXVIII, Q. i, cap. 13).[113]Gregor. PP. I. Epistt.XIII, 12 (Decreti Dist.XLV, cap. 3).[114]Ejusd. Epistt.I, 10, 35;II, 32;V, 8;VIII, 27;IX, 6;XIII, 12. It is true that Gregory strongly upheld the rule that Jews should hold no Christian slaves, but he permitted Christians to labor on their lands (Ibid,IV, 21).[115]Ibid,I, 47.—Venantii Fortunati Miscell. Lib.V, cap. 5.[116]Cassiodor. Variar.II, 27;X, 26.[117]Lex Roman. Visigoth. Lib.XVI, Tit. iii, iv; Novell. Theodos. II, Tit. iii (Ed. Haenel, pp. 250, 256-8).[118]Concil. Toletan. III, ann. 589, cap. xiv.—Concil. Narbonn. ann. 589, cap. iv, ix.[119]Gotth. Heine, Biblioth. Vet. Monumentt. Ecclesiasticor. p. 118 (Lipsiæ, 1848).[120]S. Isidori Hispalens. de Fide Cathol. contra Judæos Lib.I, cap. 28; Lib.II, cap. 5, 9.[121]S. Isidori Chron. n. 120; De Regibus Gothorum, n. 60; Sententt. Lib.III, cap. 51, n. 4.In the perfected doctrine of the Church it was simply a question of policy and possibility whether the faith is to be extended by force or not, for the pope is supreme and has the authority to punish all, whether Jew or Gentile, who do not conform to the gospel.—Eymerici Direct. Inquisitor, p. 353 (Ed. Venet. 1607).[122]Concil. Toletan. IV, ann. 633, cap. 57—adopted into the canon law (Decr. cap. 5, Dist.XLV)—as well as a decretal of Gregory IV—“Judæi non sunt cogendi ad fidem, quam tamen si invite susceperint, cogendi sunt retinere” (Ibid. cap. 4). See also Ll. Wisigoth. Lib.XII, Tit. ii, l. 4 (Recared I), continued in Fuero Juzgo,XII, ii, 4.The Jew who had been baptized in infancy, or who accepted baptism as an alternative of death, and reverted to Judaism was to be prosecuted by the Inquisition as a heretic.—Nicholai, PP. IV. Bull.Turbato corde, 1288 (Bullar. Roman. I, 158, 179, 184, 263).—Cap. 13 in Sexto, Lib.V, Tit. ii.—Bernard. Guidon. Practica, P. v, § v, n. 1.—Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. Direct. Inquis., p. 349. For the established formula of interrogatory, of Jews see MSS. Bibl. National de France, Collect. Doat., T. XXXVII, fol. 258.The forced conversion of Jews, so frequent throughout the Middle Ages, gave rise to many nice questions, exhaustively debated by the schoolmen. The subject is fully treated in aTractatus de Judæorum et Christianorum communione, etc., printed in Strassburg about 1470 (Hain, 9465), in which, for convenient use and reference, is gathered together all the ecclesiastical legislation against the unfortunate race, forming a deplorable exhibition of human perversity.[123]Concil. Toletan. IV, ann. 633, cap. 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66; Conc. VI, ann. 638, cap. 3; Conc. VIII, ann. 653, cap. 12; Conc. IX, ann. 655, cap. 17; Conc. X, ann. 656, cap. 7; Conc. XII, ann. 681, cap. 9; Conc. XIII, ann. 683, cap. 9; Conc. XVI, ann. 693, cap. 1.Ll. Wisigoth. Lib.XII, Tit. ii, ll. 4-17; Tit. iii, ll. 1, 2, 10, 12, 16, 17, 19, 24 (Fuero Juzgo, ibidem.).[124]S. Juliani Toleti Vit. Wambæ, n. 5, 28 (Florez, España Sagrada, VI, 536, 556).[125]Concil. Toletan. XVII, ann. 694, cap. 8.[126]Roderic. Toletan. de Rebus Hispan. Lib.III, cap. xvi.—Morales, Corónica General, T. VI, p. 361. Isidor of Beja, however, is the best authority for the period, and he speaks of Witiza in terms of high praise (Isidor. Pacens. Chron. n. 29, 30). See also Dozy,Recherches sur l’Histoire et la Littérature de l’Espagne, I, 16-17 (3eÉd. Leipzig, 1881).[127]Rod. Toletan.op. cit.Lib.III, cap. xxii, xxiii.—Dozy, I, 49, 52.[128]Dozy, I, 17, 44, 53, 54, 56, 72, 74-5, 79, 350-1.[129]An interesting instance of Moslem toleration is seen in theFarfanes—Christians of Morocco who claimed to be the descendants of Goths deported at the conquest at the request of Count Julian. In 1386 they sent Sancho Rodríguez, one of their number, to Juan I to ask to be received back in Spain. Juan obtained from the King of Morocco permission for their departure, and promised to provide for them lands and support. In 1390 they came, numbering fifty cavaliers with their wives and children, and bringing a letter from the Moslem ruler speaking of them as nobles descended from the Goths and praising greatly their loyalty and valor. It was in riding out from Burgos to welcome them that Juan’s horse fell and caused his death. In 1394 Henry III gave them a confirmation of their ancient nobility, and in 1430 and 1433 we still find them recognized in Seville as a distinct class.—Ayala, Crón. de Juan I, año X, cap. xx.—Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, Lib.VIII, año 1386, n. 2; año 1390, n. 3; Lib.IX, año 1394, n. 1.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta clxxiv, n. 4, 8.[130]Francisco Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares de Castilla, pp. 14-18 (Madrid, 1866).—S. Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib.II, cap. xvi; Lib.III, cap. i (Migne’s Patrologia, CXV, 787, 800).[131]Florez, España Sagrada, XI, 309sqq.; V, Append. x.—Samsonis Abbatis Cordubensis Apolog. Lib.II(Ib. XI, 388sqq.).—Alvari Cordubens. Epist. vii, viii (Ibid. XI, 147sqq.).—Hostegesis was Bishop of Málaga, and the free exercise of discipline in the Mozárabic church is shown in the complaint of the cruelty with which he exacted theterciaor tribute due to him, causing delinquents to be paraded through the streets with soldiers scourging them and proclaiming that all defaulters should be similarly treated.—Florez, XII, 326.[132]S. Eulogii Epist. iii (Migne, CXV, 845-9).—Alvari Cordubens. Vit. S. Eulogii (Ibid. 712).—The description by Alvar of his education with S. Eulogio shows that the Christian schools of Córdova were flourishing and active (Ibid. cap. i, p. 708).[133]Alvari Cordubens. Vit. S. Eulogii, cap. iv, v.—Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib.II; Lib.III, cap. ii, iii, v, viii, xvii.—Ejusd. Vit. et Passio SS. Floræ et Mariæ.—Ejusd. Lib. Apologet. Martyrum.[134]Aimoini Translatio SS. Georgii, Aurelii et Nathaliæ, Lib.I; Lib.II, cap. xxviii.[135]Liutprandi Antopodosis, Lib.II, cap. i.[136]Dozy, Recherches, II, 178.[137]Fernández y González, p. 57.[138]Dozy, Recherches, I, 265, 269, 349, 352-61.—Orderici Vital. Hist. Eccles. P.III, Lib. xiii, cap. 2.[139]Crónica de Alfonso VII, cap. 46, 101 (España Sagrada, XXI, 360, 398).[140]Dozy, Recherches, I, 370-1.—Fernández y González, p. 19.—See also an essay on the Mozárabes of Valencia by Don Roque Chabás, in the Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, XVIII, 19.[141]Fernández y González, pp. 86-7, 93. The term Miramamolin, so often used by Christian writers as a personal name, isAmir-el-Momenin, or Prince of the Faithful, a title frequently assumed by Moorish rulers.[142]Fernández y González, pp. 92, 96.[143]Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I, 640-5.[144]Dozy, Recherches, I, 365-7, 372-9.[145]S. Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib.III, cap. iv.—Lindo’s History of the Jews of Spain, p. 44 (London, 1848).[146]Lindo, p. 46.[147]Dozy, Recherches, I, 285-9.[148]Lindo, p. 62.[149]Lindo, pp. 156-7.[150]In the ballads the Moors are almost always represented as chivalric enemies. Even when celebrating their defeats, down to the capture of Granada, there is no contempt manifested and nowhere is to be seen a trace of religious acerbity. Many ballads have Moors as their heroes, as in those which celebrate the deeds of Bravonel and Reduan, and there is nothing to distinguish their treatment from that of Christians. Bravonel and Bernardo del Carpio are represented as companions in arms. When Bernardo is banished by his king he betakes himself forthwith to Granada to participate in a tournament, whereQue hay unas Reales fiestas,Donde el premio será dado. . . . . . . . . .Al que mejor lo ficiereSea Moro ó sea Cristiano;and there he is warmly welcomed by Muza, the most gallant knight of the Saracens.—Romances Antiguos Españoles, I, 65 (Leipzig, 1844).[151]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XVI, 159.[152]Dozy, Recherches, II, 203, 233.[153]Dozy, II, 109, 111.—Edélestand du Meril, Poésies populaires Latines, pp. 312-13.[154]Chron. Sampiri Asturicens, n. 3, 22, 26 (España Sagrada, XIV, 439, 452, 455).[155]Chron. Pelagii Ovietens. (España Sagrada, XIV, 468, 472).[156]Fernández y González, pp. 34, 48, 114.[157]Crónica de Don Alfonso X, cap. xix-lviii.[158]Ibidem cap. lxxvi.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones, Lib.I, cap. vi, xi (Memorial hist. español, IX, 72-9, 92-8).[159]Crónica de Don Alfonso XI, cap. lvii, cxi, cxxv.[160]Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, añoXVII, cap. iv; añoXIX, cap. iv, v; añoXX, cap. vi.[161]Barrantes, Ilustraciones, Lib.VII, cap. xxii.[162]Memorial histórico español, I, 159.[163]Ibidem III, 151.[164]Coleccion de Documentos inéditos de la Corona de Aragon, I, 25.[165]Concil. Lateran. IV, ann. 1216ad calcem(Harduin. VII, 75).—Cap. 6, 17, Extra, Lib.V, Tit. vi.—Concil. Lugdunens. I, ann. 1245, cap. xvii (Harduin. VIII, 394).—Concil. Ilerdens. ann. 1246 (Aguirre, VI, 318).—Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii (Aguirre, V, 251).—Cap. 1 Extrav. Commun. Lib.V, Tit. ii.—Urbani PP. V, Bull.Apostolatus, 1364 (Bullar. Roman. Ed. Luxemburg. I, 261).—Nicholai PP. V, Bull.Olim, 1450 (Ibid. I, 361), and finally in the standard anathema of the bullin Cœna Domini.Considering the character of the Roman curia in the Middle Ages it would scarce be malicious to suggest that the chief object of these prohibitions was to create a market for licenses to violate them, and St. Antonino of Florence, about the middle of the fifteenth century, tells us that as a rule the Venetian merchants had them (S. Antonini Confessionale)In spite of his laxity in practice, Alfonso X in thePartidasembodies the Lateran decree denouncing slavery for all who aid the Saracens in any manner (Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxi, ley 4) and in 1253 he admitted papal control in such matters by obtaining in advance from Innocent IV ratification of certain treaties which he was negotiating with the princes of Africa (Fernández y González, p. 337).[166]Bullar. Roman. I, 263.—Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. p. 351(Ed. Venet. 1607).[167]Barrantes, Ilustraciones, etc., Lib.I, cap. iv, xiii, xiv, xx, xxi.—Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, año III, cap. iii.[168]Chron. Sampiri Asturicens. n. 16, 24, 25 (España Sagrada, XIV, 447, 454, 455).—Marca Hispanica, p. 1232.[169]Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxi, leyes 6, 8; Tit. xxii, ley 3. In the Fuero Real de España the only allusion to Moors is as slaves (Lib.IV, Tit. xi, ley 3; Tit. xiv, ley 1). It is virtually the same in the old Fuero of Madrid (Memorias de la R. Acad. de la Historia, VIII, 40).The Church held that baptism manumitted the slave, even when the master was Christian, but when it sought to enforce the rule the masters resisted, either forbidding the baptism or demanding from the clergy the value of the slave and seizing pledges to ensure payment. Innocent III was much scandalized by this. In 1205 he complained to Alfonso IX that in place of requiring such converted slaves to be paid for at the price fixed by the canons he allowed the owner to determine the value, and thus the Bishop of Burgos had recently been forced to pay two hundred gold pieces for a girl not worth ten deniers (Innoc. PP. III, Regest.VIII, 50;IX, 150).[170]Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxi, ley 7.[171]Fernández y González, pp. 21, 24-5.[172]Dozy, Recherches, I, 124-6.[173]Fernández y González, p. 28.[174]Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, añoII, cap. xvii.[175]Fernández y González, pp. 39, 45-6, 58.[176]Mondexar, Memorias de Alonso VIII, cap. cv, cviii.—Roderici Toletani de Rebus Hispan. Lib.VIII, cap. xii.[177]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXI, 131.[178]Fernández y González, p. 97.[179]See the capitulation of Valencia in 1232 (Villanueva, XVII, 331); also theConstitutiones Pacis et Treugæof Catalonia, in 1214, 1225, and 1228 (Marca Hispanica, pp. 1402, 1407, 1413), and also that of Rosellon, in 1217 (D’Achery, Spicileg. III, 587). In 1279 Pedro III of Aragon issues letters “to all his faithful Moors of the frontier of Castile and Viar,” inviting them to come and populate Villareal, offering them the vacant lands there and pledging them security for all their goods (Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VIII, 151).[180]Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 571, 573, 584, 600, 608, 622, 632; VI, 93, 106, 112, 220, 292, 308, 326, 385, 455. A charter of San Fernando III, in 1246, selling certain lands to the city of Toledo, says “vendo á vos, concejo de Toledo, á los caballeros é al pueblo, é á cristianos é á moros é á judios, á los que sodes é á los que han de ser adelant, todos aquellos terminos, etc.”—Fernández y González, p. 319.[181]Fernández y González, pp. 117, 122, 123.—Memorial histórico español, I, 285.[182]Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 29.—Fernández y González, p. 294. In the charter of Hinestrosa (1287) the wergild for homicide is 500 sueldos. In that of Arganzon (1191) allusion is made to the wergild of 500 sueldos, but the special privilege is granted that the murderer shall pay only 250, the other 250 being remitted “for the sake of the king’s soul.” In the charter of Amaya (1285) the wergild is sixty maravedís.—(Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 222, 112, 205.)[183]Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia, VIII, 39.[184]Leyes de Estilo, 83, 84.[185]Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 413.[186]Fernández y González, pp. 407, 409. By a confirmation of Pedro IV of Aragon, in 1372, to the aljama of Calatayud it appears that the Moors of the cities were accustomed to have special shambles where their meat was slaughtered and marked “secundum eorum ritum sive çunam.”—Ibid. p. 384.[187]Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, IV, 130; VI, 145.—Fernández y González, pp. 286, 290, 386, 389.[188]Fernández y González, pp. 92, 94-5, 102.[189]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion Primera, CarpetaI, n. 49.—Fernández y González, pp. 351, 353, 363.—Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 31.—Memorial histórico español,I, 81, 152.[190]Fernández y González, pp. 221, 286.—Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 157, 196.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 309.[191]Aguirre, V, 225, 227; VI, 369.—Cap. 5 Extra v, vi.—Cap. 2 Extrav. Commun. v, ii.—Tratados de Legislacion Musulmana, p. 216 (Madrid, 1853).—Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxv, leyes 2, 3.—Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.I, cap. 3, 4 (Barcelona, 1588).—Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1245 (Aguirre, VI, 306).[192]Fernández y González, pp. 107-8, 120, 286, 359.—Memorial histórico español, I, 285.—For the manner in which the houses of conquered towns were distributed see theRepartimiento de Jerez de la Fronteraby Alfonso X in this same year 1266, printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, Junio, 1887, pp. 465sqq.).[193]Fernández y González, p. 346.[194]Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 255.—Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxv, ley 10.[195]Tratados de Legislacion Musulmana, p. 7 (Madrid, 1853). In this collection theLeyes de los Morosprobably date from about the year 1300. Ice Gebir’sSuma de los principales Mandamientoswas written in 1462. It would not be easy to find a more practical moral code than that presented in the short precepts assembled in Ice Gebir’s first chapter (pp. 250sqq.). It is somewhat surprising to learn that in thealchihéd, or holy war against Christians, it was forbidden to slay non-combatants—women, children, old men and even monks and friars unless they defended themselves by force (cap. xxxv, p. 333). Even harmless things, such as ants and frogs, are not to be deprived of life (cap. clvii, p. 400). The vital reproach to be brought against Islam is the position assigned to woman—her degradation in her relations to man, and her scant recognition as a human being. In a classification of society into twelve orders, the eleventh is that ofbaldiosor robbers, sorcerers, pirates, drunkards, etc., and the twelfth and lowest is woman (Ib. cap. lx, pp. 412, 415).[196]The ballad chronicler relates how—Et los moros é las morasMuy grandes juegos hacian,Los judíos con las torasEstos Reyes bien recibian.Fernández y González, p. 239.[197]Crónica de Juan II, añoIV, cap. 26.[198]Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VIII, 53.—Memorial histórico español, I, 239, 263; III, 439.[199]Fernández y González, p. 389.[200]Ibid. pp. 382, 386.[201]Janer, Condicion Social de los Moriscos de España, pp. 47-9, 161, 162 (Madrid, 1857).Under the Saracen domination, Almería was the chief port of Spain, crowded with ships from Syria and Egypt, Pisa and Genoa. It boasted of a thousand inns for strangers and four thousand weaving shops, besides manufactures of copper, iron and glass (Dozy, Recherches, I, 244-5). For the wonderful wealth of the Moors under the caliphs of Córdova, showing the capacity of the race and of the land, see Conde’s “Arabs in Spain,” P.II, cap. 94. How unfitted was the Castilian chivalry to perpetuate this prosperity is seen in a letter of Alfonso X in 1258, reciting how he had peopled with Christians the flourishing city of Alicante, as it was a stronghold and one of the best seaports; how the allotment of lands had given dissatisfaction and on investigation he had found that the Christians could not live and prosper there, wherefore he now makes a newrepartimiento(Memorial histórico español, I, 135).[202]Fernández y González, pp. 294, 321, 367. Cf. Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii; C. Toletan. ann. 1324, cap. viii (Aguirre, V, 251, 259); Concil. Parisiensis, ann. 1212, Addend, cap. i (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII, 1420).[203]Concil. Lateran. IV, ann. 1216, cap. lxviii (cap. 15, Extra, v, vi). This device originated among the Saracens of the East, who, in the eleventh century, required Jews and Christians to wear distinctive badges (Fernández y González, p. 16). The earliest trace of it in the West is found in the charter of Alais, in 1200, which prescribes distinctive vestments for Jews (Robert, Les Signes d’Infamie au Moyen Age, p. 7). In Italy, Frederic II obeyed the Lateran decree by ordering, in 1221, all Jews to wear distinguishing garments (Richardi de S. German. Chron.ap.Muratori, S. R. I., VII, 993), but he did not insert this in the Sicilian Constitutions or include his Saracen subjects. In 1254 the council of Albi prescribed for Jews a circle, a finger-breadth in width, to be worn upon the breast, and that of Ravenna, in 1311, a yellow circle (Harduin. VII, 458, 1370). In the fifteenth century, the Neapolitan Jews were required to wear as a sign the Hebrew letter Tau (Wadding, Annal. Minor. T. III, Regest. p. 392).[204]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1217, n. 84.—Amador de los Rios, Hist. de los Judíos de España, I, 361-2, 554.[205]Amador de los Rios, I, 362, 364.[206]Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxiv, ley 11.[207]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 227.[208]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1238, cap. iv; ann. 1282, cap. v (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VIII, 132, 280).—Fernández y González, p. 369.—Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib.I, Tit. v, cap. 12 (Barcelona, 1589, p. 8).[209]Ayala, Crónica de Enrique II, añoVI, cap. vii.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 281.[210]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. I, 479. It was apparently in return for a tithe of ecclesiastical revenues that Jaime pledged himself to the pope to expel the Moors, but he was too wise a statesman to do so, and as late as 1275 he invited additional settlers by the promise of a year’s exemption from taxation. On his death-bed in 1276, however, partly, no doubt in consequence of a dangerous Moorish revolt, and partly owing to the awakened fears shown by his taking the Cistercian habit, he enjoined his son Pedro to fulfil the promise, and in a codicil to his will he emphatically repeated the request (Danvila y Collado, La Expulsion de los Moriscos, p. 24.—Swift, James the First of Aragon, pp. 140, 253, 290), but Pedro was obdurate.[211]Fernández y González, p. 109.[212]Constitt. Valentin. (Aguirre, V, 206).[213]Cap. 1 Clementin. Lib.V, Tit. ii.[214]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, VI, 370).[215]Concil. Dertusan. ann. 1429, cap. xx (Aguirre, V, 340).—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1483, n. 45.In 1370 theCarta Pueblo, granted by Buenaventura de Arborea to the Moors of Chelva specifically allowed their alfaquíes to cry Alá Zalá as was their wont in the time of Pedro, her late husband.—Fernández y González, p. 386.[216]Cap. 1 Clementin. Lib.II, Tit. viii; Lib.V, Tit. v.[217]Although the acts of the council of Zamora were fully confirmed by the Córtes of Palencia in 1313 (Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 227, 240-1), it seemed impossible to enforce them. In 1331 the Córtes of Madrid ineffectually petitioned that Christians denying debts to Jews could offer another Christian as a witness and not be obliged to have a Jew. The Fuero Viejo de Castiella, as revised in 1356, however, grants the privilege (Lib.III, Tit. iv, ley 19). The editors of the Fuero, Asso and Manuel (Ed. 1847, p. 83) say that the practice varied, and that Henry III, in the Córtes of Madrid, in 1405, again granted the privilege. As early as 1263 Alfonso X had enacted that in mixed suits a Jew could not demand that his opponent should produce as witnesses a Christian and a Jew, but that the evidence of two good Christians should suffice.—Memorial histórico español, I, 207. The point has interest as an evidence of the desire to protect Jews from imposition.[218]Amador de los Rios, II, 561-5.[219]Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii (Aguirre, V, 250).[220]Innocent. PP. III, Regest.X, 69;XII, post Epist. 107.—Concil. Lateran. IV, cap. lxix (cap. 16, Extra, v, vi).[221]Fernández y González, p. 289.—Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 97.—Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxiv, ley 3.[222]Annal. Novesiens. ann. 846 (Martene Ampliss. Collect. IV, 538). Cf. Gest. Episc. Leodiens. Lib.II, cap. 41.—Hist. Treverens. (D’Achery Spicileg. II, 222).[223]Concil. Quinisext. cap. xi.—Gratian. cap. 13, Caus. xxviii, Q. 1.[224]Cap. 13, Extra, V, xxxviii.[225]Concil. Salmanticens. ann. 1335, cap. xii (Aguirre, V, 269).[226]Ordenamiento de Doña Catalina, n. 10.[227]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 147a(Ed. 1494).[228]Mariana, Hist. de España, VIII, 69 (Ed. 1790).[229]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 18.—Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. IV, 44. As recently as 1580 Gregory XIII recited the prohibitions of employing Jewish physicians uttered by Paul IV and Pius V and deplored their inobservance which precipitated many souls to damnation, to prevent which he ordered their strict enforcement.—Septimi Decretal. Lib.III, Tit. vi, cap. 2.[230]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, VI, 371).[231]Aguirre, V, 286-7. Pedro el Ceremonioso, the King of Aragon, was then only a boy of eighteen, who had ascended the throne in January, 1336.[232]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 311, 322-8.[233]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 6.[234]Concil. Palentin. ann. 1388, cap. v, vi (Aguirre, V, 300).[235]Ordenamiento de Valladolid, i, xi (Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 176).—Fernández y González, pp. 400, 402.[236]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 10, 19.[237]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, IX, 270-84, 289, 292.—It was not until 1555 that Paul IV adopted the same policy in Rome and established the Ghetto, or Jewish quarter.—Septimi Decretal. Lib.V, Tit. I, cap. 4[238]For a series of these capitulations see Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, T. VIII, pp. 403sqq.[239]S. Agobardi de Judaicis Superstitionibus; Ejusdem de cavenda. Societate Judaica.—Amulonis Episc. Lugdunens. Lib. contra Judæos ad Carolem Regem.[240]Stephani PP. VI, Epist. 2.[241]Cap. 7, 9, Extra, Lib.V, Tit. vi.[242]Concil. Paris, ann. 1212, P.V, cap. 2 (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII, 102).[243]Innocent. PP. III, Regest.X, 190. Cf. Epistt. Select. Sæc. XIII, T. I, p. 414 (Pertz).[244]Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist.II, cap. xxiv, xxv.—Bernaldez, Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.—Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discurso contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 131, 132, 134 (Lisboa, 1623).—Bodleian Library, MSS. Arch. S. 130.[245]P. de Alliaco Canon. Reformat, cap. xliii (Von der Hardt, Concil. Constant. I,VIII, 430-1)[246]Chron. Turonens. ann. 1009.[247]Berthold. Constant, ann. 1096.—Otton. Frisingens. de Gest. Frid. I, Lib.I, cap. 37.—Vitoduran. Chron. ann. 1336.—Gesta Treviror. Archiepp. ann. 1337.[248]Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1182—Vaissette, Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, VIII, 1191-2 (Ed. Privat).—Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1189.—Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306.—Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1210.—Matt. Westmonast. ann. 1290.[249]Fuero Juzgo, Lib.XII, Tit. ii, ley 18.[250]Marca Hispanica, p. 1439.[251]Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 96 (Madrid, 1833).—Memorial hist, español, I, 38, 124; II, 71.[252]Amador de los Rios, I, 185-6, 189.[253]Contin. Gerardi de Fracheto, ann. 1285 (Dom Bouquet, XXI, 7).[254]Amador de los Rios, II, 67.—Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, II, 331.It indicates the independent position of Jews and Moors that they refused to pay tithes on lands acquired from Christians and their liability was enforced only after a vigorous and prolonged struggle.—See Cap. 18, Extra, Lib. v, Tit. xix (Concil. Lateran. IV).—Innocent. PP. III, Regest.VIII, 50; x, 61.—Concil Tarraconens. ann. 1291 (Aguirre, VI, 292).—Concil. Zamorens. ann. 1313, cap. x (Amador de los Rios, II, 564).—Memorial hist. español, I, 33, 160.—Fernández y González, pp. 348, 355, 380, 389.—Benavides,op. cit. II, 539, 541.[255]Concil. Roman. V, ann. 1078 (Migne’s Patrologia, CXLVIII, 799).—Gregor. PP. VII, Regest.IX, 2.[256]Amador de los Rios, I, 28-9.[257]Ibidem, II, 58.[258]Amador de los Rios, II, 74-5.[259]Leyes de Estilo, 89-90.[260]El Fuero Real, Lib.IV, Tit. iv, ley 7.—Partidas,VII, xxiv, 5. In 1322 Jaime II of Aragon forbids the molestation of Strogo Mercadell, a Jew, for taking a second wife.—Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 240.[261]El Fuero Real, Lib.IV, Tit. ii, leyes 1, 2, 3.[262]Lucæ Tudens. de altera VitaIII, 3.[263]Alex. PP. II, Epist. 101 (Decreti Consid.XXIII, Q. viii, cap. 11).[264]Amador de los Rios, I, 189-90.[265]Roderici Toleti de Rebus Hispan.VIII, 2, 6.—Malo, Histoire des Juifs, p. 267 (Paris, 1826).[266]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXII, 328, 329, 333.[267]Amador de los Rios, I. 370, 447-51.—Lindo’s History of the Jews of Spain, P. 88.[268]Leyes nuevas, Núm.XII,XIII. Cf. Ley 7 (Alcubilla, Códigos antiguos, I, 182).[269]Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxiv. The provision punishing with death male Jews for intercourse with Christian women only expressed existing legislation, even when the woman was a prostitute.—Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV. II, 210.[270]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XIII, 332.—R. Nachmanidis Disputatio (Wagenseilii Tela Ignea Satanæ).—Coleccion de Documentos de la C. de Aragon, VI, 165.[271]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 546 (Archivo hist, nacional de Madrid).[272]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 167.—Villanueva, XIII, 336.—Ripoll Bullar Ord. Predic. I, 479.[273]Aguirre, VI, 369.[274]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 170.[275]Amador de los Rios, I, 438.[276]Florez, España Sagrada, XLIV, 298.[277]Septimi Decretal. Lib.V, Tit. i, cap. 2.[278]Florez,op. cit., XLIV, 297-99.[279]Bernard d’Esclot, Cronica del Rey en Pere, cap. clii.[280]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 194.[281]Villanueva, XXI, 165, 303.[282]Archivo gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Regist. 208, fol. 72; Regist. 229, fol. 239.[283]Amador de los Rios, II, 98-102.[284]Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 129 (Madrid, 1833).—Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, II, 374.[285]Amador de los Rios, II, 90-4.[286]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 247.—Cap. 1, Clement. Lib.V, Tit. v.[287]Lindo’s History of the Jews of Spain, p. 180.[288]Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 327 (Ed. 1890).[289]Decreti P.II, Caus. xiv, Q. 3, 4, 5, 6.—Cap. 1, § 2 Clement. Lib.V, Tit. v.[290]Cap. 12, Extra, Lib.V, Tit. xix.—Concil. Lateran. IV, cap. 67.—Concil. Lugdunens. II, ann. 1274, cap. 26.—Cap. 1 Clement. Lib.V, Tit. v.—Concil. Pennafidelens. ann. 1302, cap. 9.[291]Marca Hispanica, pp. 1415, 1426, 1431.—Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib.I, Tit. v, cap. 2.—Villanueva, Viage Literario,XXII, 301.—El Fuero Real, Lib.IV, Tit. ii, ley 6.[292]Marca Hispanica, pp. 1433, 1436.—Coleccion de Documentos de la C. de Aragon, VI, 170.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 127, 227, 281.—Amador de los Rios, I, 393, 421, 587; II, 63, 69, 89, 121, 148.—Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 111, 113.[293]Amador de los Rios, II, 139.[294]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 234.[295]Yanguas y Miranda, Diccionario de Antigüedades del Reino de Navarro, II, 93.[296]Ordenamiento de Alcalá, Tit.XXIII, ley 2. Cf. Ordenanzas Reales, Lib.VIII, Tit. ii, leyes 1-8.[297]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XI, 404.[298]Amador de los Rios, I, 488.[299]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 325.—Amador de los Rios, II, 320.[300]Villanueva, XVII, 247.[301]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.VI, cap. lxxviii.—Amador de los Rios, II, 175-9, 284-5, 289-91.[302]Zurita, Lib.VIII, cap. xxvi, xxxiii.—Amador de los Rios, II, 260, 263, 299-300.[303]Raynald, Annal. ann. 1348, n. 83.[304]Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1366.—Quarta Vita Urbani V (Muratori, S. R. I., III,II, 641).[305]Ayala, Crónica de Pedro I, añoVI, cap. vii.[306]Ibidem, añoIX, cap. vii, viii.[307]Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1366.—Ayala, añoXVII, cap. viii.[308]Amador de los Rios, II, 571-3.—Boletin, XXIX, 254.[309]Ayala, Crónica de Juan I, añoI, cap. iii.[310]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1395, n. 2; año 1404, n. 4.[311]Amador de los Rios, II, 338-9, 579-89.—We have seen the prohibition, in the imperial jurisprudence, to erect new synagogues, and this was sedulously preserved in the canon law.—Cap. 3, 8, Extra,V, vi.The twenty-three synagogues evidently refer to all in the diocese of Seville. At the time of the outbreak there were but three in the city.[312]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1379, n. 3; año 1388, n. 3.[313]Amador de los Rios, II, 592-4.[314]Acta capitular del Cabildo de Sevilla, 10-15 de Enero de 1391 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Dd, 108, fol. 78).[315]Amador de los Rios, II, 613.[316]Acta capitular,ubi sup.[317]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1391, n. 1, 2, 3.—Ayala, Crónica de Enrique III, añoI, cap. v, xx.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.V, cap. xx.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, CarpetaII, n. 53.[318]Ayala, Crónica de Enrique III, año 1391, cap. xx.—Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib.XVIII, cap. xv.—Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxvii, § 3.—Fidel Fita, Boletin, IX, 347.—Amador de los Rios, II, 360-3, 370-1, 382, 389, 391.—Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1391, n. 2; año 1404, n. 4.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, CarpetaCVII, n. 1.[319]Amador de los Rios, II, 595-601.[320]Amador de los Rios, II, 372-77, 398.—Bofarull y Broca, Hist. de Cataluña, V, 35.[321]História general de Mallorca, II, 319 (Ed. 1841).—Loeb, Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 172.—Villanueva, XXI, 224.[322]Revue des Études Juives, 1887, pp. 261-2.[323]Amador de los Rios, II, 392-4.—Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 430.[324]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 436, 438, 441, 454.[325]José Fiter y Ingles, Expulsion de los Judíos de Barcelona, pp. 8-14 (Barcelona, 1876). This edict was renewed in 1479, 1480 and 1481 (Ibid. pp. 15-19).[326]Viage literario, XVIII, 20.[327]Amador de los Rios, II, 382-5.[328]Amador de los Rios, II, 400-2, 445, 599-604.—Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.X, cap. xlvii.[329]Bernaldez, Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.—The Jews likewise attributed their sufferings to this “Friar Vincent, from the city of Valencia, of the sect of Baal Dominic.”—Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 265-7.[330]Chron. Petri de Areniis, ann. 1408 (Denifle, Archiv für Litt. und Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 647).—Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, I, 118.—Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. cap. xii (Martene, Ampliss. Collect. VII, 387).—Salazar, Anamnesis Sanctt. Hispan. II, 513.—Tournon, Hommes Illustres de l’Ordre de S. Dominique, III, 37.—Mariana, Hist. de España, VI, 423 (Ed. 1790).—Alban Butler, Vies des Saints, 5 Avril.[331]Rabbi Sam. Marrochiani de Adventu Messiæ (Mag. Bib. Patrum, Ed. 1618, T. XI, p. 421).—Jo. Chr. Wolfii Biblioth. Hebrææ, I, 1099.—This tract was translated from Arabic to Latin in 1338 by the Dominican Alfonsus Bonihominis and was reprinted so recently as 1742, at Cassano by the Jesuits.[332]Mag. Bibl. Patrum, T. XII, P.II, p. 358. For the zeal of the convert to induce his brethren to follow him, see Hermanni Opusc. de Conversione sua, cap. xvi (Migne’s Patrol. Lat. T. CLXX, p. 828).[333]D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, I,I, 132.[334]Pugionis Fidei P.III, Dist. iii, cap. 21, 22.[335]Scrutinii Scripturarum P. II. See Graetz (VIII, 79) for a full account of Selemoh Ha-Levi and of the controversies to which his apostasy gave rise.[336]Amador de los Rios, II, 447; III, 108-9.—P. de la Caballería, Zelus Christí contra Judæos (Venetiis, 1592).—Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, Tom. CV, p. 571).[337]Amador de los Rios, II, 413-16, 419-22.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 544.[338]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxii-iii.—Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, cap. xxviii.—Garibay, Compendio historial de España, Lib.XV, cap. 58.—Rodrigo, Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 44.—Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, IX, 371).[339]Crónica de Juan II, añoV, cap. xxii.[340]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxvi-viii.—Amador de los Rios, II, 496-502.—Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares, pp. 400-5.[341]Amador de los Rios, II, 503, 515.—Villanueva, XXII, 258.[342]The Spanish historians claim that all the rabbis, except Joseph Albo and Vidal Ferrer, acknowledged the truth of Christianity and abjured the errors of Judaism (Amador de los Rios, II, 438-42; Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XII, cap. xlv), but Graetz (Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 120-1) states with greater probability, that the only concession made by the twelve was that the Haggadah passages of the Talmud are of no authority and even from this Ferrer and Albo dissented.[343]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XII, cap. xlv.[344]Amador de los Rios, II, 627-53; III, 38.[345]Concil. Basiliens. Sess.XIX, cap v, vi (Harduin. VIII, 1190-3).[346]Raynald. Annal, ann. 1442, n. 15.—Wadding, Annal. Minor, ann. 1447, n. 10.[347]Villanueva, XIV, 30.[348]Amador de los Rios, III, 12.[349]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 257, 269).[350]Caballero, Noticias del Doctor Alonso Díaz de Montalvo, p. 251.[351]Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit.XVIII.[352]Tristan. Caraccioli Epist. de Inquisit. (Muratori, S. R. I., XXII, 97).[353]Crónica de Juan II, añoXIV, cap. ii.[354]Amador de los Rios, III, 583-9.[355]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 5.[356]Amador de los Rios, III, 115-16.[357]Boletin, XXVI, 468-72.[358]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, III, 717.[359]Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap.XXXI, § 9.—Amador de los Rios, III, 164-7.—Fernández y González, p. 213.[360]Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. vii (Aguirre, V, 345).[361]Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 45.[362]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 1-41.[363]Archivo general de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 10, 33.[364]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV. 443.[365]Amador de los Rios, III, 288-90.—Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 134.[366]Amador de los Rios, III, 170-1.—Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 647.Lindo (Hist. of the Jews of Spain, p. 244) estimates the Jews of Castile at this Period at between 200,000 and 300,000 over 16 years of age. Graetz assumes the total number as 150,000; Isidore Loeb at 50,000 or a little more.—Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 168.[367]Amador de los Rios, III, 88-9, 116-17, 206-10, 213-15, 217-18.[368]Amador de los Rios, III, 118-24.—Crónica de Juan II, añoXLII, cap. ii, v.—Crónica de Alvaro de Luna, Tit. lxxxiii.[369]Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 541-63.[370]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1449, n. 12.[371]Amador de los Rios, III, 125, 494.—Raynald. ann. 1451, n. 5.[372]Nic. Antonio, Bibl. vetus Hispan., II, n. 565.[373]In this I have chiefly followed a MS. account, evidently by a contemporary, preserved in the Bibl. nacional, MSS., G. 109. See also Amador de los Rios, III, 145-51; Valera, Memorial de diversos Hazañas, cap. xxxviii; Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. xc, xci.[374]Merchan,op. cit., I, 641-3.[375]Castillo,op. cit., cap. cxlvi.—Mariana, Lib.XXIII, cap. xv.[376]Castillo,op. cit., cap. clx.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. clxxxiii.—Memorial hist. español, VIII, 507.[377]Valera, cap. lxxxiii-iv.—Castillo, cap. clx.—Memorial hist. español, VIII, 508.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. vi.—Amador de los Rios, III, 159-60.[378]Amador de los Rios, III, 234.[379]Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos,II, lxxvii.[380]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV, 323-5, 327, 328, 330; XXIII, 431.[381]Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. cxi.[382]As this measure seems to have hitherto escaped attention, I give the text of the document—a passage in a letter from Ferdinand, May 12, 1486, to the inquisitors of Saragossa. “Devotos padres. Porque por esperiencia parece que todo el daño que en los cristianos se ha fallado del delicto de la heregia ha procedido de la conversacion y practica que con los judios han recebido las personas de su linage, ningun tan comodo remedio hay como apartarlo dentre ellos de la manera que se ha fecho en el arzobispo de Sevilla e obispados de Córdova e de Jaen, e pues en essa ciudad tanto e mas que en ninguna otra han dañado, es nuestra voluntad que los judios dessa ciudad luego sean desterrados dessa dicha ciudad e de todo el arzobispado de Çaragoça e obispado de Santa María de Albarracin como por el devoto padre Prior de Santa Cruz vos sera escrito e mandado.”—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 96.While this is apparently confined to the Saragossa Jews, a letter of Ferdinand to Torquemada, July 22, 1486, alludes to the Jews of Teruel having been ordered by the inquisitors to depart within three months. He deems them justified in complaining that the term is too short, seeing that they have to pay and collect their debts and sell their houses and lands and he therefore suggests an extension of six months additional.—See Appendix.[383]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.I, año 1492.—Mariana, Lib. XXIV, cap. xviii.—Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisitionis, pp. 144, 156, 163 (Madriti, 1598).—Garibay, Comp. Hist. Lib.XIX, c. iv.[384]An account of the expulsion at the end of the Libro Verde de Aragon states this to be the cause (Revista de España, CVI, 567-8). Ribas Altas, however was burnt some years earlier, for in the Saragossa auto de fe of March 2, 1488, his mother Aldonça was burnt and the report alludes to his previous burning and relates the story.—Memoria de Diversos Autos, Auto 29 (see Appendix).[385]Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, I, 458.[386]Revista de España, CVI, 568-70. This correspondence was long used as a weapon against the New Christians. See Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discorso contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 55-7, 166 (Lisboa, 1623). Rodrigo prints it (Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 47).[387]I have considered this notable case at some length in “Studies from the Religious History of Spain,” pp. 437-68. It can be studied with accuracy in the records of the trial of one of the accused, Jucé Franco, printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XI, 1887) with ample elucidations. The Catalan version of the sentence is inColeccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 68. For the legend and cult of the Santo Niño see Martínez Moreno,Historia del Martirio del Santo Niño de la Guardia, Madrid, 1866.[388]Páramo (p. 144) seems to be the earliest authority for this story and, as he tells it, it seems rather applicable to an attempt of the Conversos to buy off the Inquisition, but modern writers attribute it to the Jewish expulsion. See Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap.VIII, Art. 1, n. 5; Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes,XVIII; Amador de los Rios, III, 272-3.[389]Manuel de novells Ardits vulgarment appellat Dietari del Antich Consell Barceloni, III, 94 (Barcelona, 1894).[390]Nueva Recopilacion Lib.VIII, Tit. ii, ley 2.—Novísima Recop., Lib.XII, Tit. i, ley 3.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. I, año 1492.—Amador de los Rios, III, 603-9.—Boletin, XI, 425, 512.[391]Zurita,loc. cit.[392]See Appendix.[393]Páramo, p. 167.—Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P.II, Lib. vi, cap. 20, § 2.[394]Amador de los Rios, III, 403.[395]Llorente, Hist. crít., Append,VI.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 87.[396]Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, 51.[397]Zurita,loc. cit.—Páramo, p. 166.[398]Graetz VIII, 348.—Bernaldez, cap.CXII.—The cruzado of Portugal was worth 365 maravedís, the same as thedobla de la banda. The ducat was worth 374.[399]Lindo, History of the Jews, p. 287.—Chronicle of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 327.[400]Graetz, VIII, 349.[401]Bernaldez, cap.cx.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, P.IX, cap. 2.—Amador de los Rios, III, 311.—Lindo, p. 292.[402]Amador de los Rios, III, 312.—Boletin, IX, 267, 286; XI, 427, 586.[403]Graetz, VIII, 348.—Chrónicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos, XIII, 195).[404]Bernaldez, cap.CXII,CXIII.[405]Damiāo de Goes, Chronica do Rei D. Manoel, P. I, cap. cii, ciii.[406]Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 328.—Amador de los Rios, III, 332-3.[407]Amador de los Rios, III, 320.—Zurita,loc. cit.[408]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 927, fol. 124.—Isidore Loeb (Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 179).—Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P.II, Lib. vi, cap. 20, § 2.—Kayserling, Biblioteca Española-Portugueza-Judaica, p. xi (Strasbourg, 1890).[409]Nueva Recopilacion, Lib.VIII, Tit. ii, ley 3.—Novís. Recop., Lib.XII, Tit. i, ley 4.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.[410]Bernaldez, cap.CXI.[411]Arnaldin. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix (Valentiæ, 1534).[412]Zurita,loc. cit.—Mariana, Tom. VIII, p. 336 (Ed. 1795).—Páramo, p. 167.[413]Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 182.[414]Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 323-4.[415]Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib.VIII, Epist. 157.[416]Joan. Pici Mirandulæ in Astrologiam, Lib.V, cap. xii.[417]Il Principe, cap. xxi.[418]Arnald. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix.[419]Censura et Confutatio Libri Talmud (Boletin, XXIII, 371-4).The Jews distinguished between unwilling converts, whom they termedAnusimand voluntary converts, orMeschudanim; the former they pitied and helped, the latter they abhorred. The Judaizing Christians were also sometimes calledAlboraycos, fromalborak(the lightning), the marvellous horse brought to Mahomet by the angel Gabriel, which was neither a horse nor a mule nor male nor female (Ibid. p. 379). A still more abusive popular appellation wasMarrano, which means both hog and accursed. For the controverted derivation of the word see Graetz,Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 76 (Ed. 1890), who also (p. 284) admits the attachment of many of the Conversos to the old religion.[420]C. Dertusan. ann. 1429, c. ix (Aguirre, V, 337).[421]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 347.[422]C. Basiliens. Sess. XIX, c. vi (Harduin. VIII, 1193).[423]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 6.[424]Fortalicium Fidei, Prolog. (Ed. 1494, fol. iia). The date of theFortaliciumis commonly assigned to 1459, the year which it bears upon its rubric, but on fol. lxxviibthe author speaks of 1460 years having elapsed since the birth of Christ and, as this is at nearly the first third of the book, it may not have been completed for a year or two later.[425]Nicol. Anton. Bibl. Vet. Hispan. Lib.X, cap. ix.[426]Amador de los Rios, III, 60, 136.—Valera, Memoria de diversas Hazañas, cap. iv.[427]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlvi.[428]Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxi, § 3.—Valera,loc. cit.[429]All recent Spanish authorities, I believe, assume that Fray Alonso was a Converso, but the learned Nicolás Antonio (loc. cit.) says nothing about it, and Jo. Chr. Wolff (Bibl. Hebrææ II, 1123) points out that he nowhere alludes to his own experience as he could scarce have failed to do when accusing the Jews of matters which they denied. He cites (fol. cxlixa) Pablo de Santa María, Bishop of Burgos, for their prayers against Christians and another learned Converso as to a secret connected with the Hebrew letters (fol. xciva). His knowledge concerning the Jews was thus wholly at second hand and his assaults on the Judaizing of the Conversos have every appearance of emanating from an Old Christian.[430]The prayers attributed to the Jews were the subject of repeated repressive legislation. SeeOrdenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 34.[431]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlii-ix, clxxxi-iii.[432]Fuero Juzgo,XII, iii, 27.—Fuero Real,IV, i, 1.—Partidas,VII, xxiv, 7. In fact, these laws seem to have been a dead letter almost from the first. I have not met with an instance of their enforcement.[433]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. liii-liv, lxxv-vi, clxxviii-ix.[434]Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii. See also Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisit., p. 134.Bernaldez evidently derives his details from the inquisitorial sentences read at the autos de fe, in which these evidences of Judaism are recited in endless repetition.[435]Amador de los Rios, III, 142.[436]Castillo, Cróníca de Enrique IV, cap. liii.—Mariana Historia de España, Lib.XXIII, cap. vi.[437]Modesto Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX, 227.[438]Boletin, XXIII, 300-1.[439]Vicente Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, II, 362.[440]Córtes de los Antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, Madrid, 1861sqq.[441]Archivio Vaticano. Sisto IV, Registro 679, Tom. I, fol. 52. I have printed this bull in the American Historical Review, I, 46.[442]It was during Isabella’s stay in Seville that, on September 2d, she confirmed, followed by Ferdinand at Xeres, October 18, 1477, a forged decree, ascribed to Frederic II, granting certain privileges to the Inquisition of Sicily. This was done at the request of Filippo de’Barbarj, subsequently Inquisitor of Sicily, then at the court, whom both monarchs qualify as their confessor. He is said to have exercised considerable influence with them in overcoming the opposition to the establishment of the Inquisition in Castile. With regard to the forged decree of Frederic II, see the author’s “History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages,” Vol. II, p. 288.[443]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XX, cap. xlix.[444]Pulgar, Chronica, P.II, cap. lxxvii.—Bernaldez, cap. xliii.—Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial hist. español, VI, 235).[445]Páramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 134.Padre Fidel Fita has pointed out the discrepancy in the dates.—Boletin, XVI, 559.[446]Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.[447]Páramo, p. 135.—Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial histórico español, VI, 235).[448]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. clxxvii.—Pulgar (cap. iv) gives sole credit to Isabella for the extirpation of heresy.[449]The proceedings of this important assembly have been printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XXII, 212-250).[450]Printed by Dom Clemencin, Elogio de Doña Isabel, pp. 595-7.[451]Fortalicium Fidei, Lib.II, consid. xi.—History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 512-13.[452]This bull is embodied in the first proclamation of the inquisitors, Seville, January 2, 1481, printed by Padre Fita (Boletin, XV, 449-52). It had previously been looked upon as lost. Its main provisions, however, are embodied in the cédula of Dec. 27, 1480, printed in the notes to the Novísima Recopilacion, Ed. 1805, Tom. I, p. 260.It is a little singular that the Inquisition possessed very few documents relating to its early history. In an elaborateconsultaof July 18, 1703, presented to Philip V on the affair of Fray Froilan Diaz, the Suprema states that it had had all the records searched with little result; many important papers had been sent to Aragon and Catalonia and had never been returned; the rest were in a chest delivered to the Count of Villalonga, secretary of Philip III, to arrange and classify and on his arrest and the sequestration of his effects they disappeared.—Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 198.It is quite possible that the contents of the chest form the “Bulario de la Inquisicion perteneciente á la Orden de Santiago,” consisting of eight Libros, or folio volumes (five of originals and three of copies) now in the Archivo Histórico Nacional. It is from this collection that Padre Fita has printed the proclamation above alluded to and many other important documents, and it will be seen that I have made large use of it under the name of “Bulario de la Orden de Santiago.” There are also vast stores of records in the Archivo Histórico Nacional of Madrid, in the archives of Simancas and Barcelona, and some in the Vatican Library. Llorente burnt many papers before leaving Madrid and carried others to Paris, some of which are in the Bibliothèque Nationale,fonds espagnol. The Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid also has a large number and others are dispersed through the various libraries of Europe or are in private hands.[453]See his brief of January 29, 1482, printed by Llorente, Historia Crítica, Append. n. 1.[454]History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 331.[455]Archivo General de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3684, fol. 1. See Appendix.[456]Fidel Fita, Boletin, XVI, 452.—Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap.V, art. ii.—Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, p. 22 (Sevilla, 1849).[457]Boletin, XV, 453-7. This was fairly within the rules of the canon law but it did not put an end to the sheltering of fugitives from the Inquisition by nobles who doubtless found it profitable. In some instructions issued by Torquemada, December 6, 1484, there is one regulating the relations between such nobles and the receiver of confiscations.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.[458]Bernaldez, cap. xliv. The castle of Triana continued to be the seat of the Inquisition of Seville until 1626, when it was threatened with ruin by the inundations of the Guadalquivir, and the tribunal was removed to the palace of the Caballeros Tellos Taveros in the Colacion de San Marcos. In 1639 it returned to the castle, which had been repaired and it remained there until 1789, when the continual encroachment of_the river caused its transfer to the Colegio known as las Becas.—Varflora, Compendio histórico-descriptivo de Sevilla, P.II, cap. 1 (Sevilla, 1789).—Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1693, n. 1.The Counts of San Lucar were hereditary alcaides of Triana; in return for surrendering the castle they received the office of alguazil mayor of the Inquisition, which continued to be held by their representatives the Marquises of Leganes—a bargain which was ratified by Philip IV, November 8, 1634. In 1707 the office was valued at 150,000 maravedís a year, out of which the holder provided a deputy.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 105.[459]Amador de los Rios, III, 247-8.—Bernaldez, cap. xliii.—Fidel Fita, Boletin, XVI, 450sqq., 557sqq.As the parricide committed by the Fermosa Fembra entailed poverty and disgrace on her, through the confiscation of her father’s property and the disabilities inflicted on his descendants, the Church interested itself in her fate. Rainaldo Romero, Bishop of Tiberias, secured for her entrance into a convent, but it can readily be understood that life there was not rendered pleasant to her and she quitted it, without taking the vows, to follow a career of shame. Her beauty disappeared and she died in want, leaving directions that her skull should be placed as a warning over the door of the house which had been the scene of her disorderly life. Her wishes were obeyed and it is still to be seen in the Calle del Artaud, near its entrance, hard by the Alcázar.—Amador de los Rios, III, 249.[460]Bernaldez, cap. xliv. Rodrigo tells us (Hist. verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 74-6) that only five were burnt who refused all offers of reconciliation and were impenitent to the last, but the contemporary Bernaldez says that Diego de Susan died as a good Christian in the second auto.[461]Bernaldez, cap. xliv.—Amador de los Rios, III, 250.—Field’s Old Spain and New Spain, p. 279.The remark of the good Cura de los Palacios in describing thequemaderois “en que los quemaban y fasta que haya heregía los quemarán.” The cost of the four statues was defrayed by a gentleman named Mesa, whose zeal won for him the position of familiar of the Holy Office and receiver of confiscations. He was, however, discovered to be a Judaizer and was himself burnt on thequemaderowhich he had adorned.—Rodrigo, II, 79-80.[462]Bernaldez, cap. xliv.[463]Llorente, Añales de la Inquisicion, I, 44.[464]Amador de los Rios, III, 252. Rodrigo (Hist. Verdad. II, 76) states that the first act of the inquisitors was the issue of the proclamation of the Term of Grace on January 2d, but this is scarce consistent with the narrative of Bernaldez.[465]Bernaldez, cap. xliv.[466]Páramo, p. 136.—Boletin, XV, 462.[466a]It is very questionable whether a tribunal was established at Segovia thus early. Colmenares (Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxiv, § 18) asserts it positively, but the only tribunals represented in the assembly of organization, held in November, 1484, were Seville, Córdova, Jaen and Ciudad-Real. There was at first some resistance at Segovia on the part of the bishop, Juan Arias Dávila, who was of Jewish descent.—Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xlv.In Ciudad-Real, the earliest inquisitors, in 1483, were the Licentiate Pedro Díaz de la Costana and the Doctor Francisco de la Fuente (Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 154, n. 375). Neither of these was a Dominican and the latter subsequently became an inquisitor-general and bishop successively of Avila and of Córdova.In Córdova the Inquisition was established in 1482, with four inquisitors—the Bachilleres Anton Rúiz de Morales and Alvar González de Capillas, Doctor Pedro Martínez de Barrio, and Fray Martin Cazo, Guardian of the Franciscan convent. The first auto de fe was celebrated in 1483, when one of the victims was the concubine of the treasurer of the cathedral, Pedro Fernández de Alcaudete, who himself was burnt on February 28, 1484. His servants resisted his arrest and in the fray the alguazil of the Inquisition was killed.—Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de Córdova, pp. 1-2 (Córdova, 1839).[467]“En publica forma e se avia fecho en esta dicha ciudad por el Doctor Thomás, juez delegado e inquisidor deputado por el reverendisimo señor Don Alfonso Carrillo, arzobispo que fué deste dicho arzobispado de Toledo.”—Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Legajos 139, n. 145; 143, n. 196.[468]Ibidem, Legajos 139, n. 145; 154, n. 356, 375.[469]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 262.[470]Páramo, p. 170.—Padre Fidel Fita has compiled a chronological list of the trials at Ciudad-Real preserved in the Archivo Hist. Nacional (Boletin, XI, 311sqq.). These are included in theCatálogo de las Causas contra la Fe seguidas ante el Tribunal del Santo Oficio de Toledo, by D. Miguel Gómez del Campillo (Madrid, 1903).[471]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293).[472]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293-4).—Arch. Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3864, fol. 31.—Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 323.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. 100.Legally, Jews were not allowed to testify against Christians and the prohibition to receive such evidence was emphatically included in the ferocious bull of Nicholas V, in 1447, but, as we shall see, in the Inquisition, all accusing witnesses, however infamous, were welcomed.How distasteful Ferdinand knew would be the work prescribed to the Aragonese magistracy is seen by his imperious command that it must be done—“e por cosa del mundo no fagais lo contrario ni recusais de lo facer porque nos seria tan molesto que no lo podriamos con paciencia tolerar.”[473]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 295-6).In 1629 a well-informed writer tells us that many of those who came forward and thus accused themselves were in reality good Christians, who, in the time while Jews were yet tolerated, had associated with them in their synagogues and weddings and funerals and had bought meat of their butchers. Terrified at the proceedings of the Inquisition they came and confessed and were reconciled, thus casting an indelible stain on their posterity when the records of the tribunals were searched and their names were found.—Tratado de los Estatutos de Limpieza, cap. 10 (Bibl. Nac. Seccion de MSS. Q, 418).[474]Relacion (Ibid. pp. 292sqq., 297, 299, 301-2, 303).In the closing years of the fifteenth century and the opening ones of the sixteenth there seems to have been a special raid made on Guadalajara. In a list of cases of that period I find 965 credited to that place.—Arch. Hist. Nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 262, n. 1.[475]Páramo, pp. 138-9.—Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXIII, 284sqq.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 108.[476]Toledo, Cronicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos ineditos, XIII, 176, 179).—Pulgar, Chron. P.III, cap. 100.[477]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I. Unfortunately my copy of this important volume and also of Libro 933 are not folioed. The dates of the documents however will sufficiently guide the investigator desirous of verifying the references.[478]A list of these, made in the last century, is printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XV, 332). It is probably not wholly complete. Of later date than 1500 there are tenreconciliados—one each in 1509 and 1516 and eight in 1629—sent thither by the tribunals in which they were tried.Further details as to the organization of the various tribunals will be found in the Appendix.[479]Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxv, § 18.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib.XVIII, cap. 16.[480]Páramo, p. 137.—Llorente, Añales, I, 73.—Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. xlix—Instruciones de Sevilla, 1484, Prólogo (Arguello, fol. 2).—Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajo 2843.In the conference of Seville in 1484, besides the inquisitors and the members of the Council there are mentioned as present Juan Gutiérrez de Lachaves, and Tristan de Medina, whom Llorente (Añales, I, 74) conjectures to have been assistants of Torquemada.[481]Folch de Cardona, in the Consulta of the Suprema to Philip V, July 18, 1703, states that the earliest bull in the archives was one of Sixtus IV in 1483 appointing Torquemada inquisitor-general with power to deputize inquisitors and to hear cases in the first instance. It was not till 1486 that Innocent VIII granted him appellate jurisdiction.—Bibl. Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 199.The title of Inquisitor-general was not immediately invented. In a sentence pronounced at Ciudad-Real, March 15, 1485, Torquemada is styled simply “juez principal ynquisidor.”—Arch. Hist. Nac. Inq. de Toledo, Legajo 165, n. 551.[482]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 630; IV, 125. Yet modern apologists do not hesitate to argue that the papacy sought to mitigate the severity of the Spanish Inquisition (Gams, Zur Geschichte der spanischen Staatsinquisition, pp. 20-1; Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, p. 269; Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 582), basing their assertions on the eagerness of the curia to entertain appeals, of which more hereafter.[483]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 28.[484]Páramo, pp. 156-7.[485]Ripoll, IV, 126.[486]Páramo, p. 156.[487]Arch. Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3486, fol. 45.—Páramo, p. 137.[488]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 6, 8.—“ad nostrum et dictæ sedis beneplacitum.”The original appointments of Miguel de Morillo and Juan de San Martin were similarlyad beneplacitum(Ibid. fol. 10), which may perhaps explain their assertion of independence of Torquemada.[489]Ibid. fol. 3, 11, 13, 15, 20; Lib. IV, fol. 91, 118, 137; Lib. V, fol. 117, 136, 138, 151, 199, 200, 251, 264, 295.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.[490]Instruciones de Sevilla (Arguello, Copilacion de las Instruciones, fol. 2, Madrid, 1630).[491]Páramo, p. 156.[492]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 8, 10.—Monteiro, Historia da Inquisiçaõ, II, 415.—Boletin, XV, 490.—Ripoll IV, 5, 6.Somewhat similar was the question which arose, in 1507, on the retirement of Diego Deza and the appointment of Ximenes as inquisitor-general of Castile. His commission as usual contained the power of appointing and removing or punishing all subordinates, but those who derived their commissions from Deza seem to have claimed that they were not amenable to Ximenes and it required a special brief from Julius II, August 18, 1509, to establish his authority over them.—Bulario, Lib. III, fol. 68; Lib. I de copias, fol. 30.[493]Llorente, Añales, I, 214.—Francisco de la Fuente, as we have seen was inquisitor of Ciudad-Real as early as 1483. Alonso de Fuentelsaz in 1487 was one of the inquisitors of Toledo and was then merely a doctor.—Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 176, n. 673.[494]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.—“Inquisitores generales in omnibus regnis et dominiis serenissimorum regis et reginæ dominorum nostrorum subdelegati a reverendissimo patre nostro fratre Thoma de Torquemada ... inquisitore generali.”Yet we have the commission of Martin of Messina, in 1494, issued directly by the pope.—Bulario, Lib. I de copias, fol. 3.[495]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.—Arguello, fol. 12.—Marieta, Hist. Ecles. Lib.XII, cap. xcii.Torquemada was buried in a chapel of the church of his convent of Santo Tomás in Avila. In 1572 the body was removed to another chapel to make room for the interment of Francisco de Soto de Salazar, Bishop of Salamanca, when it gave forth a supernatural odor of delicious sweetness, greatly confusing to those engaged in the sacrilegious task. The Dominican provincial punished the authors of the translation and the historian Garibay petitioned the Inquisitor-general Quiroga to have the remains restored to their original resting-place, which was done in 1586.—Memorias de Garibay, Tit. X (Mem. hist. esp. VII, 393).An anonymous biographer, writing in 1655, tells us that he retired to the convent of Avila two years before his death, Sept. 26, 1498 and that he has always there been reputed as a saint.—Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.[496]Arch. de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 22.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 136.[497]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 11, 12.[498]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.[499]Ibid. Lib. I; Lib. II, fol. 35.[500]Correspondence of Francisco de Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 462).[501]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 13, 15.[502]Ibid. fol. 20, 72.—Gachard, Correspondance de Charles-Quint et d’Adrien VI, p. 235.[503]Páramo, p. 137.[504]Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. c.—Archivo General de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.[505]Inquisitor-general Manrique caused theInstruciones Antiguasto be printed collectively, with a supplement classifying the several articles under the head of the officials whose duties they defined. This was issued in Seville in 1537 and a copy is preserved in the Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld. A. Subt. 15. Another edition was issued in Madrid in 1576, a copy of which is in the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid, Seccion de MSS. S, 299, fol. 1. It was reprinted again in Madrid, in 1627 and 1630, together with theInstruciones Nuevas, by Caspar Isidro de Arguello. It is to this last edition that my references will be made. All these texts vary in some particulars from the originals preserved in the Simancas Archives, Inquisicion, Libro 933. Where such deviations are of importance they will be noted hereafter. Professor Ernst Schäfer has performed the service of reprinting the Arguello edition, with a German translation, in theArchiv für Reformationsgeschichte,1904.Llorente (Hist. Crít. cap.VI, art. 1) has given an abstract of theInstruciones Antiguas. Curiously enough, in none of the official collections are included the instructions issued by Torquemada in December, 1484, and January, 1485, except in a few extracts. As they have never been printed I give them in the Appendix, together with the 1500 Instructions of Seville, which are likewise for the most part inedited. What Llorente printed as Torquemada’s additions (Añales, I, 388) are merely the extracts gathered from Arguello’s compilation, where they are credited toEl prior en Sevilla, 1485.[506]See the oath taken, July 20, 1487, by the officials of Catalonia and Barcelona to the inquisitor Alonso de Spina in Carbonell’sDe Gestis Hæreticorum(Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 6).The decretals in question were issued by Lucius III, Innocent III, Clement IV and Boniface VIII, and are embodied in the canon law as Cap. 9 and 13 Extra, Lib.V, Tit. vii and Cap. 11 and 18 in Sexto Lib.V, Tit. ii.When, in 1510, the jurats of Palermo made difficulties in taking the canonical oath, Ferdinand indignantly wrote that he would take it himself if required.—Arch. de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 134.[507]Instruciones de Sevilla, § 1 (Arguello, fol. 3).[508]Páramo, p. 170.[509]Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticorum (Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 12-17, 29, 40-49, 54-61). In these latter cases there is no distinction recorded between the fugitive and the dead, which would modify somewhat the proportions.[510]Manuel de Novells Ardits, vulgarment appelat Dietari del Antich Consell Barceloni, III, 58 (Barcelona, 1894).[511]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.[512]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1. By a letter of February 22, 1501, Ferdinand and Isabella congratulate the inquisitors on their action in such cases; if other New Christians assert that they had been converted by force justice is to be executed on them.In 1511 a ship belonging to Caspar de la Cavallería of Naples was seized in Barcelona. The master, Francisco de Santa Cruz, hurried to the court at Seville, where the inquisitor-general Enguera condemned the vessel and he gave security in its full value. Meanwhile the receiver of confiscations at Barcelona sold it without waiting for its condemnation, whereupon Ferdinand ordered the money returned and the vessel taken back.—Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 139.[513]Ibidem, Lib. I.[514]Boletin, XV, 323.[515]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 62, 146.[516]Ibidem, Libro I.[517]Ibidem, Lib. II, fol. 17.[518]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 42. This letter is dated Dec. 22, 1509. It is duplicated January 19, 1510 (Ibid. fol. 48). Seven of the Duke’s officials had been summoned to appear before the Suprema and had disregarded the order, which was repeated January 21st under pain of confiscation and punishment at the royal pleasure.—Ibid. fol. 57.[519]Ibidem, Libro 73, fol. 115.[520]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.[521]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.[522]Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 221.[523]Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 22.[524]Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 193, 214.[525]Archivo de Simancas, l’atronato real; Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 37.[526]Informe de Quesada (Biblioteca nacional, Section de MSS., T, 28).[527]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.[528]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.The redistribution of offices may be reckoned among the influences which reconciled the Old Christians to the Inquisition. These had been largely in the hands of Conversos, causing so much jealousy that the prospect of acquiring them led numbers of aspirants to wish for the sharpest and speediest action. It was too slow for their eagerness and expectative grants were sought for and made in advance so as to profit by the next victim. The vacancies passed into the hands of the receivers and were distributed by the sovereigns as favor or policy might dictate. See Appendix for suggestive extracts from the register of the receiver of Valencia.A significant case is that of Juan Cardona, public scrivener and notary of mortmains, who became disqualified by the condemnation of the memory of his father, Leonardo Cardona, whereupon Ferdinand treated his offices as confiscated and, by cédula of December 5, 1511, bestowed them on Juan Argent, notary of the tribunal which had rendered the sentence.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro III, fol. 33, 161.[529]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.[530]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.—Juan Gomez Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, I, 392.In 1513 an attempt was made to review the trial of the parents and son, when Ferdinand summoned the Royal Council to sit with the Suprema in the case showing his determination that the sentence should not be set aside (Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Libro 9, fol. 146). The effort to obtain justice was unsuccessful for, in 1515, we happen to find Calcena in possession of a house renting at 9000 mrs. per annum which had formed part of the confiscation (Ibid., Libro 3, fol. 439).[531]Epistt. Pet. Mart. Anglerii, Epist. 374.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. xxix.—Rodrigo, Hist. verdadera, II, 238. Cf. Lorenzo de Padilla, Crónica de Felipe I (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 153).[532]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.[533]Epistt. Pet. Mart., Epist. 385.[534]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 300; Cajon J, n. 295, 296.[535]Boletin, XVII, 447-51.[536]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 304.[537]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. xxix.[538]Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 336, 337.—Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 519.[539]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inquisicion, Leg. 621, fol. 198.—Biblioteca nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, n. 11, fol. 24.—Llorente, Añales, I, 328.—Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 548.[540]Clemencin, Elogio de la Reina Isabel, pp. 144-5.—Pedraza, Hist. de Granada, P.IV, cap. xxxi (Granada, 1638).[541]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon J, n. 297.[542]Pet. Mart. Angler. Epist. 295.[543]Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. n. 9.—Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 448).[544]Dom Clemencin (Elogio, Illust.XVIII) prints a noble and touching letter of reproof from Talavera to Ferdinand. He had had the direction of royal consciences too long to feel awe of royal personages. Spiritually he felt himself the king’s superior and his perfectly frank simplicity of character led him to manifest this without disguise.[545]Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XVIII, 444, 448).—Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 534, 540.[546]Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XVIII, 452).The story of Queen Juana la loca is one of the saddest in the annals of royalty and her treatment by her father, husband and son is a libel on human nature, but no one who has impartially examined all the evidence can doubt that she was incapable of governing.[547]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon A, n. 5.[548]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. vi.[549]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 302.[550]Ibidem, n. 300.[551]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.[552]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon J, n. 295, 298.—Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.[553]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 301.[554]Lorenzo de Padilla, Crónica de Felipe I (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 153).—Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.[555]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 301.—Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit.[556]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon A, n. 5; Cajon I, n. 304.[557]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 320.—See Appendix.[558]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 333, 334, 335.[559]Pedraza, Hist. eccles. de Granada, P.IV, cap. 31-34.[560]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 342, 344, 457.—Pedraza,loc. cit.The Inquisition which had hunted him to the death could never forgive him for his escape. When, in 1559, Inquisitor-general Valdés compiled the first Index of prohibited books, a long-forgotten controversial tract against the Jews, printed by Talavera in 1480, was resuscitated and condemned in order to cast a slur upon his memory and this was carefully preserved through the long series of Spanish Indexes down to the last one in 1790.—Reusch, Die Indices Libror. Prohib., p. 232.—Indice Ultimo, p. 262.[561]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. xxix, xxxiv, xlii; Lib.VIII, cap. i, v.—Villa, La Reina Juana, pp. 462, 463.Zurita, who, as an official of the Suprema, no doubt reflects the tradition of the Inquisition, says that many murmured at seeing Ferdinand, to win over Ximenes, sacrifice Deza, for the latter was a most notable prelate, a man of great learning and devoted to the king’s service. He has claims too on our respect as the patron of Columbus, befriending and encouraging him when disheartened by the incredulity of the court.—Irving’s Life and Voyages of Columbus, BookII, Chap. 3, 4; BookXVIII, Chap 3.[562]Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 440, 457).—Ciacconii et Oldoini Vit. Pontif. III, 261.[563]Gomesii de Rebus gestis Francisci Ximenii, fol. 77 (Compluti, 1569).[564]Pet. Mart. Epist., 339.[565]Archivo de la Catedral de Toledo, Cajon I, n. 303.[566]Biblioteca nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 208.The Licenciado Ortuño Ibañez de Aguirre was a layman whom Ferdinand forced into the Suprema against the earnest resistance of its members, probably with the view of screening Lucero. He was theâme damnéeof Ferdinand who corresponded with him confidentially when he wanted anything done. His fidelity was stimulated with favors, as when in December, 1513, Ferdinand gave him an order on the receiver of Seville for 300,000 mrs. (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 145). Las Casas, however, expresses a favorable opinion of him and he was one of the executors of Isabella’s testament.—Hist. de las Indias, Lib.III, cap. 138 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXVI, 81).[567]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 370, 382, 385.[568]In contrast with these spectacular proceedings was the removal, by the inquisitor-general in 1500, without even stating the reasons, of Diego Fernández de Bonilla, Inquisitor of Extremadura.—Llorente, Añales, I, 260.[569]Pet. Mart. Epist., 393.—Llorente, Memoria histórica, p. 145 (Madrid, 1812).—Llorente, Añales, I, 356.—Gomesii de Rebus F. Ximenii, fol. 77.—Lorenzo de Padilla (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 154).Llorente’s account of the proceedings at Valladolid is drawn from Bravo’s “Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova” (Córdova, 1778). It is perhaps worth remarking that, in my copy of that work, the sheet containing these passages is lacking—probably owing to inquisitorial censorship.[570]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 12, 13, 21, 31, 32, 33, 41, 42, 43, 48, 58, 61, 62, 72, 80, 86, 130; Lib. 9, fol. 146; Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 33.[571]Ibidem, Libro 3, fol. 23.[572]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 84.[573]Ibidem, fol. 90, 106, 118, 119, 375.—Gomesii de Rebus Ximanii, fol. 77.[574]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 9, fol. 26.[575]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 43.[576]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 43.[577]Ibidem, fol. 44, 45.[578]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 47, 49, 63, 70, 329, 407.[579]Mariana, Hist. de España, T. IX, Append. p. lvi (Valencia, 1796).[580]Gomesii de Rebus Fr. Ximenii, fol. 173.—Cartas de Jimenez, p. 190 (Madrid, 1867).[581]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 448; Libro 4, fol. 143, 152; Libro 9,passim; Libro 926, fol. 76, 166; Libro 940, fol. 59.[582]Bergenroth, Spanish State Papers, II, 281.—Cartas de los Secretarios de Cisneros, p. 209 (Madrid, 1876).[583]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 68.[584]Ibidem, Libro 21, fol. 111.[585]Llorente, Añales, II, 94.—Cartas del Cardenal Jimenez, p. 115.—Gachard, Correspondance de Charles-Quint avec Adrian VI, p. 235 (Bruxelles 1859).[586]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 921, fol. 38.[587]Ibidem, Libro 4, fol. 95; Libro 921, fol. 46.[588]Ibidem, Libro 5, fol. 17.[589]Ibidem, Libro 10, fol. 50.[590]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 272.[591]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 620, 622.Las Casas however gives to le Sauvage the highest character for intelligence and rectitude. He also speaks highly of Gattinara.—Hist. de las Indias, Lib. III, cap. 99, 103, 130 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXV, 366, 388; LXVI, 35).[592]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 68-73.[593]C. v. Höfler, Papst Adrian VI, p. 144 (Wien, 1880).[594]This it rather assumed than expressed in Part.VII, Tit. xxvi, ley 3[595]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 49. See Appendix.[596]Colmeiro, Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y Castilla, II, 110 (Madrid, 1884).[597]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 5, fol. 24.[598]From the Brussels Archives de l’État, Registre sur le faict des hérésies et inquisiteurs, fol. 652. Kindly communicated to me by Professor Paul Fredericq.[599]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 35.[600]Biblioteca pública de Toledo, Sala 5, Estante 11, Tabla 3.—See also Padre Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXXIII, 307.[601]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 55.—See Appendix.[602]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 381, 415.[603]Mariana, Hist, de España, Lib.XXX, cap. xxiv.—Galindez Carvajal, Memorial, ann. 1515 (Col. de Doc. XVIII, 336)[604]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 199, 200, 256, 259, 263, 267, 268, 271, 299, 311, 337, 339, 341, 344, 348, 352, 353, 354, 368, 392, 438, 449; Libro 72, P. 1, fol. 49, P. 2, fol. 47; Libro 73, fol. 193, 276; Libro 74, fol. 116; Libro 75, fol. 6.[605]Ibid. Libro 72, P. 2, fol. 116; Libro 73, fol. 142, 247-8; Libro 78, fol. 216, 226, 285; Libro 82, fol. 5.[606]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 85.This is virtually the same as the formula given by Antonio Pérez in hisRelaciones, written in 1598: “Nos que valemos tanto como vos os hazemos nuestro Rey y Señor con tal que nos guardeys nuestros fueros y libertades y sino No!” (Obras, Ed. 1654, p. 163). The learned Javier de Quinto (Discursos políticos, Madrid, 1848) had not seen Soranzo’s statement when he proved that this formula was invented by Hotman in hisFranco Gallia, first printed in 1573. On the other hand there is nothing of the kind in the oath of allegiance taken to Charles V in 1518, though he was obliged first to swear to observe the fueros and privileges of the land.—Argensola, Añales de Aragon, Lib. 1, cap. lx.A good account of the ancient constitution of Aragon will be found in Swift’s “Life and Times of James the First, King of Aragon,” London, 1894.[607]Monteiro, Historia da Santa Inquisiçaõ, II, 340.[608]Archivio Vaticano, Sisto IV, Registro 674, T. XV, fol. 13.Even in the dormant condition of the Inquisition, there must have been some opportunities rendering the office of inquisitor desirable. A brief of Sixtus IV, Jan. 21, 1479 (Ripoll, III, 572), to the Dominican General, recites that his predecessor had appointed, some years previously, Jaime Borell as inquisitor of Valencia, who had recently been removed without cause by Miguel de Mariello, Provincial of Aragon, and replaced by Juan Marques. Sixtus now orders Marques ejected and Borell restored. Neither of these names appear in the documents of the period.[609]Archivo general de la Corona de Aragon, Registro 3684, fol. 7, 8.[610]Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. P. III, Q. cviii.[611]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 9. This quaint document shows us the primitive organization of a tribunal and the salaries regarded as ample. There are apparently two clerical errors which balance each other, in the salaries of the inquisitors and scrivener.“La forma infra sequent es la voluntat nostra ques tenga en la solucio e paga dels salaris dels officials e treballants en la officio de la Inquisicio.E primerament á cascu dels inquisidors que son dos,cent quaranta lliures cascun any que sumenCLXXXllrs.Item á un bon jurista que sia advocat dels inquisidorse advocat fiscal, cinquanta lliures lanyLllrs.Item al procurador fiscal vint e cinch lliures lanyXXVllrs.Item al scriva de la inquisicio doscentes lliures lanyCCllrs.Item al alguacil et al sag cent e vint lliuresCXXllrs.Item al porter que va citant vint lliures lanyXXllrs.Item á Dominguez que reeb los actos de las confiscacionsXXVllrs.Que sumen tots les dits quantitats sex cent vint lliures moneda reals de Valencia, los quals e no mas es nostra voluntat que en la forma dessus dita se paguen á les sobredits persones. Dada en la vila de Medina del Campo á XVII dias de febrer del any de la nativitat de nostro senyor MCCCCLXXXII. Yo el Rey. Domínus Rex mandavit mihi Petro Camanyas.”[612]Printed by Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. 1.[613]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 3, 4.[614]Ibidem, fol. 1, 2, 4, 5.[615]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 7, 8.[616]Archivio Vaticano: Sisto IV, Regestro 674, T. XV, fol. 366.As Llorente states (Hist. crít. Append, n. 2) that the contents of this bull are unknown and as ignorance of its purport has wholly misled him, I give it in the Appendix.[617]Archivo Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 9.—It is significant that in the papal register there is a note appended to this bull “Duplicata sub eadem data et scripta per eundem scriptorem et taxata adXXX” [grossos?], showing that an authentic copy was obtained and paid for at the time by some one, doubtless to provide against accident or fraud.[618]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 7. See Appendix. Bergenroth (Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xliv) gives an incorrect extract from it.[619]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 8, 9.[620]Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. n. 2.—Fidel Fita (Boletin, XV, 467).[621]Ripoll, III, 622.—When Innocent VIII, by letters of February 11, 1486, confirmed or reappointed Torquemada, the qualification of his appointees was modified by requiring them to be fitting ecclesiastics, learned and God-fearing, provided that they were masters in theology or doctors or licentiates of laws or canons of cathedrals or holding other church dignities.—Páramo, p. 137.Ferdinand, July 9, 1485, had requested that the condition of holding grades in the church should not be insisted upon for there were few of such who were fitted for the work.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 59.[622]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 34.—Boletin, XV, 472.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 43.Zurita (Añales, XX, xlix) is evidently in error in stating that Ferdinand, May 20, 1483, asked Sixtus to remove Gualbes and Orts.[623]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 11.[624]Ripoll, III, 622.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 182.When he had no further use for Gualbes Ferdinand also turned against him, for in March, 1486, on hearing that Gualbes proposed to visit a Dominican convent he wrote earnestly to the Governor and Inquisitor of Valencia to prevent it as it would be a scandal.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 90.It is possible that there may have been some rancor on Ferdinand’s part against Gualbes who, as an eloquent preacher and fervid popular orator, had done much, in 1461, to stimulate the resistance of the Catalans to Juan II, after the death of the heir-apparent, Carlos Prince of Viana, which was attributed to poison administered by Queen Juana Henríquez to open for her son Ferdinand the path to the throne (Zurita, Añales, Lib.XVII, cap. xxvi, xlii; Lib.XVIII, cap. xxxii). It is true that Zurita is not certain whether there may not have been two Cristóbal Gualbes (Lib.XX, cap. xlix) but Bofarull y Broca (Hist. de Cataluña, VI, 312) has no such doubts.[625]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lvi, lxv.[626]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 11, 12.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. 1, fol. 51.[627]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 19-22.[628]Ibidem, Reg. 3684, fol. 25, 26.[629]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Páramo, p. 187.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 34.[630]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 32, 34.[631]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, LibroI, fol. 31.[632]Arch Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 61, 73, 86, 89, 90.[633]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 504.[634]Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia de Jurisdicion, fol. 64 (Madrid, 1624).[635]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, LibroI.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 309, Notarios, fol. 1.[636]Escolano, Hist. del Ciudad y Reyno de Valencia, II, 1442 (Valencia, 1611).[637]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajos 98, 374.[638]Arch. gén. de la de C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 16.To Maestre Gaspar Juglar, inquisitor3000sueldos.“ —— —— ——, inquisitor3000““ Maestre Pedro de Epila, inquisitor1000““ Micer Martin de la Raga, assessor1000““ Francisco de Santa Fe, notary2000““ Juan de Anchias, notary1000““ Ruy Sánchez de Suazo, promotor fiscal2500““ Don Ramon de Mur, advocate fiscal1000““ Diego López, alguazil5000““ Juan de Exea, receiver1500“The blank for the second inquisitor is doubtless to be filled with the name of Maestre Martin García, who appears in a later portion of the document classed with Arbués (Pedro de Epila). The large salary of the alguazil arose from his bearing the charges of the prisons. The salaries of Arbués, Raga, Mur and Anchias were to begin with May 1st, showing that they alone were already at work. The rest were to commence on the day on which they would swear that they left their homes.[639]Memoria de diversos Autos (see Appendix).[640]Ibidem. In this MS. he is called Maestre Julian, presumably the error of a copyist. Lanuza (Hist. de Aragon, II, 168, 177) says that he died in January, 1485, in the monastery of Lérida; that some asserted that he was poisoned by the heretics and that the manner of his death was investigated by the chapter of his convent, but that no decision seems to have been reached. In 1646 a memorial from the authorities of Aragon to Philip IV classes Juglar with Arbués as a martyr to the faith.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Mm, 123.[641]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 12.[642]MS. Memoria (see Appendix).[643]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Páramo, pp. 180-1.[644]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.[645]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 28, 86.[646]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 29, 35.[647]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 12, 23, 27, 31, 35, 38, 39, 42, 47-9, 51-3, 55-8, 60, 63, 72, 98.In 1502, with characteristic faithlessness, the inquisitors at Teruel proposed to collect all the debts due to the confiscated estates, but Ferdinand intervened and sternly forbade it.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 2, fol. 16.[648]Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 4.[649]Libro Verde de Aragon (MS., fol. 67).[650]Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 281-2).[651]Zurita, Añales, LibroXX, cap. lxv.[652]Trasmiera, Epitome de la santa Vida y relacion de la gloriosa muerte del Venerable Pedro de Arbués, pp. 15, 32, 50 (Madrid, 1664).—Villanueva, Viage literario, XVIII, 50.[653]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 37, 38.[654]Memoria de diversos Autos (Appendix).—Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 281-6, 288).—Raynald Annal. ann. 1485, n. 23, 24.—Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Juan Gines Sepúlveda, Descriptio Collegii Hespanorum Bononiensis.—Blancas, Aragon. Rerum Comment. p. 268.—Bibliothèque nat. de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 33.In spite of these miracles and of innumerable others which manifested the sanctity of Arbués, the Holy See was distinctly averse to his canonization. A papal brief even ordered the removal from the cathedral of the sanbenitos of the assassins and strenuous efforts were required to procure its revocation.Repeated investigations were made by successive popes without result—at the request of Charles V in 1537; of Philip III in 1604, 1615 and 1618; of Philip IV in 1622 and 1652, until at length in 1664 he was beatified (Trasmiera, pp. 98, 99, 133, 137, 139). The matter then rested for two centuries until, in 1864, it was taken up again and finally, June 29, 1867, he was canonized by Pius IX (Dom. Bartolini, Comment. Actor. Omnium Canonizationis, Romæ, 1868).It is significant that the Inquisition did not await the tardy action of Rome. Instructions of the Suprema in 1603, 1623 and 1633 show that his feast was regularly celebrated with prescribed offices (MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 257) and, during the 17th and 18th centuries, he is constantly spoken of, in the documents of the Inquisition relating to the feast, as San Pedro Arbués.[655]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 25 (Appendix).[656]Zurita,loc. cit.[657]Memoria,loc. cit.[658]Gams, Zur Geschichte der spanischen Staatsinquisition, p. 34.—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, 81.[659]This brief is printed in the Boletin, XVI, 368 by Padre Fidel Fita, who is in error in assuming its obedience in France from the case of Juan de Pedro Sánchez, reported in an essay of mine on the Martyrdom of Arbués. This was merely an instance of friendly co-operation between the Inquisitions of Toulouse and Saragossa and occurred too early to be the result of the papal letters which were not received in Córdova until May 31, 1487.We have seen (p. 191), by a case occurring in 1501, that Manoel of Portugal considered that there was no obligation to return fugitives from the Inquisition; it was a matter of comity to be decided on the merits of each case. There was a similar one in 1500, and when, in 1510 and 1514, fugitives were asked for, under plea that they were wanted as witnesses, Manoel refused to surrender them without absolute pledges that they should suffer no harm (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 85, 107, 110).When Portugal obtained an Inquisition, the two inquisitors-general, in 1544, came to an agreement, with the assent of the respective monarchs, which superseded extradition. The fugitive was to be tried in the country where he was captured and the Inquisition from which he had fled was to furnish the evidence.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS. X, 257, fol. 218.[660]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 75.—Amador de los Rios, III, 269.[661]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 103.[662]Ibidem, fol. 102 (see Appendix). It was Martin de Santangel, not Luis, who took refuge in Tudela. He was not caught, but was burnt in effigy, July 28, 1486.[663]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 29 (Appendix).In after years, Ferdinand was less inclined to invade friendly territory. February 25, 1501, writing to the Archdeacon of Almazan, Inquisitor of Catalayud, about an inhabitant of Fitero, a town just beyond the border, he says that if the culprit can be arrested within his jurisdiction it can be done, but there must be no deceit and no scandal.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.[664]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.VI, Art. ii, n. 1.—Trasmiera, p. 101.[665]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 67, 68, 83, 86.[666]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 3 (see Appendix).[667]Zurita,loc. cit.—The order to receive the tribunal in the Aljafería bears date January 12, 1486 (Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 83). Subsequently it was transferred to the archiepiscopal palace in order to let the Aljafería be occupied by a member of the royal family, but the inquisitors complained and were allowed to return in 1498. They encroached upon the royal apartments, much to Ferdinand’s disgust, as expressed in a letter of September 30, 1511. In January, 1515, he ordered them to leave the palace and rent accommodations in the city, but finally they obtained permanent possession.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 155, 321, 322.[668]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 76.[669]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 27, n. 3 (see Appendix).[670]Memoria de diversos Autos, Autos 10, 11, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22 (Appendix).[671]Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds espagnol, 81.—Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 43, n. 6; Auto 45, n. 1.[672]Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 287, 589.—Ibid. MS. fol. 65-74).[673]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 36, n. 1.—Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds espagnol, 80.[674]It is impossible to construct a full catalogue of the victims. Llorente undoubtedly exaggerates when he asserts (Hist. crít. Chap.VI, Art. v, n. 1) that the executions numbered more than 200 and so does Amador de los Rios (III, 266) in saying that the greater part of those who appeared in the Saragossa autos from 1486 to 1492 were accomplices in the murder. The sentences abstracted in theMemoriashow that but few of them were concerned in it.Anchias, the notary of the tribunal, in his account of the affair, only enumerates as put to death three treasurers of the fund, five assassins and four accomplices besides Sancho de Paternoy and Alonso de Alagon who escaped with imprisonment through friendly influences (Libro Verde, Revista, CVI, 287). The indications in theMemoriaare incomplete as, after May, 1489, the crimes of the culprits are not stated but, so far as it goes and comparing it with the Libro Verde and other sources, I find nine executed in person, besides two suicides, thirteen burnt in effigy and four penanced for complicity. Besides these are two penanced for suborning false witness in favor of Luis de Santangel and seventeen for aiding or sheltering the guilty, and two for rejoicing at the crime. Altogether, fifty or sixty will probably cover the total of those who suffered in various ways.The sanbenitos of the convicts, with inscriptions, were hung as customary in the cathedral and remain there to the present day (Amador de los Rios, III, 266). The swords of the murderers are still to be seen attached to the pillars near the entrance to the chancel (V. de la Fuente, in Oviedo’sQuinquagenas, I, 73). One of the latter was removed in 1518, by order of Leo X, and when the commissioner who had performed the act died shortly afterward it was popularly regarded as a visitation of God (Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Hacienda, Legajo 10).[675]Libro Verde (Revista, CVI, 250-1).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1—Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 100.—Garibay, Compendio histórial, Lib.XIX, cap 1.—Amador de log Rios, III, 405.[676]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 237; Libro 4, fol. 223.[677]Libro Verde (Revista, CV, 568).[678]Ibidem (Revista, CVI, 266, 269).[679]Libre dels quatre Senyals, cap. xiv (Barcelona, 1634, p. 34).[680]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lvi.[681]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 16.[682]Ibidem, fol. 24.[683]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 27. This request was repeated soon afterward.—Ibidem, fol. 45.[684]Ibidem, fol. 59.[685]Ibidem, fol. 72. It is probably to this attempt that may be attributed a tumult against the Inquisition at Lérida, alluded to by Llorente, Añales, I, 93.[686]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 86, 89.[687]Archivio Vaticano, Regest. 685 (Innoc. VIII), fol. 346. Cf. Bibl. nacional, Seccian de MSS., D, 118, p. 92.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 31.[688]Manuall de Novells Ardits, III, 58, 61 (Barcelona, 1894).[689]Ibidem, III, 66.[690]Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticorum (Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 13, 16, 29).[691]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 26.[692]Carbonell, pp. 36, 39, 40, 52, 83, 85, 137, 139, 140, 148, 149.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.[693]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 927, fol. 303.[694]Ibidem, Libro 2, fol. 19.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.[695]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 2, fol. 5, 7, 10; Libro 13, fol. 385, 386.[696]Ordinacions del Regne de Mallorca, pp. 64, 85, 372-3 (Mallorca, 1663).[697]Historia general del Reyno de Mallorca, III, 362 (Palma, 1841).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 595.[698]Hist. gen. de Mallorca, III, 363.[699]Archivo de Simancas,ubi sup.[700]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.[701]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 72, P.II, fol. 6, 7, 121, 125; Libro 73, fol. 116-171; Libro 77, fol. 228; Libro 78, fol. 60.—Páramo, pp. 217-18.[702]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.IX, cap. xiv.[703]Llorente, Añales, II, 11.[704]Capitols concedits y decretats per lo Reverendissim don Juan Bisbe de Leyda e inquisidor general a supplicatio dels tres staments de Cathalunya convocats en los Corts de Montso ha 2 de Agost, 1512 (Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 1; Lib.I, Tit. ix, cap. 3, § 6. Barcelona, 1589).The articles agreed upon for Aragon are given by Llorente, Añales, II, 19.[705]Capitols y Actes de Cort, fol. xxviii (Barcelona, 1603).[706]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 200.[707]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro I, fol. 137. Confirmed by a second and fuller one, September 2, 1513.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 921, fol. 21, 23.[708]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933; Libro 3, fol. 316.[709]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 323, 456.—Parecer del Doctor Martin Real (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130).[710]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 337.[711]Ibidem, fol. 355.[712]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, LibroIde copias, fol. 219.—Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 2.Ferdinand must have resolved on this policy about a year earlier, but delayed putting it into execution. In the Simancas archives, Patronato real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 6, there is a similar brief, but without the executive clauses, addressed to him and commencingExponi nobis nuper fecisti. It bears date May 12, 1515, and was apparently held by him in reserve.[713]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 2.[714]Llorente, Añales, II, 146-53.[715]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 921, fol. 76.[716]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 74, fol. 120.[717]Argensola, Añales de Aragon, Lib.I, cap. liv, lxxii (Zaragoza, 1630).—Llorente, Añales, II, 145-247.—Sayas, Añales de Aragon, cap. ii (Zaragoza, 1666).—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.I, cap. xxvi (Zaragoza, 1697).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Hacienda, Leg. 10 (see also Padre Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXXIII, 330).—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 125.—Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, Suppl. p. 300.—P. Mart. Angler. Epistt. 631, 632, 634.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 8, 104.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 6, fol. 73, 76, 77, 78; Libro 9, fol. 25, 26; Libro 14, fol. 57, 61; Libro 72, P.II, fol. 207; Libro 73, fol. 32, 142, 143; Libro 74, fol. 170; Libro 921, fol. 72-6, 82, 84, 88, 90.[718]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 73, fol. 144.[719]Constitucions fetes per la S. C. C. y R. Magestat de Don Carlos elet en Rey dels Romans ... en la primera Cort de Barcelona en lany MDxx. Capitols y modificacions y donacio dels bens de Conversos (Barcelona, 1520). Also in Pragmaticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Tit. viii, § 3.[720]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 41, 66; Libro 4, fol. 123.[721]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 930, fol. 39.[722]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 38, 39. This paper is not dated but its character and the documents with which it is associated indicate that it belongs to this period.[723]Dormer, Añales, Lib.I, cap. xli.[724]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 47, 48.[725]Ibidem, fol. 61, 64.[726]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Fondos del antiguo Consejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.—Costitucions fetes ... en la tercera Cort de Cathalunya en lany 1534 (Barcelona, 1534).[727]Parecer del Doctor Martin Real (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130).[728]Páramo, p. 138.[729]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.[730]Ibidem, Libro 3, fol. 21, 27, 28, 353.[731]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 933.[732]Ibidem, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 109.[733]See Appendix. All this of course is omitted from the later official compilations.[734]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 24, 441, 442.[735]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 926, fol. 308.—Arch. gén. de la C. de Aragon, Reg. 3684, fol. 103.[736]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 340, 402.[737]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 346-81.[738]Ibidem, Libro 926, fol. 76[739]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 423.[740]Ibidem, Libro 2, fol. 28, 29, 30.—Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CV, 573).[741]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1485, n. 81.—Llorente, Añales, I, 109-11.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 29, 33, 91, 101, 102.—Archivio Vaticano, Innoc. VIII, Regist. 682, fol. 263, 294.—Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV, 573-8, 587.Pastor (Geschichte der Päpste, III, 249) erroneously regards this private and special reconciliation to be a general decree of Innocent VIII.[742]Carbonell, De Gest. Hæret. (Col. de Doc. de Aragon, XXVIII, 18, 29).Their father, Pedro Badorch, was sentenced to perpetual prison in the auto of August 8, 1488, but was released March 26, 1490.[743]Archivo gén. de la C. de A., Regist. 3684, fol. 100.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.[744]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 4, fol. 95.[745]Ibidem, Lib. 9, fol. 21, 63.[746]Gachard, Correspondence de Charles-Quint avec Adrian VI, p. 236.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 73, fol. 105.[747]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 105, 114, 118, 128, 132, 138, 158, 177, 220, 223, 224.[748]MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 939, fol. 273.[749]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 29, fol. 10.[750]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajo 3137.[751]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle,ubi sup.[752]Ibidem, Yc, 20, Tom. 9.[753]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.—Fueros en las Córtes de Barbastro y Calatayud de 1626, p. 16 (Zaragoza, 1627).[754]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 55, fol. 217.[755]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, T. 17.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 33, fol. 846-7, 851; Libro 35, fol. 509, 567.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XVII, 35).[756]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 3137; Hacienda, Legajo 5442(Libro 10).—Bibliotheca nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 203.[757]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 137.[758]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajos 2843, 3137.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 16, n. 6.[759]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 629; Inquisicion, Libros 435, 559.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 17, n. 4.[760]Gachard, Correspondence de Charles-Quint avec Adrian VI, pp. 38, 41, 54, 66, 75, 95, 193.[761]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, LibroIde copias, fol. 35, 39, etc.[762]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Legajo 629, fol. 1-14.—See Appendix.The cost of the briefs to Bertran was 250 ducats for the commission and 50 for the dispensation. That to Bonifaz had been 245; there seems to have been a progressive advance for the briefs to Cevallos cost him 370.—Ibidem.[763]Llorente, Añales, II, 263.[764]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Libro 4, fol. 98.[765]Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V, Lib.XVII, § 30.—Ciacconii Vitæ Pontiff. III, 519.—Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, Lib.XIV, años 1529, 1534.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 77, fol. 228; Libro 939, fol. 62, 115, 134; Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 38, 39.Llorente (Hist. crít., cap.XIV, art. ii, n. 5) attributes his second disgrace to Charles’s anger at the prosecution of his favorite preacher Alonso Virués, which he assumed that Manrique ought to have prevented.[766]Ed. Böhmer, Francisca Hernández und Francisco Ortiz, pp. 140, 173.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro III, fol. 133.[767]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 17, 33, 44, 579 (Madrid, 1857).—Hinojosa, Despachos de la Diplomacía Pontificia, I, 403 (Madrid, 1896).—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.[768]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 50, 56, 67, 112, 129.—Bibl. nacional,ubi sup.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro IV, fol. 137.[769]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago,loc. cit.—Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 152, 154, 159, 162.[770]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 168, 310, 344, 573.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.[771]Cabrera, pp. 252-4.—Ticknor’s Spanish Literature, II, 142.—Another Dominican, Fray Juan Blanco de Paz, is also credited with the paternity.[772]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Legajo 621, fol. 11.—Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 2843.—Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 588.—Cespedes y Meneses, Historia de Felipe Quarto, Lib.II, cap. 3.—Pellegrini, Relazioni di Ambasciatori Lucchesi, p. 62 (Lucca, 1903).—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXXVIII, Art. 1, n. 18.[773]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.[774]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 57. “Pareceme para este oficio mas á proposito el Cardenal Çapata, y asi le hago mdde él, pero no se ha de publicar asta ser quien sera aproposito para el cargo del Gobernador del Arzobispado de Toledo, por que es mi voluntad que salgan con los officios en una dia.”[775]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., X, 157.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 31, fol. 34, 637.[776]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist, español, T. XVII, pp. 110, 116, 122, 143, 172, 235, 255).—Pellicer, Avisos (Valladares, Semanario erúdito, XXXIII, 104).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 126, fol. 2. (See Appendix).[777]Cartas del Consejo, Tom.XIII(MSS. of American Philosophical Society).[778]Candamo, Controversias en la menor edad de Carlos II (Semanario erúdito, IV, 7).[779]There is a voluminous collection of documents on the subject in the Simancas archives, Inquisicion, Libro 33, fol. 963-1100.[780]Candamo,loc. cit., pp. 4-239.—Memorias históricas de la Monarquia de España (Semanario erúdito, XIV, 19).—MSS. of the Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 191, fol. 710.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1476, fol. 3.[781]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 118. This continued to be the practice, requiring a renewal of the brief every three years until 1774, when, as we have seen, Felipe Beltran obtained a dispensation good for his tenure of office, a favor repeated to his successors.[782]Proceso contra Fray Froilan Díaz, pp. 143-44.[783]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 136.[784]Printed by Llorente, Coleccion Diplomática, p. 27.[785]Belando, Historia civil de España desde 1700 hasta 1733, P.IV, cap. ix, xv (Madrid, 1744). See also Macanaz’s Commentary on Feyjoo’sTeatro Crítico(Semanario erúdito, VIII, 27-9).This volume of Belando’s work was examined by the Council of Castile, before a license to print was issued, and was subjected to a second examination by order of Philip, before he would permit its dedication to himself and his queen. This, and the secret documents which it contains, show that its account of the Giudice affair may be regarded as authentic. This did not save the book from the Inquisition which condemned it in 1744 and, when the author asked to be heard in its defence and offered to make any changes required, he was thrown into prison and then relegated to a convent with orders to write no more books.—Llorente, Hist. crít., Cap.XXV, Art. i, n. 12.The Marquis of San Felipe gives an account of the affair much less favorable to Macanaz and the royal prerogative.—Mémoires pour servir à l’Histoire d’Espagne sous le Regne de Philippe V, III, 120sqq.(Amsterdam, 1756).[786]Puigblanch, La Inquisicion sin Mascara, pp. 412-15 (Cadiz, 1811).Puigblanch says that he possessed a copy of this consulta signed by Macanaz at Montauban in 1720. So far as I am aware it has never been printed.[787]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, No. 210 fol.—I have printed this document in “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” p. 483.[788]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 57.[789]Alfonso Professione, Il Ministero in Spagna del Card. Giulio Alberoni, p. 244 (Torino, 1897).[790]Macanaz, Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, Introd. pp. xix-xxv (Madrid, 1879).[791]Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, Introd. p. xxviii.[792]Defensa crítica de la Inquisicion, I, 7-10, 18, 23.The work was not printed in the lifetime of Macanaz but was issued by Valladares in 1788.[793]Valladares, Semanario erúdito, VIII, 221.[794]Ibidem, VII, 4, 127, 138; VIII, 168.—Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, Introd. pp. xliii-iv.[795]Ferrer del Rio, Historia de Carlos III, I, 384sqq.[796]Novísima Recop. II, iii, 9.[797]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XLIV, Art. 1, n. 42, 43.—Modesto de Lafuente, Historia general de España, XXII, 97, 125.[798]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 9, fol. 144, 192.[799]Ibidem, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 153.[800]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, Tom. VI, p. 370.[801]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 3137.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 271.—Páramo, p. 150.[802]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 183.—Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 560.[803]Archivo de Simancas, Registro de Genealogías, 916, fol. 66.[804]Discurso sobre el Origen, etc., de la Inquisicion, p. 70 (Valladolid, 1803).[805]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 3137.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 58-60.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 209-10; Pp, 28, § 13.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 60.[806]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 256.—Bibl. nacional,ubi sup.—Archivo de Alcalá,ubi sup.—Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Memorial hist. español, XXI, Append. p. 398).—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. espan. XVI, 81, 205).[807]Archivo de Alcalá,ubi sup.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 33, fol. 846; Libro 35, fol. 509.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, T. 17.[808]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Legajo 5442(Libro 10).—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS. G, 61, fol. 22.—Proceso criminal contra Fray Froylan Díaz, p. 222.[809]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 384.[810]Ibidem, Libro 939, fol. 136.[811]Ibidem, Libro 978, fol. 36.[812]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 29, fol. 59.It is observable that the kings always addressed the Inquisition “por ruego y encargo” and never “por mandamiento.”[813]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 17, fol. 9.[814]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 20, fol. 340; Libro 26, fol. 37; Libro 43, fol. 297.[815]Ibidem, Libro 3, fol. 24, 397; Libro 5, fol. 8, 16, 21.[816]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 248, 250, 252.[817]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 76, fol. 227; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 139.[818]Ibidem, Lib. 5, fol. 16.[819]Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 34.[820]Ibidem, Lib. 5, fol. 29; Lib. 73, fol. 106, 107, 301; Lib. 940, fol. 35, 36, 40, 41.[821]Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 162.[822]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 107, 110; Lib. 939, fol. 134; Lib. 940, fol. 41, 42.A pragmática of 1534, abandoning the royal claim on the confiscations under the crown of Aragon, can only have been of temporary effect.—Ibidem, Lib. 939, fol. 9.[823]Ibidem, Lib. 939, fol. 134; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 164.[824]Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 80, fol. 2, p. 2; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 252.[825]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 201, 203.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., R, 90.—Páramo, p. 138.[826]Danvila y Collado, Expulsion de los Moriscos, pp. 184-6 (Madrid, 1889).[827]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 384.[828]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 168, 169, 172.[829]Recop. de las Indias, Lib.I, Tit. xix, leyes 10, 11, 12, 30, § 1.—Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern. Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 11.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol, 78; Libro 40, fol. 44, 57, 74, 77, 85, 91, 103, 128, 139.[830]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 35, fol. 456.[831]Ibidem, fol. 281; Libro 21, fol. 224, 251.[832]Ibidem, Libro 40, fol. 218, 328; Libro 36, fol. 74.[833]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 23, fol. 63.[834]Ibidem, Libro 38, fol. 281, 303, 398; Legajo 1465, fol. 36-8, 50.[835]Ibidem, Libro 40, fol. 85, 139.[836]MSS. of Bibl. nacional of Lima, Legajo 225, Expediente 5278.[837]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 69, fol. 2, 69, 156, 563.[838]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS Q, 4.[839]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 157.—Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 2843.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559.Jubilation, as we shall see hereafter, consisted in retirement on half-pay.[840]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisition de Valencia, Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 6, 13, 17; Leg. 14, n. 1, fol. 42.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 87; Libro 28, fol. 275.[841]Instruciones de 1484, §§ 3, 7 (Arguello, fol. 3, 4).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933. (See Appendix.)[842]Archivo gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 83, 89, 102.[843]Boletin, XV, 594, 596.[844]Instruciones de 1498, § 5. (Arguello, fol. 12.)[845]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 933.[846]Ibidem, Libro 1; Libro 2, fol. 9.[847]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 135, 137, 169, 270; Libro 933, fol. 125; Libro 72, P. 1, fol. 72; P. 2, fol. 20. (Arguello, fol. 20, 25.)[848]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 236.[849]Simancæ de Cathol. Institt. Tit. xxiii.—Cf. R. Bellarmini de Potestate Papæ cap. 3.[850]Solorzano de Jure Indiarum, Tom. I, Lib.III, cap. i, n. 92.—In this Solorzano exaggerates cap. 3 of the Sixth Council of Toledo (Aguirre, III, 409).All this is seriously brought forward by Antonio de Ayala, fiscal of Valencia, in an argument to prove the exemption from taxation of the Inquisition.—Arch. hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, no. 1, fol. 11.[851]Córtes de Madrigal, 1476 (Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, IV, 74, 80).—Nueva Recop. Lib.II, Tit. v, leyes 36-39.—Salgado de Somoza, De Regia Protectione, P.I, cap. 1, 2[852]This cédula is not included in the Recopilaciones, but is printed by Salgado de Somoza, De Retentione Bullarum, P. II, cap. xxxiii, n. 13, and by Portocarrero,op. cit., § 74. There are also copies in Bibl. nacional, MSS., Cc, 58, fol. 5; Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 30, fol. 146; Lib. 939, fol. 300, and in MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.[853]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 20, fol. 340.[854]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.[855]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.[856]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 16.—Llorente, Añales, I, 277.[857]Nueva Recop. LibroIV, Tit. 1, ley 18.—Consulta magna, 1696 (Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Q, 4).[858]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 927, fol. 323; Libro 21, fol. 84, 110; Libro 50, fol. 82.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.[859]Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia, etc., § 52.[860]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 940, fol. 196.[861]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 20-4.[862]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 73.[863]Por la Jurisdiction de la Inquisicion de la Ciudad y Reyno de Granada, Granada, 1642 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S., 130).[864]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 151.[865]Archivo gén. de la Corona de Aragon, Legajo 528.—For some extracts from this paper see Appendix.Various papers on both sides of these questions will be found in the Simancas archives, Libro 62, fol. 160, 312.[866]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 32, fol. 56, 58. (See Appendix.)[867]Ibidem, Libro 25, fol. 58[868]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 2-8.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. 17.[869]Instrucciones de 1484, § 21. (Arguello, fol. 7.)[870]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 31, fol. 193, 194. (See Appendix.)[871]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. 3. n. 11.[872]Pablo García, Orden de Procesar, fol. 73.—This is an official manual compiled by the Aragonese secretary of the Suprema. Originally issued about 1568 it was reprinted in 1592, 1607 and 1628. My references are to the last edition.A somewhat different formula of this oath is given by Páramo, p. 573.[873]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 514.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 1, Lib. 11, fol. 158.[874]Orden de Procesar, fol. 72.[875]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 12, fol. 29.—Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds français, 2881, fol. 7[876]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 41.[877]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 1.—Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib.III, cap. xxiv, n. 16.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, Lib. 3, fol. 49-69.[878]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 939, fol. 63.—Cf. Concil. Trident. Sess.xxv, De Reform. cap. 3.—Ferraris, Prompta Bibliotheca, s. v.Excom.Art. 5, n. 17.[879]C. Trident,ubi sup.[880]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro I de copias, fol. 10, 13, 15.—“Et quibuscunque judicibus et personis quibus tibi inhibendum videbitur etiam sub censuris et privationis et inhabilitatis pœnis inhibendi.”[881]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro IV, fol. 118, 137; Libro V, fol. 117, 136, 138, 151, 199, 200, 251, 264, 295.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 629.This clause probably explains a peculiarity in the issue of Manrique de Lara’s commission. After the death of Quiroga, Nov. 20, 1594, Clement VIII issued to Manrique, Feb. 10, 1595, a commission subrogating him to Quiroga, with the same powers, for six months until further letters could be made out. Then, August 1, 1595, the full elaborate commission is made out, containing this clause (Bulario,loc. cit., 118, 119). The new clause must have evoked prolonged debate, requiring five months for its settlement.[882]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 338.[883]Páramo, p. 537.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.[884]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 65; Libro 941, fol. 5; Libro 71, fol. 143.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 300.—MSS of Bibl. nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expediente 5270.[885]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 318b, p. 302.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 170.[886]Solorzano, De Gubernatione Indiarum, LibIII, Tit. xxiv, n. 53.—MSS. of Bibl. nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Expediente 5287.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 63.[887]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 2.[888]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Memorial hist. español, XVII, 70-75).—Juan Gomez Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, p. 643.[889]Ariño, Sucesos de Sevilla, pp. 103, 105; Appendix (Sevilla, 1873).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 937, fol. 220.[890]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 46.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Libro 8.[891]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 57.[892]Cap. 9 in Sexto, Lib.V, Tit. ii.[893]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 3, fol. 25.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 289.[894]MS.penes me.[895]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon. Leg. 528, n. 23.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 140.[896]Gratiani Decreti P. II, Caus.XVII, Q,IV, c. 29.[897]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro I de copias, fol. 139.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Legajo 1049.For some reason a similar brief was obtained from Paul V, November 29, 1606.—Archivo de Alcalá,loc. cit.[898]Bullar. Roman. II, 198.This was by no means allowed to be a dead letter in Italy. In 1590 we chance to hear of the Inquisitor of Cremona relaxing to the secular arm three offenders under the bull. In some cases however of wounding or threatening witnesses, the galleys were substituted for capital punishment. There was, moreover, a spirit of conciliation in the Roman Inquisition offering a marked contrast to that of Spain. When, in 1635, at Macerata, some laymen were arrested for wounding certain officials of the tribunal and a question arose as to jurisdiction, the Congregation ordered the civil governor to try the cases as its delegate and not to apply the bullSi de protegendis, as the wounding had not arisen out of hostility to the Holy Office.—Decreta Sacr. Congr. StiOfficii, pp. 34, 202 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).[899]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 144.[900]Pegnæ Comment. lxi in Eymerici Direct. Inquis. P.III.[901]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20; Ibidem, Libro 940, fol. 45.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., P V, 3, n. 69.[902]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 925, fol. 681.[903]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 9.[904]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 940, fol. 190.[905]Franchina, Breve Rapporto della Inquisizione di Sicilia, pp. 72-5, 93 (Palermo, 1744).[906]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 3.[907]Nic. Antonii Bibl. nova, II, 140.—Llorente., Hist. crít. Cap.XXIX, Art. 2, n. 10.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[908]Novis. Recop., Lib.I, Tit. v, leyes 14, 15.[909]Cap. 3 in Sexto, Lib.III, Tit. xxiii.—Cap. 1 Clementin., Lib.III, Tit. xvii.[910]Dormer, Añales de Aragon, pp. 132, 155.[911]For the numerous and extensive privileges of the hidalgo, see Benito de Peñalosa y Mondragon, Las Cinco Excelencias del Español, fol. 88 (Barcelona, 1629).[912]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 52.—Ibidem, Libro 13, fol. 386.[913]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 27; Libro 939, fol. 144.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, p. 102.—Modo de Proceder, fol. 45 (Bibl. nacional, D, 122).[914]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., S, 88, p. 102.[915]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 21, fol. 37; Leg. 1465, fol. 27[916]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 168, 203, 212, 229, 294.—Modo de Proceder, fol. 9 (Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 122).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 42; Legajo 299.[917]Archivo hist. national, Inquisition de Valencia, Leg. 14, n. 2, fol. 28; Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 16, n. 9, fol. 7.[918]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 11, 222.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, n. 2, fol. 17.[919]Modo de Proceder, fol. 44 (Bibl. nacional, D, 122).[920]Modo de Proceder, fol. 45 (loc. cit.).[921]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 926, fol. 26.[922]Constitutions del Cort de 1599, n. 51 (Barcelona, 1603, fol. xvii).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 5.[923]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 32, fol. 110.[924]Consulta magna (Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Q, 4).[925]Ant. Rodríguez Villa, La Corte y Monarquía de España, p. 16.[926]Consulta Magna of 1696 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4).[927]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 3, fol. 78.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 222.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 122.[928]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 3, fol, 71, 76, 101, 109, 111, 121, 123, 124, 125, 188, 213; Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 71.[929]Ibidem, Leg. 14, n. 1, fol. 148.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 85.[930]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 16, n. 6, fol. 10, 19, 38; Leg. 4, n. 3, fol. 103, 115, 142, 166, 311.[931]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta 58, n. 454 (Sevilla, 1860).[932]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 109.[933]Modo de Proceder, fol. 77 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 17, fol. 20.[934]See the Libre dels quatre Senyals, Barcelona, 1634.[935]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 57.[936]Sayas, Añales de Aragon, cap. 85, p. 567.[937]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 1, fol. 298,313, 339, 405.—Portocarrero,op. cit., § 58.[938]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 66.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 634; Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 73.[939]Gomesii de Rebus gestis a Fr. Ximenio, Lib. V, fol. 140.[940]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 529.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 18.There was a similar arrangement in Barcelona and, in 1532, the Suprema orders the inquisitors not to allow familiars to be compelled to pay this assessment.—Archivo de Simancas, Libro 77, fol. 44.[941]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 19, fol. 289; Libro 688, fol. 66, 255.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 199.[942]Fueros y Actos de Corte in Barbastro y Calatayud, año de 1626 (Zaragoza, 1627, p. 20).—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 3.[943]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 54; Libro 62, fol. 457.[944]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 3.[945]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 22; Libro 62, fol. 457, 526, 528, 544; Lib. 922, fol. 453.[946]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 464.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 45, 46.[947]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 47, 48.[948]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 63, 64.[949]Ibidem, Libro 940, fol. 220, 221. The excommunicationlatæ sententiæworked of itself when the act was committed and did not require to be published. It was one of the worst ecclesiastical abuses and during the later middle ages was so lavishly employed that men scarce knew whether or not they were excommunicate under some mandate of which they had never heard.[950]This abuse existed in England under the name of Purveyance and Pre-emption, but there it was restricted to the royal household. It inevitably led to many abuses and was replaced, in 1660, with an excise on malt and spirituous liquors by 12 Carol. II, cap. 24, §§ 12-27.[951]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Libro 7 de Autos, Leg. fol. 391, 494; Leg. 2, n. 18; Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 11.[952]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, T. I, II (Madrid, 1861-3).—Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 122, 124, 136, 150, 162-3, 181, 193, 201, 277.[953]Fueros y Ordinacions del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.VII(Zaragoza, 1624, fol. 131.)[954]Arguello, fol. 22.[955]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 939, fol. 144.[956]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 304.[957]Parets, Sucesos de Catalonia (Mem. hist. Español, XX, 150-182; Appendix, pp. 219, 299, 301, 312).[958]Macanaz, Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, p. 111 (Madrid, 1879).[959]Candamo,op. cit.(Valladares, Semanario erúd., IV, 13).[960]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 144.[961]Fueros y Actos de Corte de Zaragoza, 1645-6 (Zaragoza, 1647, p. 10).[962]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Fondos del Concejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.[963]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 20.—Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 96 (Zaragoza, 1664).[964]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 23, fol. 42; Leg. 1157, fol. 23—Modo de Proceder, fol. 41-2 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).[965]Archivo hist, nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg 2, n. 18.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 23, fol. 42.[966]Fueros y Actos de Corte, p. 12 (Zaragoza, 1647).—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 122.[967]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 26, fol. 69; Libro 66, fol. 78.—Archivo de la C. de Aragon, Fondos del Concejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.[968]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 18.[969]Ibidem, Legajo 390.[970]Autos Acordados, Lib.VI, Tit. xiv, auto 4.[971]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 14, n. 2, fol. 9.[972]Ibidem, Legajo 299.[973]Autos Acordados,ubi sup.[974]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 2, fol. 79; Leg. 16, n. 5, fol. 4.[975]Ibidem, Varios, Leg. 392; Leg. 492, n. 27.[976]Ibidem, Leg. 398; Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 22.[977]See the Author’s Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 382sqq.[978]See for example theVida de D. Diego, Duque de Estrada(Mem. hist, español, XII, 47).[979]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.IX, Tit. xix, cap. 3, 4 (Barcelona, 1588, p. 495).—Novís. Recop., Lib.XII, Tit. xix, leyes 2, 8, 15.[980]Michael Albert, Repertorium de Pravitate Hæreticorum, s. v.Arma(Valentiæ, 1494).[981]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 89.[982]Instrucciones de 1498, § 2 (Arguello, fol. 12).[983]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 96, 125.—Bibl. national, MSS., D. 118, fol. 20.[984]Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 1, § 16.[985]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933.[986]Ibidem, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 98.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20.[987]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 33.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20; D, 146.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.This article however was omitted from the Valencia Concordia of 1568.[988]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20.—Portocarrero, § 57.[989]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 146.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 76.[990]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Legajo 15, fol. 20.[991]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 19, fol. 161; Libro 927, fol. 329.[992]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 48, 225.[993]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 94 (Zaragoza, 1664).—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 146.[994]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 405-7.[995]Ibidem, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20; fol. 54, n. 21; Ibidem, D, 146.The commission as familiar issued March 7, 1642, by the tribunal of Toledo to Francisco de Gayeta of Madrid, says “y os damos licencia y facultad para que podais traer armas, asi ofensivas como defensivas, publica y secretamente, de dia y de noche, y mandamos en vertud de santa obediencia y so pena de excomunion mayor y de cincuenta mil mrs. para gastos desto Santo Oficio, á todas las dichas justicias y á sus alguaciles, executores y ministros no os toman las dichas armas ni os quebranten los dichos privilegios y exempciones de que los dichos familiares pueden y deben gozar, con sus personas y bienes, ni sobre ello os molesten ni ynquieten en manera alguna.”[996]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 407; Leg. 9, n. 1, fol. 436, 476, 499.[997]This was sound inquisitorial law, as the Suprema proved by citing the authorities. See, for instance, Pegnæ Comment. 105 in Eymerici Director. P.IIIand Bordoni Sacrum Tribunal, cap. 40, Q, 16, n. 24.[998]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49-69.[999]Ibidem.[1000]Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 142.[1001]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49, 59, 64.[1002]Novís. Recop., LibroXII, Tit. xix, leyes 16-19.[1003]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 15, n. 11, fol. 45.[1004]Nueva Recop. LibroVI, Tit. iv, ley 7.[1005]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 979, fol. 26.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20.[1006]Valencia Concordia of 1568, Art. 14 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130).[1007]Ordinacions y Sumari dels Privilegis etc. del Regne de Mallorca, p. 323 (Mallorca, 1663).[1008]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 36, fol. 92, 98.[1009]Ibidem, Libro 49, fol. 240; Libro 23, fol. 42.[1010]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 36, fol. 5, 92.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 222.[1011]Ibidem, Libro 23, fol. 42; Libro 49, fol. 270.[1012]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 498.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 182.[1013]Novís. Recop., Lib.VI, Tit. vi, ley 7, § 2; ley 14, cap. 35, §§ 4, 28, n. 7.[1014]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559.[1015]For the elaborate process of insaculacion in Catalonia, which amounted, in some degree, to a primary election, see Capitols de Cort de 1585, cap. 5, 6, 71, 72 (Barcelona, 1685, fol. 5-9, 46).[1016]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 67, fol. 22; Libro 68, fol. 59.[1017]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 57.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 68, fol. 61; Libro 919, fol. 59; Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 17, fol. 60.[1018]Ibidem, Libro 919, fol. 58, 60, 65.[1019]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. lvi, cap. 15.[1020]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 20.[1021]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. lvi, cap. 16.[1022]Archivo de Simancas,ubi sup., fol. 56.[1023]Ibidem, fol. 2, 28, 5.[1024]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 87, 10, 92, 9.[1025]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 2, 9, 14.[1026]Libro XIII de Cartas, fol. 215 (MSS. of American Philosophical Society).[1027]Ordinacions del Reyne de Mallorca, p. 297.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 68, fol. 98; Libro 69, fol. 97.[1028]Ibidem, Libro 68, fol. 32, 97, 224.[1029]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9.[1030]Modo de Proceder, fol. 40 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).[1031]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 11.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 918, fol. 1053.[1032]Fueros y Actos de Corte en Zaragoza, 1645-6, pp. 11-12 (Zaragoza, 1647).[1033]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 299.[1034]Novís. Recop., Lib.I, Tit. iv, ley 4.[1035]Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 71 (Ed. Ribadeneira).[1036]Fueros del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.I, Tit.De his qui ad ecclesias(Zaragoza, 1624).[1037]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 120.[1038]Ibidem, Libro 926, fol. 33.[1039]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.[1040]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.[1041]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.[1042]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 28.—Constitutions del Cort de 1599, Const. 50 (Barcelona, 1635, fol. xvii).[1043]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 32, fol. 109.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.[1044]Fueros y Actos de Corte, p. 11 (Zaragoza, 1647).[1045]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.[1046]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 16, 406.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 169.[1047]I have considered this subject in some detail in “Studies in Church History,” pp. 177sqq.[1048]Breve Memoria (Döllinger, Beiträge zur politischen, kirchlichen u. Cultur-Geschichte, III, 207).[1049]Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident., Tom. V, pp. 84, 565.[1050]Coleccion de Documentos, V, 83, 85.—See also Carranza, Comentarios sobre el Catechismo, fol. 230.[1051]Ordenamientos Reales, Lib.III, Tit. 1, leyes 4, 5 (Salmanticæ, 1560, pp. 790, 793).—Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. i, leyes 6, 7, 8, 12; Lib.XII, Tit. xii, ley 6.[1052]Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. ii, leyes 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 11, 18, 22, 23.[1053]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 32, fol. 19.[1054]Instrucciones de 1498, § 2 (Arguello, fol. 12).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 144.[1055]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.[1056]Ibidem, Libro 13, fol. 385, 386; Lib. 2, fol. 7, 10.The tribunal of Murcia possessed a cédula of Ferdinand, February 28, 1505, ordering the payment of a debt to an official in which he used the expression that inquisitors are judges in all cases of officials and ministers. This seems to have been regarded as furnishing a foundation for the subsequent extension of jurisdiction, for the Suprema, November 22, 1635, ordered the original to be sent to it and a transcript was kept by the tribunal.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 204.[1057]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 104, 151, 242.[1058]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 219.—Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 2.[1059]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933.[1060]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 925, fol. 680.[1061]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 452.[1062]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 1; Lib. 939, fol. 149.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.[1063]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 939, fol. 147.[1064]Ibidem, fol. 144.[1065]Ibidem, Vistas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.—A summary of cases, apparently compiled about 1582, may be found in the Simancas Archives, Leg. 1465, fol. 79.[1066]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 7, fol. 6; Lib. 13, fol. 20, 370, 372; Lib. 688, fol. 18; Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 1, fol. 200.—Bibl. nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expediente, 5288.[1067]Archivo de Simancas, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 206.[1068]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.[1069]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 939, fol. 149.—All this shows how mistaken is the assertion of Llorente (Hist. crít. Cap.XLVII, Art. 1) repeated by Rodrigo (III, 365) and others, that Charles V, in 1535, suspended the royal jurisdiction (under which the Inquisition had cognizance of the affairs of its officials) and restored it in 1545. This action was confined to the tribunal of Sicily. The anonymous author of theDiscurso historico-legal sobre el Origen etc. de la Inquisicion, p. 93 (Valladolid, 1803) seems to be the only one who has recognized this.[1070]Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 217.[1071]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.[1072]Nueva Recop., Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 18.—Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 1.It is not without interest to observe that the privileges of officials and familiars of the Roman Inquisition were much more limited than in Spain. Familiars had no exemption from public burdens or duties or military service and were subject to the secular courts in all criminal cases. When, in 1633, those of Jesi asked to have their civil suits tried by the Inquisition, the Congregation did not even answer them. The only officials entitled to theforumwere those in continual active service, and there is nothing said about wives, children and servants sharing in the privilege. As in Spain, the number of familiars was excessive. Faenza was allowed 50, Ancona 40 and Rimini 30.—Decret. Sacr. Congr. StiOfficii, pp. 197-8, 200 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, vol. 3).[1073]The only allusion that I have met to this is its citation in the argument of the alcaldes del crimen of Granada in the case of Gerónimo Palomino. A copy is in Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.[1074]MSS. of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 202.[1075]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 144.—Novís. Recop., Lib. II, Tit. viii, ley 10.[1076]See the case of Montalvo and del Aguila, in 1642, when the arguments mainly turn on this point (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130). Also that of Francisco Cases, about 1650, when both sides were able to cite precedents in their favor.—Arch. hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 638.[1077]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 125.[1078]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 264.—Nueva Recop., Lib.V, Tit. xxi, Declaraciones, ley 21, §§ 9, 10.—Autos Acordados, Lib.V, Tit. xxi, Autos 13, 16, 21, 22, 25.[1079]Autos Acordados, Lib.IX, Tit. viii, Auto 6.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 146.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 265.[1080]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 23, fol. 42.—Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 1, fol. 45.[1081]Ibidem, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 107.[1082]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 922, fol. 17; Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 75.[1083]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.[1084]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 247.[1085]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 86.[1086]Gachard, Don Carlos et Philippe II, T. I, pp. 100-2.[1087]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 370-2.[1088]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.[1089]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 59.[1090]Rojas de Hæreticis, P.I, n. 446.[1091]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 5, n. 1, fol. 150.[1092]Ibidem.[1093]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 766; Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 171, 172, 200, 219, 277, 322, 440, 442.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 134-42.[1094]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 14.[1095]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 26.[1096]Blancas, Aragonensium Rerum Commentarii, p. 26 (Cæsaraugustæ, 1598).—Julian Ribera, Orígines del Justicia de Aragon (Zaragoza, 1897).[1097]Fueros y Observancias del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.I, fol. 21-3; Lib.III, fol. 69-84 (Zaragoza, 1624).—Actos de Cortes del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 1 (Zaragoza, 1664).—Blancas,op. cit., p. 361.[1098]Ribera,op. cit., p. 182.—Blancas,op. cit., p. 499.—Argensola, Informacion de los Sucesos del Reino de Aragon, cap. xlv, lv (Madrid, 1808).[1099]Blasco de Lanuza, Historias de Aragon, II, 143 (Zaragoza, 1622).—Blancas,op. cit., Epist. prælim., p. 2.—Macanaz, Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, pp. 85, 91.[1100]Fueros y Observancias del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.I, fol. 23.—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.II, cap. ix.—Blancas,op. cit., pp. 350-1.—Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 4.—Archivo de Simancas, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 262.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, fol. 122.[1101]MS.penes me.[1102]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 78, fol. 145, 192.[1103]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 219.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 922, fol. 12.[1104]Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 94-6 (Zaragoza, 1664).[1105]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 108, n. 38; Dd, 145, fol. 352.[1106]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 82, fol. 84.—Fueros de Aragon, fol. 222 (Zaragoza, 1624). Cf. Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.II, cap. xxxviii.[1107]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 464.[1108]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 474.[1109]Fueros y Actos de los Córtes de Barbastro y de Calatayud, pp. 20-22, 55-6 (Zaragoza, 1626).—Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 1, fol. 12.[1110]Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 4.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 127; Lib. 38, fol. 205, 209, 262, 280, 290.[1111]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 90.[1112]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.[1113]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.[1114]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 122.[1115]Fueros y Actos de Corte en 1645 y 1646, pp. 1-2, 11-12 (Zaragoza, 1647).[1116]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 122 (see Appendix).—Joaquin Sánchez de Toca, Felipe IV y Sor María de Agreda, p. 282 (Madrid, 1887).[1117]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Llorente tells us (Hist, crít., Cap. xxxviii, Art. 1, n. 27) that Choved (or Gobea) was caught and tried but escaped the gallows by steadfast denial under repeated torture.[1118]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 37, fol. 379.[1119]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 22.[1120]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Legajo 528.[1121]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 27, fol. 242.[1122]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 15.—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 708.[1123]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.[1124]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 308, 309; Lib. 72, fol. 2.[1125]Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.II, Tit. viii, § 3.—Archivo de Simaricas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 39, 41.[1126]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 5.[1127]Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib.I, Tit. iv (Barcelona, 1589).[1128]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 930, fol. 49.—Portocarrero, § 78.[1129]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 2.[1130]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9.[1131]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.[1132]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 74.[1133]Ibidem, fol. 20, 81.[1134]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 184.[1135]Valladares, Semanario erúdito, XXVIII, 219.—Salgado de Somoza, de Retentione Bullarum, P. II, cap. xxxiii, n. 137-8.—Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. VI, p. 367.[1136]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 82, fol. 52; Lib. 65, fol. 184.[1137]Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 31.[1138]Constitutions fets en la primera Cort celebra als Cathalans en lo any de 1599 (Barcelona, 1603).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 2, 5, 28.[1139]Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit., pp. 2, 5, 44.[1140]Bofarull y Broca, Historia de Cataluña, VII, 282-3.[1141]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9, 67.[1142]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 474; Inquisition de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 18, 67, 87.[1143]Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Fondos del Consejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 84.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.[1144]Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Mem. hist. español, XX, 91).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 15, 18, 19.[1145]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 83.[1146]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 1, fol. 561, 572, 573, 575.[1147]Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Mem. hist. español, Tom. XX, 164-82; Append. 299, 301, 318, 426; Tom. XXI, Append. 158, 193, 409; Tom. XXII, 10, 27; Tom. XXV, Append. 290.)[1148]Parets, Tom. XXII, p. 30; Append. p. 243.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 33, fol. 675.[1149]Parets, T. XXII, Append. pp. 308, 330; XXV, Append. pp. 391, 403.[1150]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 33, fol. 175, 830; Lib. 21, fol. 309.[1151]Parets, Tom. XXIV, p. 316.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 65, fol. 41.[1152]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 41, 48; Lib. 22, fol. 83.[1153]Ibidem, Lib. 65, fol. 31, 50; Lib. 36, fol. 74.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 2, fol. 323.[1154]Parets, T. XXIV, pp. 137, 147, 296.—Proceso contra Anthoni Morell (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).[1155]Parets, T. XXV, p. 142.[1156]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 390.[1157]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 81.[1158]Parets, T. XXV, p. 171.—MSS. of Am. Philos. Society.[1159]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.[1160]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Fondos del Consejo, Leg. 708.—Libro XIII de Cartas (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).[1161]Libro XIII de Cartas, p. 240.[1162]Bibl. nacional, MSS., PV, 3, n. 69.—Libro XIII de Cartas (ubi sup.).[1163]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528. (The alguazil mayor was usually a man of rank.)[1164]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 708.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 66, fol. 179, 189, 228, 252, 283.—Bofarull y Broca, Hist. de Cataluña, VIII, 385.[1165]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.[1166]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 66, fol. 460.[1167]Capitols de Cort en lo any 1706, cap. 34 (Barcelona, 1706, p. 70).[1168]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Seccion Varios, Leg. 390.[1169]Ibid., Legajo 13.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 23.[1170]Portocarrero, §§ 21, 22.[1171]Portocarrero §§ 51, 54, 58, 60, 61, 65, 96, 97.[1172]Lafuente, Hist. gén. de España, XIV, 417, 432.[1173]This account is derived from the printed argument of the alcaldes, a very temperate and manly document, of which a copy is in the Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.[1174]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 5.[1175]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 45, 47.[1176]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 349.[1177]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 30-45.[1178]The three passages cited were Simancas, de Cathol. Institt. Tit. xxxiv, n. 6; Sousa, Aphorismi Inquisit. Lib.I, cap. 1, n. 16, and Peña in Eymerici Directorium, P. III, Comment. 61. Of the three Sousa comes nearest to supplying what was wanted in saying that the officials of the Inquisition are punishable, for official delinquencies, by those who appoint them.[1179]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244; D, 118, fol. 151, 188.[1180]Consulta Magna (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4).[1181]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 138.[1182]Ricci, Synopsis Decretorum S. Congr. Immunitatis s. v.Testis, n. 1.[1183]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 157.[1184]Ibidem, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 3, 11, 25.[1185]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 145.[1186]Modo de Proceder, fol. 27-9 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122). The date of this is 1645.[1187]Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 96 (Zaragoza, 1664).[1188]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 27.[1189]These details are furnished by a memorial to the king, a copy of which is in the Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.[1190]Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, p. 580.[1191]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 29, fol. 177; Lib. 30, fol. 1 (see Appendix).[1192]Ibidem, Lib. 30, fol. 108.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 348.[1193]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 52, fol. 34.[1194]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 346; Lib. 52, fol. 26, 37; Lib. 54, fol. 64.—Bullar. Roman.,V, 367.[1195]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 52, fol. 86.[1196]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 25, fol. 23, 54, 86-105; Lib. 52, fol. 53, 86, 92, 100, 125, 335.[1197]Ibidem, Lib. 52, fol. 335.[1198]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 52, fol. 292, 312, 335.[1199]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 161; Lib. 21, fol. 300.[1200]Ibidem, Legajo 1473.[1201]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 425.[1202]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 927, fol. 323.[1203]Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 161.[1204]Ibidem, Lib. 52, fol. 222.[1205]Cabrera, Felipe Segundo, Lib. X, cap. xviii.[1206]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 1, 20.[1207]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 19.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1.[1208]Modo de Proceder, fol. 31-9, 86-97 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 365, n. 45.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 23.—Rojas de Hæret. P.I, n. 442.[1209]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVII, Art. 1. n. 3, 4.[1210]Consulta Magna (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4).[1211]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 188.[1212]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 4, cap. 13, 14, 18.—Novís Recop. Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 5.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 99.[1213]I am not aware that this interesting document has been printed. There are copies of it in the Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4, and G, 344, and in the Library of the University of Halle, Yc, 17.[1214]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 35; Cap.XXXIX, Art. ii, n. 17.[1215]Riol, Informe (Semanario erúdito, III, 157).[1216]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 16.[1217]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 178.[1218]Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 147-60.[1219]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. i, Gloss 1.[1220]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5441(Libro 10).[1221]Ibidem, Estado, Leg. 2843.[1222]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 14, n. 3, fol. 132.[1223]Ibidem, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 3, 16.[1224]Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, leyes 9, 10.[1225]Archivo hist. national, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 15, n. 11, fol. 45.[1226]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 16.—Proceso contra Joaquin de Tunes (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).[1227]Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 96 (Zaragoza, 1664).[1228]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 942, fol. 22.[1229]Ibidem, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 17, fol. 20.[1230]Modo de Proceder, fol. 21-29 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.[1231]Portocarrero,op. cit., fol. 47, 48.[1232]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 16, n. 5, fol. 25, 27, 39, 52, 72.[1233]Ibidem, Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 10.[1234]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 559.[1235]Ibidem, Lib. 890.[1236]Ibidem, Lib. 890; Lib. 4352.[1237]Ibidem, Lib. 890.[1238]Portocarrero,op. cit., fol. 52.[1239]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49; Leg. 8, n. 1, fol. 422, 423; Libro 7 de Autos, Leg. 2, fol. 178.[1240]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 79.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 351.[1241]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 3 (Nueva Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 3).[1242]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 42.[1243]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 47; Lib. 918, fol. 830.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 157-8.—Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 5.[1244]Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 5.[1245]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Gloss 1.[1246]Novís. Recop., Lib.IV, Tit. 1, ley 18.[1247]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 82; Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 50.—Llorente, Hist. crít., Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 3.[1248]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 127.[1249]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 10.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 41.[1250]Floridablanca, Memorial á Carlos III (MS.penes me).[1251]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 939, fol. 64.[1252]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 44.[1253]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XVI, 366).[1254]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 141-7.[1255]Ibidem, fol. 179, 182, 195-6, 199, 201, 205, 212, 217.[1256]Ibidem, fol. 255-61; Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 2.[1257]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.[1258]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 125.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 32, fol. 109, 117.[1259]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Logroño, Leg. 1, n. 21, 22; Inquisicion, Leg. 1157, fol. 90.[1260]Modo de Proceder, fol. 43 (Bibl. national, MSS., D, 122).[1261]Discurso en razon del acuerdo que se puede tomar entre las jurisdicciones (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld. A. Subt. 13; Arch. S, 130).[1262]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 201.[1263]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta X, n. 213 (Sevilla, 1860).[1264]Arguello, fol. 23.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 221.[1265]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 88.[1266]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3. fol. 16.[1267]Ibidem, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 157, 158.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 172.[1268]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.[1269]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 15-26.[1270]Archivo hist. national, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 178.[1271]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 215.[1272]Ibidem, fol. 180.[1273]Proceso contra Juan Requesens (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).[1274]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 464.—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 27, fol. 88.[1275]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1157, fol. 90.[1276]Dépêches de M. de Fourquevaux, I, 166 (Paris, 1896).[1277]Modo de Proceder, fol. 41-2 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 23, fol. 45, 57.[1278]Discurso historico-legal sobre el Origen, Progresos y Utilidad del Santo Oficio, Introd. pp. i-iv, p. 139 (Valladolid, 1803)[1279]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj, 28.—Llorente, Añales, I, 252.[1280]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.[1281]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 58.[1282]Páramo, pp. 224-6.[1283]Franchina, Breve Rapporto della Inquisizione di Sicilia, p. 98.—Juan Gómez de Mora, Relacion del Auto de Fe celebrado en Madrid, este año de 1632 (Madrid, 1632).[1284]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 3, fol 70; Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 5.[1285]Boletin, XV, 333-45; XXIII, 415-16.—Llorente, Añales, I, 253.[1286]Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticor. (Coll. de Doc. de la C. de Aragon, XXVIII, 137, 139).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 61; P.II, fol. 72, 110.[1287]Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds español, 80, fol. 44.—Llorente, Añales, II, 242.[1288]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 4.—Proceso contra Estevan Ramoneda, fol. 72 (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).[1289]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Leg. 1465, fol. 32; Lib. 56, fol. 605, Llorente, Añales,II, 5.[1290]Llorente, Añales, I, 213, 252; II, 3.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 4, fol. 1, 7, 104, 159, 162; Lib. 5, fol. 24; Lib. 73, fol. 211; Lib. 76, fol. 51, 53; Lib. 78, fol. 216, 258; Lib. 79, fol. 17, 226; Lib. 80, fol. 1.[1291]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 2, fol. 8; Lib. 74, fol. 120.—Informe de Quesada (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj, 28).[1292]W. de Gray Birch, Catalogue of MSS. of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands, I, xvi, 5, 6 (London, 1903).[1293]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 939, fol. 62.[1294]Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de Córdova, pp. 1, 75.[1295]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. III.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 113, n. 6.[1296]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 206.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. VII.[1297]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. VI, X.[1298]Rodríguez de Villa, La Corte y Monarquia de España, p. 47.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XIV, 6).[1299]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. IX, VI.[1300]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 146, n. 49.[1301]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1024, fol. 28.[1302]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1474, fol. 67.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 1.[1303]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 2843.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1474, fol. 15.[1304]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 84, 440, 445, 454; Lib. 4, fol. 9; Lib. 933; Lib. 939, fol. 63, 139; Lib. 9, fol. 29; Leg. 1157, fol. 144; Inquisicion de Corte, Leg. 359, fol. 3.—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.[1305]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.[1306]Llorente, Añales, II, 4.[1307]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 38, 39, 53; Lib. 76, fol. 74.[1308]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 930, fol. 127; Lib. 926, fol. 141; Lib. 940, fol. 101.—Cf. Novís. Recop. Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 1, nota 9.[1309]Schäfer, Beiträge, II, 76, 77.—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XLVI, Art. i, n. 11.[1310]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 80.[1311]Llorente, Añales, II, 242.[1312]Arguello, fol. 1.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 929, fol. 297; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol, 164.—Llorente, Añales, II, 2.—Rodrigo, Hist, verdadera, II, 261.—Juan Gómez de Mora, Relacion del Auto de la Fe de 1632.[1313]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 381.[1314]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 24, 26.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 1; Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 2, 177, 198; Lib. 9, fol. 24, 68; Lib. 77, fol. 53.[1315]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 498.[1316]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 447; Lib. 5, fol. 9, 27.—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.—Miscelanea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, XI, 59).[1317]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 28.—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 94.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 4, fol. 1; Legajo 1465, fol. 31, 32.—Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 107.[1318]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib, 4, fol. 95, 96; Lib. 3, fol. 453.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 61.—Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 55.[1319]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 316, 366; Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 116; Lib. 73, fol. 142, 247, 248.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.[1320]Páramo, p. 159.—Llorente, Añales, II, 91.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 3, fol. 453.[1321]Llorente, Añales, II, 5.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 332, 333.[1322]Informe de Quesada (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj, 28).[1323]Carbonell de Gestis Hæret. (op. cit.XXVIII, 83).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 72, P.II, fol. 57, 59; Lib. 930, fol. 40; Lib. 13, fol. 372.[1324]Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xlv (London, 1862).[1325]Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, Cap. xxxiv, § 18.—Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XXIII, 415).—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.—Proceso contra Mari Naranja; Proceso contra Catalina Machado (MSS.penes me).[1326]Llorente, Añales, I, 217, 317, II, 3.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Corte, Leg. 359, fol. 1.[1327]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 24; Lib. 926, fol. 141.[1328]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 31, 50; Lib. 36, fol. 74.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 2, fol. 323.[1329]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 2, fol. 16; Lib. 72, P.II, fol. 40, 169; Lib. 74, fol. 133; Inquisicion de Barcelona, Cortes, Leg. 17, fol. 47, 48.[1330]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 939, fol. 62.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. VIII.[1331]Proceso contra Ignacia——; contra Estevanillo F. (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Seccion Varios, Leg. 13.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 23.[1332]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 4, fol. 1; Lib. 929, fol. 63.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. VIII.—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, 354, fol. 242.[1333]Informe de Quesada (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj., 28).—Llorente, Añales, I, 252.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 423.[1334]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 388, 400 (Madrid, 1829).[1335]As an incident to this fictitious valuation of the vellón coinage, counterfeiting flourished to an enormous extent, unrepressed by the severest penalties. The importation of coins manufactured abroad added to the confusion, for it was too lucrative to be prevented by even the most rigorous measures. In 1614 a chronicler states that since the recent doubling of the nominal value of thecuartosfive or six millions in vellón money had been brought from England and Holland, stowed in vessels under wheat. It was exchanged for silver at 30 per cent. discount and the silver exported. The remedy devised was to bring inland twenty leagues from the coast the foreign traders engaged in the business, but this remedy was found to be worse than the disease and was abandoned (Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 551, 553). We shall see hereafter that the Inquisition was invoked to put an end to this traffic.[1336]Under these perpetual changes it will be readily understood how difficult it is to estimate values at any special period. In a document of 1670 I find thedoblonconverted intoreales de vellónat the rate of 1 to 81, although in this case thedoblonwas of 4pesosor 32reales de plata. Similar to this is the conversion in another item of 162reales de platainto 405reales de vellón, showing that vellón was at a discount of 60 per cent. or specie at a premium of 150.—Arch. de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1476, fol. 2, 61.The unutterable confusion produced by these sudden and arbitrary changes in the legal value of the coinage is illustrated by a contention, in 1683, between the auditor-general and the receiver-general of the Suprema, respecting the accountability of the latter for funds on hand and receipts and payments at the time when thepragmáticaof February 10, 1680, went into effect, involving points of which the equities were not easy to determine.—Ibid., Leg. 1480, fol. 129.[1337]It was probably from this that the custom arose in giving receipts for money to reserve or to renounce, as the case might be, “las leyes y excepciones de la non numerata pecunia.”[1338]Full information as to the coinage of the fifteenth century will be found in Saez, Demostracion del Valor de las Monedas que corrian durante el Reinado de Don Enrique IV (Madrid, 1805).For the subsequent period reference is made to the very voluminous series of laws and decrees preserved in theNueva Recopilacion, Lib. V, Tit. xxi; theAutos Acordados, Lib. V, Tit. xxi and xxii, and theNovisima Recopilacion, Lib.IX, Tit. xvii.[1339]These instructions are supplementary to those issued by the assembly of Inquisitors in Seville, Nov. 29, 1484. Some of them are printed by Arguello, but they are not in the Granada edition of 1537 of the Instructions.[1340]These instructions partly repeat and partly supplement those of December, 1484. So far as I am aware they are inedited. They are not in the Granada edition of the Instructions, nor do they correspond with the fragments printed by Arguello (Instrucciones del Santo Oficio, Madrid, 1630, fol. 16-23) as the Instructions of January, 1485, and by Llorente, Añales, I, 96-99, 388-94.[1341]Both the Granada edition of 1537 and Arguello print only the first four articles of these Instructions. Llorente describes them (Añales, I, 261) as being in seven articles of which the last two are not in this original document.[1342]The date of Bologna fixes the time of this brief between Nov. 10, 1506, when Julius II entered that city, and Feb. 22, 1507, when he left it.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1506, n. 30; 1507, n. 2.[1343]The end of the document is torn.[1344]This MS. I procured from a bookseller in Madrid, and I know nothing of itsprovenance. It is in small quarto, with 62 unnumbered pages of a handwriting which I should attribute to the seventeenth or early eighteenth century; about three pages towards the middle are in a different hand, with some blanks filled in by the scribe of the rest of the MS., as though the copying had been entrusted to a second writer who had proved unable to decypher the original. The record bears on its face every mark of authenticity. There are occasional discrepancies in names and dates between it and the list at the end of the Libro Verde, but in general they correspond, as it also does with such trials of the period as I have examined from the Llorente MSS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale. It supplies much that is lacking, and the abstracts of the sentences of the murderers of San Pedro Arbués are sufficient to render it a document of interest, besides the light which the sentences in general throw upon the business of the Inquisition. I transcribe in full the earlier portion, with the final “Resumen.” Of the remainder, which consists of little more than lists of names of convicts and penitents, I only give a summary.The MS. has much in common with the anonymousOrígen de la Inquisicioncited by Llorente (Añales, I, 76, 94, 114, etc.) which he says is in theAcademia de la Historiaand was written in 1652.[1345]Amin was a kind of Jewish broth. In the trial of Juan de la Caballeria, in 1488, there is an allusion to “hamin y otras potages de Judios.”—MSS. Bib. Nat. de Paris, fonds espagnol, 81.[1346]Unleavened bread—“panem azmum sivecotacocomedendo”—Trial of Beatrix de la Cavallería, MSS. Bib. Nat. de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 175.[1347]The total number is 614. There is a mistake of 3 in the addition, and errors in several years.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]Romancero del Cid, pp. 12, 74, 77, 79, 87, 88, etc. (Frankofurto, 1828).—Crónica de Alfonso VII, 138-141 (Florez, España Sagrada, XXI, 403)—“Castellæ vires per sæcula fucre rebelles:Inclyta Castella ciens sævissima bellaVix cuiquam regum voluit submittere collum:Indomite vixit, cœli lux quandiu luxit.”

[1]Romancero del Cid, pp. 12, 74, 77, 79, 87, 88, etc. (Frankofurto, 1828).—Crónica de Alfonso VII, 138-141 (Florez, España Sagrada, XXI, 403)—

“Castellæ vires per sæcula fucre rebelles:Inclyta Castella ciens sævissima bellaVix cuiquam regum voluit submittere collum:Indomite vixit, cœli lux quandiu luxit.”

“Castellæ vires per sæcula fucre rebelles:Inclyta Castella ciens sævissima bellaVix cuiquam regum voluit submittere collum:Indomite vixit, cœli lux quandiu luxit.”

[2]Fuero Viejo de Castiella, Lib.I, Tit. iii, § 3. Cf. Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxv, ley 7.

[2]Fuero Viejo de Castiella, Lib.I, Tit. iii, § 3. Cf. Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxv, ley 7.

[3]See, for instance, the charter granted by Raymond Berenger IV of Barcelona, in 1108, to Olerdula, after a devastating Saracen inroad, and the charter of Lérida in 1148, after its capture from the Moors.—Marca Hispanica, pp. 1233, 1305. The same causes were operative in Castile.

[3]See, for instance, the charter granted by Raymond Berenger IV of Barcelona, in 1108, to Olerdula, after a devastating Saracen inroad, and the charter of Lérida in 1148, after its capture from the Moors.—Marca Hispanica, pp. 1233, 1305. The same causes were operative in Castile.

[4]The cities entitled to send procurators to the Córtes were Burgos, Leon, Ávila, Segovia, Zamora, Toro, Salamanca, Soria, Murcia, Cuenca, Toledo, Seville, Córdova, Jaen, Valladolid, Madrid and Guadalajara.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. xcv.

[4]The cities entitled to send procurators to the Córtes were Burgos, Leon, Ávila, Segovia, Zamora, Toro, Salamanca, Soria, Murcia, Cuenca, Toledo, Seville, Córdova, Jaen, Valladolid, Madrid and Guadalajara.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. xcv.

[5]Marina, Teoria de las Córtes, P.I, cap. xvi, xx. (Madrid, 1820.)—Siete Partidas, P.II, Tit. xvi, ley 4.—Modesto de Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX, 34.—J. Bernays, Zur inneren Entwicklung Castiliens (Deutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 1889, pp. 381sqq.).

[5]Marina, Teoria de las Córtes, P.I, cap. xvi, xx. (Madrid, 1820.)—Siete Partidas, P.II, Tit. xvi, ley 4.—Modesto de Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX, 34.—J. Bernays, Zur inneren Entwicklung Castiliens (Deutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, 1889, pp. 381sqq.).

[6]Crónica de Don Alfonso X, cap. clxxvi.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.I, cap. xiv (Memorial histórico español, VIII).

[6]Crónica de Don Alfonso X, cap. clxxvi.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.I, cap. xiv (Memorial histórico español, VIII).

[7]Crónica de Don Alfonso XI, cap. lxxx.—Barrantes,op. cit.Lib.I, cap. xxvi, lxxx.

[7]Crónica de Don Alfonso XI, cap. lxxx.—Barrantes,op. cit.Lib.I, cap. xxvi, lxxx.

[8]Ayala, Crónica de Pedro I, añoXVII, cap. vii.

[8]Ayala, Crónica de Pedro I, añoXVII, cap. vii.

[9]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, II, 330 (Madrid, 1863).

[9]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, II, 330 (Madrid, 1863).

[10]Seguro de Tordesillas, Madrid, 1784.

[10]Seguro de Tordesillas, Madrid, 1784.

[11]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. lxxiv.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xxviii.—Pulgar, Crónica, p. 3 (Ed. 1780).

[11]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. lxxiv.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xxviii.—Pulgar, Crónica, p. 3 (Ed. 1780).

[12]Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrroy (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, p. 14).

[12]Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrroy (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, p. 14).

[13]Juan de Pineda, El Libro del Passo Honroso, Madrid, 1784.—Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. xiv.

[13]Juan de Pineda, El Libro del Passo Honroso, Madrid, 1784.—Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. xiv.

[14]Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. xxiv.

[14]Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. xxiv.

[15]Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xix., xl.—Amador de los Rios, Historia de los Judíos, III, 205.

[15]Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xix., xl.—Amador de los Rios, Historia de los Judíos, III, 205.

[16]Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrroy, pp. 17-19.

[16]Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrroy, pp. 17-19.

[17]Maldonado,op. cit.pp. 65, 71, 72, 83.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. iii.—Hazañas valerosas de Pedro Manrique de Lara (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, pp. 123, 126).—Hernando del Pulgar, Crónica, P.I, cap. lxxxiii.

[17]Maldonado,op. cit.pp. 65, 71, 72, 83.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. iii.—Hazañas valerosas de Pedro Manrique de Lara (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, pp. 123, 126).—Hernando del Pulgar, Crónica, P.I, cap. lxxxiii.

[18]Maldonado,op. cit., pp. 23, 52, 71, 73.

[18]Maldonado,op. cit., pp. 23, 52, 71, 73.

[19]Clemencin, Elógio de Doña Isabel, p. 127.

[19]Clemencin, Elógio de Doña Isabel, p. 127.

[20]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cliii.

[20]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cliii.

[21]Pulgar, Claros Varones de España (Elzevir, 1670, p. 6).—Castillo,op. cit.cap. cxliii.—Saez, Monedas de Enrique IV, pp. 3, 7, 23 (Madrid, 1805). At the Córtes of Segovia, in 1471, Henry ordered the destruction of all the private mints, but it is not likely that he was obeyed (Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 830, Madrid, 1866). Garcia López de Salazar, a contemporary, tells us that the gold Enriques were originally 23½ carats fine, but those struck in the royal mints gradually fell to seven carats, while the private mints made them what they pleased.—Saez, p. 418.Spanish coinage is an intricate subject, and as some knowledge of it is necessary for the proper understanding of sums of money referred to hereafter, I have given a brief account of it in the Appendix.

[21]Pulgar, Claros Varones de España (Elzevir, 1670, p. 6).—Castillo,op. cit.cap. cxliii.—Saez, Monedas de Enrique IV, pp. 3, 7, 23 (Madrid, 1805). At the Córtes of Segovia, in 1471, Henry ordered the destruction of all the private mints, but it is not likely that he was obeyed (Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 830, Madrid, 1866). Garcia López de Salazar, a contemporary, tells us that the gold Enriques were originally 23½ carats fine, but those struck in the royal mints gradually fell to seven carats, while the private mints made them what they pleased.—Saez, p. 418.

Spanish coinage is an intricate subject, and as some knowledge of it is necessary for the proper understanding of sums of money referred to hereafter, I have given a brief account of it in the Appendix.

[22]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 59-68.—Novisima Recopilacion, Lib.III, Tit. v, ley 10, 11.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. xxii.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib.XVIII, cap. xvi.—Don Clemencin (op. cit.p. 146).At the death of Henry IV, in 1474, the royal revenue had fallen to about ten million maravedís. By 1477 it increased to 27,415,626, by 1482 to 150,695,288, and in 1504, at the death of Isabella, it was 341,733,597.—Clemencin, p. 153.

[22]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 59-68.—Novisima Recopilacion, Lib.III, Tit. v, ley 10, 11.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. xxii.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib.XVIII, cap. xvi.—Don Clemencin (op. cit.p. 146).

At the death of Henry IV, in 1474, the royal revenue had fallen to about ten million maravedís. By 1477 it increased to 27,415,626, by 1482 to 150,695,288, and in 1504, at the death of Isabella, it was 341,733,597.—Clemencin, p. 153.

[23]Miscelánea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, T. XI, p. 332).

[23]Miscelánea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, T. XI, p. 332).

[24]L. Marinæus Siculus de Reb. Hispan. (R. Beli Rer. Hispan. Scriptt, p. 774).—Damiani a Goes Hispania (Ibid. p. 1237).

[24]L. Marinæus Siculus de Reb. Hispan. (R. Beli Rer. Hispan. Scriptt, p. 774).—Damiani a Goes Hispania (Ibid. p. 1237).

[25]Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. xx; Letras No. iii.—Fléchier, Histoire du Cardinal Ximenes, II, 291 (Ed. 1693).The Córtes of Toledo, in 1462, among their grievances, include the factious turbulence of the clergy—“bien sabe vuestra alteza commo algunos obispos e abades e otras eclesiasticas personas se han fecho y de cada dia se fazen de vandos, e algunos dellos tanto e mas escandalizan vuestras cibdades e villas que los legos dellas.”—Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 711 (Madrid, 1866).

[25]Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit. xx; Letras No. iii.—Fléchier, Histoire du Cardinal Ximenes, II, 291 (Ed. 1693).

The Córtes of Toledo, in 1462, among their grievances, include the factious turbulence of the clergy—“bien sabe vuestra alteza commo algunos obispos e abades e otras eclesiasticas personas se han fecho y de cada dia se fazen de vandos, e algunos dellos tanto e mas escandalizan vuestras cibdades e villas que los legos dellas.”—Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 711 (Madrid, 1866).

[26]Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Mem. hist. español, T. VI, pp. 156, 190, 193-4, 255, 293-4, 297, 304).

[26]Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Mem. hist. español, T. VI, pp. 156, 190, 193-4, 255, 293-4, 297, 304).

[27]Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. 3, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 20, 25 (Aguirre, V, 344-50).

[27]Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. 3, 6, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 20, 25 (Aguirre, V, 344-50).

[28]L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib.XIX.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1483, n. 15; ann. 1485, n. 26.

[28]L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib.XIX.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1483, n. 15; ann. 1485, n. 26.

[29]History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, Vol. II, pp. 180sqq.

[29]History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, Vol. II, pp. 180sqq.

[30]Romancero del Cid, pp. 245, 269 (Francofurto, 1828).

[30]Romancero del Cid, pp. 245, 269 (Francofurto, 1828).

[31]Ordenanzas Reales, Lib.VI, Tit. ix, ley 21.—Villanueva, Viage Literario, XVII, 256.

[31]Ordenanzas Reales, Lib.VI, Tit. ix, ley 21.—Villanueva, Viage Literario, XVII, 256.

[32]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib. I, Tit. v, cap. 1 (Barcelona, 1588, p. 18). Similar laws adopted in 1534 and 1537 show that meanwhile it had been impossible to prevent papal encroachments.—Ib. cap. 3, 4.

[32]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib. I, Tit. v, cap. 1 (Barcelona, 1588, p. 18). Similar laws adopted in 1534 and 1537 show that meanwhile it had been impossible to prevent papal encroachments.—Ib. cap. 3, 4.

[33]Ayala, Crónica de Don Juan I, añoX, cap. vii.—Crónica de Don Enrique III, año III, cap. xvi.

[33]Ayala, Crónica de Don Juan I, añoX, cap. vii.—Crónica de Don Enrique III, año III, cap. xvi.

[34]Alvar Gomez, De Rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio, fol. 3 (Compluti, 1569).—Robles, Vida del Cardenal Ximenes, pp. 38-41.

[34]Alvar Gomez, De Rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio, fol. 3 (Compluti, 1569).—Robles, Vida del Cardenal Ximenes, pp. 38-41.

[35]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cv.

[35]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cv.

[36]Memorial histórico español, T. I, p. 236; II, 22, 25.—Gomez de Rebus gestis a Fran. Ximenio, fol. 9-11.

[36]Memorial histórico español, T. I, p. 236; II, 22, 25.—Gomez de Rebus gestis a Fran. Ximenio, fol. 9-11.

[37]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XX, cap. xxii.—Mariana, Historia de España, Lib.XXIV, cap. xvi.

[37]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XX, cap. xxii.—Mariana, Historia de España, Lib.XXIV, cap. xvi.

[38]Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Catolicos, Lib.II, cap. civ.The right as to bishoprics was finally conceded in 1523 to Charles V by Adrian VI (Mariana, Lib.XXVI, cap. 5).

[38]Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Catolicos, Lib.II, cap. civ.

The right as to bishoprics was finally conceded in 1523 to Charles V by Adrian VI (Mariana, Lib.XXVI, cap. 5).

[39]Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal de Mendoza (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, p. 244).

[39]Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal de Mendoza (Memorial histórico español, T. VI, p. 244).

[40]Boletin de la R. Acad. de la Historia, T. XXII, pp. 220, 227.

[40]Boletin de la R. Acad. de la Historia, T. XXII, pp. 220, 227.

[41]Coleccion de Privilegios etc. T. VI, p. 117 (Madrid, 1833).

[41]Coleccion de Privilegios etc. T. VI, p. 117 (Madrid, 1833).

[42]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, CarpetaIV, fol. 85, § 3 (Sevilla, 1860).

[42]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, CarpetaIV, fol. 85, § 3 (Sevilla, 1860).

[43]Ordenanzas Reales, Lib.III, Tit. i, leyes 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10.—Novís. Recop. Lib.IV, Tit. i, leyes 3, 4, 5.

[43]Ordenanzas Reales, Lib.III, Tit. i, leyes 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10.—Novís. Recop. Lib.IV, Tit. i, leyes 3, 4, 5.

[44]Novísima Recop. Lib.XII, Tit. xxvi, leyes 3-5.

[44]Novísima Recop. Lib.XII, Tit. xxvi, leyes 3-5.

[45]Coleccion de Cédulas, III, 113 (Madrid, 1829)

[45]Coleccion de Cédulas, III, 113 (Madrid, 1829)

[46]Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 246.

[46]Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 246.

[47]Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. xxiv (Aguirre, V, 350).

[47]Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. xxiv (Aguirre, V, 350).

[48]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 539; III, 33, 57, 122, 172, 192-6, 287, 328, 408.

[48]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 539; III, 33, 57, 122, 172, 192-6, 287, 328, 408.

[49]Pulgar, Crónica,III, lxvi.

[49]Pulgar, Crónica,III, lxvi.

[50]Coleccion de Cédulas, II, 49, 50 (Madrid, 1829).

[50]Coleccion de Cédulas, II, 49, 50 (Madrid, 1829).

[51]La Puente, Epit. de la Crónica de Juan II, Lib.V, cap. xxxiii.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib.XIX.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. li.—Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. i (Sevilla, 1869).

[51]La Puente, Epit. de la Crónica de Juan II, Lib.V, cap. xxxiii.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hispan. Lib.XIX.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. li.—Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. i (Sevilla, 1869).

[52]Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XVIII, 254).

[52]Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XVIII, 254).

[53]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XVIII, cap. 20, 21.—Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cxxiv.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xx.—Pulgar, Crónica P.I, cap. ii; P.II, cap. xci.—Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrrey (Mem. hist. español, T. VI, p. 94).—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. xxi.

[53]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XVIII, cap. 20, 21.—Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cxxiv.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. xx.—Pulgar, Crónica P.I, cap. ii; P.II, cap. xci.—Maldonado, Hechos de Don Alonso de Monrrey (Mem. hist. español, T. VI, p. 94).—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. xxi.

[54]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cxxxvii.—Clemencin, Elógio de la Reina Isabel, Append. I.

[54]Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. cxxxvii.—Clemencin, Elógio de la Reina Isabel, Append. I.

[55]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. ii; Letra xii.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp. Lib.XIX.

[55]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. ii; Letra xii.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp. Lib.XIX.

[56]Machiavelli’s judgement was as usual correct when he remarked (Il Principe, cap. xvi) “Il Re di Spagna presente se fusse tenuto liberale non avrebbe fatto nè vinto tante imprese.”

[56]Machiavelli’s judgement was as usual correct when he remarked (Il Principe, cap. xvi) “Il Re di Spagna presente se fusse tenuto liberale non avrebbe fatto nè vinto tante imprese.”

[57]Archivo Gen. de Simancas, Consejo de la Inquisicion, Libro II, fol. 22

[57]Archivo Gen. de Simancas, Consejo de la Inquisicion, Libro II, fol. 22

[58]“Con gran dificultad perdonava los yerros que se le hazian.”—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc., Lib.VIII, cap. xii.

[58]“Con gran dificultad perdonava los yerros que se le hazian.”—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc., Lib.VIII, cap. xii.

[59]Palafox y Mendoza, Obras, T. VII, p. 333 (Madrid, 1762).—Ochoa, Epistolario Español, II, 14.

[59]Palafox y Mendoza, Obras, T. VII, p. 333 (Madrid, 1762).—Ochoa, Epistolario Español, II, 14.

[60]Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xxxiv-v. The value of the gold crown of the period was 4s.6d.sterling (Ibid. p. 4) and 200,000 scudos was the marriage-portion of Katharine of Aragon when wedded to Prince Arthur of England (Ibid, p. lxiv), which is the equivalent of about £500,000 of modern money. For the oppression of the people see Gonzalo de Ayora (Boletin de la R. Acad., XVII, 447-8). Cf. Clemencin, p. 185.

[60]Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xxxiv-v. The value of the gold crown of the period was 4s.6d.sterling (Ibid. p. 4) and 200,000 scudos was the marriage-portion of Katharine of Aragon when wedded to Prince Arthur of England (Ibid, p. lxiv), which is the equivalent of about £500,000 of modern money. For the oppression of the people see Gonzalo de Ayora (Boletin de la R. Acad., XVII, 447-8). Cf. Clemencin, p. 185.

[61]From theNotablesof Cristóbal Núñez, printed by Padre Fidel Fita in the Boletin, XVI, 561.

[61]From theNotablesof Cristóbal Núñez, printed by Padre Fidel Fita in the Boletin, XVI, 561.

[62]L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hisp. Lib.XXI.

[62]L. Marinæi Siculi de Rebus Hisp. Lib.XXI.

[63]Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib.V, Epist. cxiv.

[63]Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib.V, Epist. cxiv.

[64]Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 43sqq.

[64]Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 43sqq.

[65]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. lxx.—Æl. Anton. Nebriss. Decad.I, Lib. vii, cap. 6.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VIII, cap. xv.—José Grestoso y Pérez, Los Reyes Católicos en Sevilla (Sevilla, 1891).—Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, ann. 1477, n. 5.

[65]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. lxx.—Æl. Anton. Nebriss. Decad.I, Lib. vii, cap. 6.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VIII, cap. xv.—José Grestoso y Pérez, Los Reyes Católicos en Sevilla (Sevilla, 1891).—Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, ann. 1477, n. 5.

[66]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. xcv.

[66]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. xcv.

[67]Ferreiro, Fueros Municipales de Santiago, II, 65 (Santiago, 1896).

[67]Ferreiro, Fueros Municipales de Santiago, II, 65 (Santiago, 1896).

[68]Ibidem, II, 314.

[68]Ibidem, II, 314.

[69]L. Marinæi Siculi Lib.XIX,XXI.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. xxvii, lxxviii, xcvi, xcvii, xcviii; P.III, cap. xxxix, lxvi, c, cxxvii.—Capitulos hechos por el rey y la reyna en Sevilla a ix de Junio de M. y d. (sine nota).

[69]L. Marinæi Siculi Lib.XIX,XXI.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. xxvii, lxxviii, xcvi, xcvii, xcviii; P.III, cap. xxxix, lxvi, c, cxxvii.—Capitulos hechos por el rey y la reyna en Sevilla a ix de Junio de M. y d. (sine nota).

[70]Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Españe, XVIII, 236).

[70]Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Españe, XVIII, 236).

[71]Bernaldez, cap. xlii.

[71]Bernaldez, cap. xlii.

[72]Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib.V, Epist. cviii. As Cardinal Ximenes says in his letter of advice to Cardinal Adrian as to the conduct of Charles V in taking possession of his inheritance, “por lo qual fue ella tan poderosisima en su reyno, que todos del mayor á el menor temianvirgam ferreamde su justicia, y asi destruyó toda la tirannia.” (Valladares, Semanario Erúdito, XX, 237).

[72]Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib.V, Epist. cviii. As Cardinal Ximenes says in his letter of advice to Cardinal Adrian as to the conduct of Charles V in taking possession of his inheritance, “por lo qual fue ella tan poderosisima en su reyno, que todos del mayor á el menor temianvirgam ferreamde su justicia, y asi destruyó toda la tirannia.” (Valladares, Semanario Erúdito, XX, 237).

[73]Archivo Gen. de Simancas, Inquisicion LibrosI,II.

[73]Archivo Gen. de Simancas, Inquisicion LibrosI,II.

[74]The limitations on the royal jurisdiction are exemplified by the unseemly contest at Alcalá de Henares, in 1485-6, between Isabella and the Archbishop González de Mendoza, respecting her right to administer justice within his province. It lasted from December till the time for opening the campaign against Granada, when she removed to Córdova without having established her claim.—Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Mem. hist, español, VI, 264).Yet her jurisdiction was one of the points on which Isabella wisely insisted with the utmost firmness. To quote Cardinal Ximenes again—“Ante todo la dicha Reyna cuidaba de defender su jurisdiccion Real, viendo que por ella los Reyes en Castilla se hacen mas poderosos y mas temidos de sus vasallos” (Valladares, Semanario Erúdito, XX, 238). When, in 1491, the royal court at Valladolid, presided over by Alonzo de Valdevielfo, Bishop of Leon, wrongfully allowed an appeal to Rome, she promptly dismissed the bishop and all the judges and replaced them with Juan Arias del Villar, Bishop of Oviedo, and other assessors.—Crónicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XIII, 184-5).—Galindez de Carbajal (Ibid. XVIII, 278).

[74]The limitations on the royal jurisdiction are exemplified by the unseemly contest at Alcalá de Henares, in 1485-6, between Isabella and the Archbishop González de Mendoza, respecting her right to administer justice within his province. It lasted from December till the time for opening the campaign against Granada, when she removed to Córdova without having established her claim.—Francisco de Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Mem. hist, español, VI, 264).

Yet her jurisdiction was one of the points on which Isabella wisely insisted with the utmost firmness. To quote Cardinal Ximenes again—“Ante todo la dicha Reyna cuidaba de defender su jurisdiccion Real, viendo que por ella los Reyes en Castilla se hacen mas poderosos y mas temidos de sus vasallos” (Valladares, Semanario Erúdito, XX, 238). When, in 1491, the royal court at Valladolid, presided over by Alonzo de Valdevielfo, Bishop of Leon, wrongfully allowed an appeal to Rome, she promptly dismissed the bishop and all the judges and replaced them with Juan Arias del Villar, Bishop of Oviedo, and other assessors.—Crónicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XIII, 184-5).—Galindez de Carbajal (Ibid. XVIII, 278).

[75]Memorial histórico español, T. II, pp. 68, 72, 86, 94, 102.

[75]Memorial histórico español, T. II, pp. 68, 72, 86, 94, 102.

[76]Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, Coleccion Diplomática, T. II, pp. 3, 7, 46, 75, 81, 178 (Madrid, 1860).—Vicente Santamaria de Paredes, Curso de Derecho Político, p. 509 (Madrid, 1883).—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y Castilla, I, 247, 300 (Madrid, 1861).

[76]Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, Coleccion Diplomática, T. II, pp. 3, 7, 46, 75, 81, 178 (Madrid, 1860).—Vicente Santamaria de Paredes, Curso de Derecho Político, p. 509 (Madrid, 1883).—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y Castilla, I, 247, 300 (Madrid, 1861).

[77]Benavides,op. cit.II, 363.

[77]Benavides,op. cit.II, 363.

[78]Ferreiro, Fucros Municipales de Santiago, III, 44.

[78]Ferreiro, Fucros Municipales de Santiago, III, 44.

[79]Coleccion de Privilegios, T. VI, p. 327 (Madrid, 1833).

[79]Coleccion de Privilegios, T. VI, p. 327 (Madrid, 1833).

[80]Crónica de Don Juan II, añoXXXVII, cap. i.

[80]Crónica de Don Juan II, añoXXXVII, cap. i.

[81]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 795.

[81]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, III, 795.

[82]Castillo, Crónica de Don Enrique IV, cap. lxxxvii, xc.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VII, cap. xxviii.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib.XVII, cap. xxxi.—Coleccion de Cédulas, III, 103 (Madrid, 1829).—Bienvenido, Oliver y Esteller (Boletin, XIV, 382).

[82]Castillo, Crónica de Don Enrique IV, cap. lxxxvii, xc.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VII, cap. xxviii.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib.XVII, cap. xxxi.—Coleccion de Cédulas, III, 103 (Madrid, 1829).—Bienvenido, Oliver y Esteller (Boletin, XIV, 382).

[83]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. li.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp. Lib.XIX.—Æl. Anton. Nebriss. Decad. I, Lib.VI, cap. 1-3.—Garibay, Comp. Historial, Lib.XVIII, cap. viii.

[83]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. li.—L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hisp. Lib.XIX.—Æl. Anton. Nebriss. Decad. I, Lib.VI, cap. 1-3.—Garibay, Comp. Historial, Lib.XVIII, cap. viii.

[84]Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, ann. 1477, No. 1.

[84]Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, ann. 1477, No. 1.

[85]Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, Lib.VIII, cap. V.—Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XVIII, 319).

[85]Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, Lib.VIII, cap. V.—Galindez de Carvajal (Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, XVIII, 319).

[86]Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VIII, cap. xx.

[86]Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VIII, cap. xx.

[87]Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 70, 124, 143, 183; III, 103.

[87]Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 70, 124, 143, 183; III, 103.

[88]Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. xcv.—Palafox, Obras, VII, 338 (Madrid, 1762).—Fueros de Aragon, fol. 13 (Saragossa, 1624).

[88]Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. xcv.—Palafox, Obras, VII, 338 (Madrid, 1762).—Fueros de Aragon, fol. 13 (Saragossa, 1624).

[89]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 89.

[89]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 89.

[90]Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. xii.

[90]Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. xii.

[91]Novís. Recop. Tit. xxv, Lib.XII.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VIII, cap xiii.—Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 295.—See also the description of the perfected system which excited the admiration of the Venetian ambassador, Paolo Tiepolo, in 1563 (Relazioni, Serie I, T. V, p. 21).

[91]Novís. Recop. Tit. xxv, Lib.XII.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones etc. Lib.VIII, cap xiii.—Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 295.—See also the description of the perfected system which excited the admiration of the Venetian ambassador, Paolo Tiepolo, in 1563 (Relazioni, Serie I, T. V, p. 21).

[92]Clemencin, p. 139.

[92]Clemencin, p. 139.

[93]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 136, 164, 173, 185, 336, 338; V, 669; VI, 425.—Novís Recop. Tit. xxxv, Lib.XII, ley 18.

[93]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 136, 164, 173, 185, 336, 338; V, 669; VI, 425.—Novís Recop. Tit. xxxv, Lib.XII, ley 18.

[94]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, IV, 356 (Madrid, 1882)—“E las leyes e costunbres son sujetas alos Reys, que las pueden hazer e quitar a su voluntad, e vuestra Alteza es ley viba e animada en las tierras.”

[94]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, IV, 356 (Madrid, 1882)—“E las leyes e costunbres son sujetas alos Reys, que las pueden hazer e quitar a su voluntad, e vuestra Alteza es ley viba e animada en las tierras.”

[95]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 333.

[95]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 333.

[96]Mariana, Lib.XXVIII, cap. xi; Tom. IX, Append. p. xix.—Giustiniani, Historie degl’Ordini Militari, pp. 386, 425, 460 (Venezia, 1692).

[96]Mariana, Lib.XXVIII, cap. xi; Tom. IX, Append. p. xix.—Giustiniani, Historie degl’Ordini Militari, pp. 386, 425, 460 (Venezia, 1692).

[97]Cartas de Ximenes de Cisneros, pp. 120, 131, 181 (Madrid, 1867).—Wadding, Annales Minorum, ann. 1516, n. 12.—Gachard, Correspondence entre Charles-Quint et Adrien VI, p. cxi (Bruxelles, 1859).

[97]Cartas de Ximenes de Cisneros, pp. 120, 131, 181 (Madrid, 1867).—Wadding, Annales Minorum, ann. 1516, n. 12.—Gachard, Correspondence entre Charles-Quint et Adrien VI, p. cxi (Bruxelles, 1859).

[98]Thus Father Gams attributes the Spanish Inquisition to the national peculiarity of the Spaniard, who requires that the State should represent God on earth, and that Christianity should control all public life; he demands unity of faith and not freedom of faith. The Inquisition is an institution for which the Church has no responsibility.—P. Pius Gams, O. S. B., Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, III,II, 7, 8, 11, 12.

[98]Thus Father Gams attributes the Spanish Inquisition to the national peculiarity of the Spaniard, who requires that the State should represent God on earth, and that Christianity should control all public life; he demands unity of faith and not freedom of faith. The Inquisition is an institution for which the Church has no responsibility.—P. Pius Gams, O. S. B., Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, III,II, 7, 8, 11, 12.

[99]Septimi Decretal. Lib.V, Tit. i, cap. 5.

[99]Septimi Decretal. Lib.V, Tit. i, cap. 5.

[100]Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquisitionis, p. 164.

[100]Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquisitionis, p. 164.

[101]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 147b(Ed. 1494).

[101]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 147b(Ed. 1494).

[102]Canon. Apostol. n. 69, 70.

[102]Canon. Apostol. n. 69, 70.

[103]Concil. Eliberitan. cap. 16, 49, 50, 78.

[103]Concil. Eliberitan. cap. 16, 49, 50, 78.

[104]S. August, de Adult. Conjug. Lib.I, cap. xviii.

[104]S. August, de Adult. Conjug. Lib.I, cap. xviii.

[105]S. Ambros. Epist.XL, n. 26.

[105]S. Ambros. Epist.XL, n. 26.

[106]S. Joh. Chrysost. adv. Judæos Orat.I, n. 3, 4, 6. Chrysostom’s indignation was especially aroused by the popular belief among Christians in the peculiar sanctity of the synagogues, which rendered oaths taken in them more binding than in a church.

[106]S. Joh. Chrysost. adv. Judæos Orat.I, n. 3, 4, 6. Chrysostom’s indignation was especially aroused by the popular belief among Christians in the peculiar sanctity of the synagogues, which rendered oaths taken in them more binding than in a church.

[107]Socrat. H. E.VII, xiii.

[107]Socrat. H. E.VII, xiii.

[108]Lib.XVI, Cod. Theodos. Tit. viii, Ll. 6, 9, 12, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27; Tit. ix, Ll. 2, 3, 4, 5.

[108]Lib.XVI, Cod. Theodos. Tit. viii, Ll. 6, 9, 12, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27; Tit. ix, Ll. 2, 3, 4, 5.

[109]Novell. Theodos. II, Tit. iii.

[109]Novell. Theodos. II, Tit. iii.

[110]Edict. Theoderici, cap. 143.—Cassiodori Variar.IV, 33, 43; v, 37. Cf.III, 45.

[110]Edict. Theoderici, cap. 143.—Cassiodori Variar.IV, 33, 43; v, 37. Cf.III, 45.

[111]Concil. Agathens. ann. 506, cap. 40. This was embodied in the canon law (Gratian. Decr. Caus.XXVIII, Q. i, cap. 14). The apologetic tone in which Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop of Clermont, speaks of Jews whom he likes and who “solent hujusmodi homines honestas habere causas” shows that the more enlightened churchmen felt that any favor shown to the proscribed race exposed them to animadversion (Epistt. Lib.III, Ep. 4; Lib.IV, Ep. 5).

[111]Concil. Agathens. ann. 506, cap. 40. This was embodied in the canon law (Gratian. Decr. Caus.XXVIII, Q. i, cap. 14). The apologetic tone in which Sidonius Apollinaris, Bishop of Clermont, speaks of Jews whom he likes and who “solent hujusmodi homines honestas habere causas” shows that the more enlightened churchmen felt that any favor shown to the proscribed race exposed them to animadversion (Epistt. Lib.III, Ep. 4; Lib.IV, Ep. 5).

[112]Concil. Quinisext. cap. 11 (Decr. Caus.XXVIII, Q. i, cap. 13).

[112]Concil. Quinisext. cap. 11 (Decr. Caus.XXVIII, Q. i, cap. 13).

[113]Gregor. PP. I. Epistt.XIII, 12 (Decreti Dist.XLV, cap. 3).

[113]Gregor. PP. I. Epistt.XIII, 12 (Decreti Dist.XLV, cap. 3).

[114]Ejusd. Epistt.I, 10, 35;II, 32;V, 8;VIII, 27;IX, 6;XIII, 12. It is true that Gregory strongly upheld the rule that Jews should hold no Christian slaves, but he permitted Christians to labor on their lands (Ibid,IV, 21).

[114]Ejusd. Epistt.I, 10, 35;II, 32;V, 8;VIII, 27;IX, 6;XIII, 12. It is true that Gregory strongly upheld the rule that Jews should hold no Christian slaves, but he permitted Christians to labor on their lands (Ibid,IV, 21).

[115]Ibid,I, 47.—Venantii Fortunati Miscell. Lib.V, cap. 5.

[115]Ibid,I, 47.—Venantii Fortunati Miscell. Lib.V, cap. 5.

[116]Cassiodor. Variar.II, 27;X, 26.

[116]Cassiodor. Variar.II, 27;X, 26.

[117]Lex Roman. Visigoth. Lib.XVI, Tit. iii, iv; Novell. Theodos. II, Tit. iii (Ed. Haenel, pp. 250, 256-8).

[117]Lex Roman. Visigoth. Lib.XVI, Tit. iii, iv; Novell. Theodos. II, Tit. iii (Ed. Haenel, pp. 250, 256-8).

[118]Concil. Toletan. III, ann. 589, cap. xiv.—Concil. Narbonn. ann. 589, cap. iv, ix.

[118]Concil. Toletan. III, ann. 589, cap. xiv.—Concil. Narbonn. ann. 589, cap. iv, ix.

[119]Gotth. Heine, Biblioth. Vet. Monumentt. Ecclesiasticor. p. 118 (Lipsiæ, 1848).

[119]Gotth. Heine, Biblioth. Vet. Monumentt. Ecclesiasticor. p. 118 (Lipsiæ, 1848).

[120]S. Isidori Hispalens. de Fide Cathol. contra Judæos Lib.I, cap. 28; Lib.II, cap. 5, 9.

[120]S. Isidori Hispalens. de Fide Cathol. contra Judæos Lib.I, cap. 28; Lib.II, cap. 5, 9.

[121]S. Isidori Chron. n. 120; De Regibus Gothorum, n. 60; Sententt. Lib.III, cap. 51, n. 4.In the perfected doctrine of the Church it was simply a question of policy and possibility whether the faith is to be extended by force or not, for the pope is supreme and has the authority to punish all, whether Jew or Gentile, who do not conform to the gospel.—Eymerici Direct. Inquisitor, p. 353 (Ed. Venet. 1607).

[121]S. Isidori Chron. n. 120; De Regibus Gothorum, n. 60; Sententt. Lib.III, cap. 51, n. 4.

In the perfected doctrine of the Church it was simply a question of policy and possibility whether the faith is to be extended by force or not, for the pope is supreme and has the authority to punish all, whether Jew or Gentile, who do not conform to the gospel.—Eymerici Direct. Inquisitor, p. 353 (Ed. Venet. 1607).

[122]Concil. Toletan. IV, ann. 633, cap. 57—adopted into the canon law (Decr. cap. 5, Dist.XLV)—as well as a decretal of Gregory IV—“Judæi non sunt cogendi ad fidem, quam tamen si invite susceperint, cogendi sunt retinere” (Ibid. cap. 4). See also Ll. Wisigoth. Lib.XII, Tit. ii, l. 4 (Recared I), continued in Fuero Juzgo,XII, ii, 4.The Jew who had been baptized in infancy, or who accepted baptism as an alternative of death, and reverted to Judaism was to be prosecuted by the Inquisition as a heretic.—Nicholai, PP. IV. Bull.Turbato corde, 1288 (Bullar. Roman. I, 158, 179, 184, 263).—Cap. 13 in Sexto, Lib.V, Tit. ii.—Bernard. Guidon. Practica, P. v, § v, n. 1.—Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. Direct. Inquis., p. 349. For the established formula of interrogatory, of Jews see MSS. Bibl. National de France, Collect. Doat., T. XXXVII, fol. 258.The forced conversion of Jews, so frequent throughout the Middle Ages, gave rise to many nice questions, exhaustively debated by the schoolmen. The subject is fully treated in aTractatus de Judæorum et Christianorum communione, etc., printed in Strassburg about 1470 (Hain, 9465), in which, for convenient use and reference, is gathered together all the ecclesiastical legislation against the unfortunate race, forming a deplorable exhibition of human perversity.

[122]Concil. Toletan. IV, ann. 633, cap. 57—adopted into the canon law (Decr. cap. 5, Dist.XLV)—as well as a decretal of Gregory IV—“Judæi non sunt cogendi ad fidem, quam tamen si invite susceperint, cogendi sunt retinere” (Ibid. cap. 4). See also Ll. Wisigoth. Lib.XII, Tit. ii, l. 4 (Recared I), continued in Fuero Juzgo,XII, ii, 4.

The Jew who had been baptized in infancy, or who accepted baptism as an alternative of death, and reverted to Judaism was to be prosecuted by the Inquisition as a heretic.—Nicholai, PP. IV. Bull.Turbato corde, 1288 (Bullar. Roman. I, 158, 179, 184, 263).—Cap. 13 in Sexto, Lib.V, Tit. ii.—Bernard. Guidon. Practica, P. v, § v, n. 1.—Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. Direct. Inquis., p. 349. For the established formula of interrogatory, of Jews see MSS. Bibl. National de France, Collect. Doat., T. XXXVII, fol. 258.

The forced conversion of Jews, so frequent throughout the Middle Ages, gave rise to many nice questions, exhaustively debated by the schoolmen. The subject is fully treated in aTractatus de Judæorum et Christianorum communione, etc., printed in Strassburg about 1470 (Hain, 9465), in which, for convenient use and reference, is gathered together all the ecclesiastical legislation against the unfortunate race, forming a deplorable exhibition of human perversity.

[123]Concil. Toletan. IV, ann. 633, cap. 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66; Conc. VI, ann. 638, cap. 3; Conc. VIII, ann. 653, cap. 12; Conc. IX, ann. 655, cap. 17; Conc. X, ann. 656, cap. 7; Conc. XII, ann. 681, cap. 9; Conc. XIII, ann. 683, cap. 9; Conc. XVI, ann. 693, cap. 1.Ll. Wisigoth. Lib.XII, Tit. ii, ll. 4-17; Tit. iii, ll. 1, 2, 10, 12, 16, 17, 19, 24 (Fuero Juzgo, ibidem.).

[123]Concil. Toletan. IV, ann. 633, cap. 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66; Conc. VI, ann. 638, cap. 3; Conc. VIII, ann. 653, cap. 12; Conc. IX, ann. 655, cap. 17; Conc. X, ann. 656, cap. 7; Conc. XII, ann. 681, cap. 9; Conc. XIII, ann. 683, cap. 9; Conc. XVI, ann. 693, cap. 1.

Ll. Wisigoth. Lib.XII, Tit. ii, ll. 4-17; Tit. iii, ll. 1, 2, 10, 12, 16, 17, 19, 24 (Fuero Juzgo, ibidem.).

[124]S. Juliani Toleti Vit. Wambæ, n. 5, 28 (Florez, España Sagrada, VI, 536, 556).

[124]S. Juliani Toleti Vit. Wambæ, n. 5, 28 (Florez, España Sagrada, VI, 536, 556).

[125]Concil. Toletan. XVII, ann. 694, cap. 8.

[125]Concil. Toletan. XVII, ann. 694, cap. 8.

[126]Roderic. Toletan. de Rebus Hispan. Lib.III, cap. xvi.—Morales, Corónica General, T. VI, p. 361. Isidor of Beja, however, is the best authority for the period, and he speaks of Witiza in terms of high praise (Isidor. Pacens. Chron. n. 29, 30). See also Dozy,Recherches sur l’Histoire et la Littérature de l’Espagne, I, 16-17 (3eÉd. Leipzig, 1881).

[126]Roderic. Toletan. de Rebus Hispan. Lib.III, cap. xvi.—Morales, Corónica General, T. VI, p. 361. Isidor of Beja, however, is the best authority for the period, and he speaks of Witiza in terms of high praise (Isidor. Pacens. Chron. n. 29, 30). See also Dozy,Recherches sur l’Histoire et la Littérature de l’Espagne, I, 16-17 (3eÉd. Leipzig, 1881).

[127]Rod. Toletan.op. cit.Lib.III, cap. xxii, xxiii.—Dozy, I, 49, 52.

[127]Rod. Toletan.op. cit.Lib.III, cap. xxii, xxiii.—Dozy, I, 49, 52.

[128]Dozy, I, 17, 44, 53, 54, 56, 72, 74-5, 79, 350-1.

[128]Dozy, I, 17, 44, 53, 54, 56, 72, 74-5, 79, 350-1.

[129]An interesting instance of Moslem toleration is seen in theFarfanes—Christians of Morocco who claimed to be the descendants of Goths deported at the conquest at the request of Count Julian. In 1386 they sent Sancho Rodríguez, one of their number, to Juan I to ask to be received back in Spain. Juan obtained from the King of Morocco permission for their departure, and promised to provide for them lands and support. In 1390 they came, numbering fifty cavaliers with their wives and children, and bringing a letter from the Moslem ruler speaking of them as nobles descended from the Goths and praising greatly their loyalty and valor. It was in riding out from Burgos to welcome them that Juan’s horse fell and caused his death. In 1394 Henry III gave them a confirmation of their ancient nobility, and in 1430 and 1433 we still find them recognized in Seville as a distinct class.—Ayala, Crón. de Juan I, año X, cap. xx.—Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, Lib.VIII, año 1386, n. 2; año 1390, n. 3; Lib.IX, año 1394, n. 1.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta clxxiv, n. 4, 8.

[129]An interesting instance of Moslem toleration is seen in theFarfanes—Christians of Morocco who claimed to be the descendants of Goths deported at the conquest at the request of Count Julian. In 1386 they sent Sancho Rodríguez, one of their number, to Juan I to ask to be received back in Spain. Juan obtained from the King of Morocco permission for their departure, and promised to provide for them lands and support. In 1390 they came, numbering fifty cavaliers with their wives and children, and bringing a letter from the Moslem ruler speaking of them as nobles descended from the Goths and praising greatly their loyalty and valor. It was in riding out from Burgos to welcome them that Juan’s horse fell and caused his death. In 1394 Henry III gave them a confirmation of their ancient nobility, and in 1430 and 1433 we still find them recognized in Seville as a distinct class.—Ayala, Crón. de Juan I, año X, cap. xx.—Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, Lib.VIII, año 1386, n. 2; año 1390, n. 3; Lib.IX, año 1394, n. 1.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta clxxiv, n. 4, 8.

[130]Francisco Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares de Castilla, pp. 14-18 (Madrid, 1866).—S. Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib.II, cap. xvi; Lib.III, cap. i (Migne’s Patrologia, CXV, 787, 800).

[130]Francisco Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares de Castilla, pp. 14-18 (Madrid, 1866).—S. Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib.II, cap. xvi; Lib.III, cap. i (Migne’s Patrologia, CXV, 787, 800).

[131]Florez, España Sagrada, XI, 309sqq.; V, Append. x.—Samsonis Abbatis Cordubensis Apolog. Lib.II(Ib. XI, 388sqq.).—Alvari Cordubens. Epist. vii, viii (Ibid. XI, 147sqq.).—Hostegesis was Bishop of Málaga, and the free exercise of discipline in the Mozárabic church is shown in the complaint of the cruelty with which he exacted theterciaor tribute due to him, causing delinquents to be paraded through the streets with soldiers scourging them and proclaiming that all defaulters should be similarly treated.—Florez, XII, 326.

[131]Florez, España Sagrada, XI, 309sqq.; V, Append. x.—Samsonis Abbatis Cordubensis Apolog. Lib.II(Ib. XI, 388sqq.).—Alvari Cordubens. Epist. vii, viii (Ibid. XI, 147sqq.).—Hostegesis was Bishop of Málaga, and the free exercise of discipline in the Mozárabic church is shown in the complaint of the cruelty with which he exacted theterciaor tribute due to him, causing delinquents to be paraded through the streets with soldiers scourging them and proclaiming that all defaulters should be similarly treated.—Florez, XII, 326.

[132]S. Eulogii Epist. iii (Migne, CXV, 845-9).—Alvari Cordubens. Vit. S. Eulogii (Ibid. 712).—The description by Alvar of his education with S. Eulogio shows that the Christian schools of Córdova were flourishing and active (Ibid. cap. i, p. 708).

[132]S. Eulogii Epist. iii (Migne, CXV, 845-9).—Alvari Cordubens. Vit. S. Eulogii (Ibid. 712).—The description by Alvar of his education with S. Eulogio shows that the Christian schools of Córdova were flourishing and active (Ibid. cap. i, p. 708).

[133]Alvari Cordubens. Vit. S. Eulogii, cap. iv, v.—Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib.II; Lib.III, cap. ii, iii, v, viii, xvii.—Ejusd. Vit. et Passio SS. Floræ et Mariæ.—Ejusd. Lib. Apologet. Martyrum.

[133]Alvari Cordubens. Vit. S. Eulogii, cap. iv, v.—Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib.II; Lib.III, cap. ii, iii, v, viii, xvii.—Ejusd. Vit. et Passio SS. Floræ et Mariæ.—Ejusd. Lib. Apologet. Martyrum.

[134]Aimoini Translatio SS. Georgii, Aurelii et Nathaliæ, Lib.I; Lib.II, cap. xxviii.

[134]Aimoini Translatio SS. Georgii, Aurelii et Nathaliæ, Lib.I; Lib.II, cap. xxviii.

[135]Liutprandi Antopodosis, Lib.II, cap. i.

[135]Liutprandi Antopodosis, Lib.II, cap. i.

[136]Dozy, Recherches, II, 178.

[136]Dozy, Recherches, II, 178.

[137]Fernández y González, p. 57.

[137]Fernández y González, p. 57.

[138]Dozy, Recherches, I, 265, 269, 349, 352-61.—Orderici Vital. Hist. Eccles. P.III, Lib. xiii, cap. 2.

[138]Dozy, Recherches, I, 265, 269, 349, 352-61.—Orderici Vital. Hist. Eccles. P.III, Lib. xiii, cap. 2.

[139]Crónica de Alfonso VII, cap. 46, 101 (España Sagrada, XXI, 360, 398).

[139]Crónica de Alfonso VII, cap. 46, 101 (España Sagrada, XXI, 360, 398).

[140]Dozy, Recherches, I, 370-1.—Fernández y González, p. 19.—See also an essay on the Mozárabes of Valencia by Don Roque Chabás, in the Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, XVIII, 19.

[140]Dozy, Recherches, I, 370-1.—Fernández y González, p. 19.—See also an essay on the Mozárabes of Valencia by Don Roque Chabás, in the Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, XVIII, 19.

[141]Fernández y González, pp. 86-7, 93. The term Miramamolin, so often used by Christian writers as a personal name, isAmir-el-Momenin, or Prince of the Faithful, a title frequently assumed by Moorish rulers.

[141]Fernández y González, pp. 86-7, 93. The term Miramamolin, so often used by Christian writers as a personal name, isAmir-el-Momenin, or Prince of the Faithful, a title frequently assumed by Moorish rulers.

[142]Fernández y González, pp. 92, 96.

[142]Fernández y González, pp. 92, 96.

[143]Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I, 640-5.

[143]Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I, 640-5.

[144]Dozy, Recherches, I, 365-7, 372-9.

[144]Dozy, Recherches, I, 365-7, 372-9.

[145]S. Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib.III, cap. iv.—Lindo’s History of the Jews of Spain, p. 44 (London, 1848).

[145]S. Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib.III, cap. iv.—Lindo’s History of the Jews of Spain, p. 44 (London, 1848).

[146]Lindo, p. 46.

[146]Lindo, p. 46.

[147]Dozy, Recherches, I, 285-9.

[147]Dozy, Recherches, I, 285-9.

[148]Lindo, p. 62.

[148]Lindo, p. 62.

[149]Lindo, pp. 156-7.

[149]Lindo, pp. 156-7.

[150]In the ballads the Moors are almost always represented as chivalric enemies. Even when celebrating their defeats, down to the capture of Granada, there is no contempt manifested and nowhere is to be seen a trace of religious acerbity. Many ballads have Moors as their heroes, as in those which celebrate the deeds of Bravonel and Reduan, and there is nothing to distinguish their treatment from that of Christians. Bravonel and Bernardo del Carpio are represented as companions in arms. When Bernardo is banished by his king he betakes himself forthwith to Granada to participate in a tournament, whereQue hay unas Reales fiestas,Donde el premio será dado. . . . . . . . . .Al que mejor lo ficiereSea Moro ó sea Cristiano;and there he is warmly welcomed by Muza, the most gallant knight of the Saracens.—Romances Antiguos Españoles, I, 65 (Leipzig, 1844).

[150]In the ballads the Moors are almost always represented as chivalric enemies. Even when celebrating their defeats, down to the capture of Granada, there is no contempt manifested and nowhere is to be seen a trace of religious acerbity. Many ballads have Moors as their heroes, as in those which celebrate the deeds of Bravonel and Reduan, and there is nothing to distinguish their treatment from that of Christians. Bravonel and Bernardo del Carpio are represented as companions in arms. When Bernardo is banished by his king he betakes himself forthwith to Granada to participate in a tournament, where

Que hay unas Reales fiestas,Donde el premio será dado. . . . . . . . . .Al que mejor lo ficiereSea Moro ó sea Cristiano;

Que hay unas Reales fiestas,Donde el premio será dado. . . . . . . . . .Al que mejor lo ficiereSea Moro ó sea Cristiano;

and there he is warmly welcomed by Muza, the most gallant knight of the Saracens.—Romances Antiguos Españoles, I, 65 (Leipzig, 1844).

[151]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XVI, 159.

[151]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XVI, 159.

[152]Dozy, Recherches, II, 203, 233.

[152]Dozy, Recherches, II, 203, 233.

[153]Dozy, II, 109, 111.—Edélestand du Meril, Poésies populaires Latines, pp. 312-13.

[153]Dozy, II, 109, 111.—Edélestand du Meril, Poésies populaires Latines, pp. 312-13.

[154]Chron. Sampiri Asturicens, n. 3, 22, 26 (España Sagrada, XIV, 439, 452, 455).

[154]Chron. Sampiri Asturicens, n. 3, 22, 26 (España Sagrada, XIV, 439, 452, 455).

[155]Chron. Pelagii Ovietens. (España Sagrada, XIV, 468, 472).

[155]Chron. Pelagii Ovietens. (España Sagrada, XIV, 468, 472).

[156]Fernández y González, pp. 34, 48, 114.

[156]Fernández y González, pp. 34, 48, 114.

[157]Crónica de Don Alfonso X, cap. xix-lviii.

[157]Crónica de Don Alfonso X, cap. xix-lviii.

[158]Ibidem cap. lxxvi.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones, Lib.I, cap. vi, xi (Memorial hist. español, IX, 72-9, 92-8).

[158]Ibidem cap. lxxvi.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones, Lib.I, cap. vi, xi (Memorial hist. español, IX, 72-9, 92-8).

[159]Crónica de Don Alfonso XI, cap. lvii, cxi, cxxv.

[159]Crónica de Don Alfonso XI, cap. lvii, cxi, cxxv.

[160]Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, añoXVII, cap. iv; añoXIX, cap. iv, v; añoXX, cap. vi.

[160]Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, añoXVII, cap. iv; añoXIX, cap. iv, v; añoXX, cap. vi.

[161]Barrantes, Ilustraciones, Lib.VII, cap. xxii.

[161]Barrantes, Ilustraciones, Lib.VII, cap. xxii.

[162]Memorial histórico español, I, 159.

[162]Memorial histórico español, I, 159.

[163]Ibidem III, 151.

[163]Ibidem III, 151.

[164]Coleccion de Documentos inéditos de la Corona de Aragon, I, 25.

[164]Coleccion de Documentos inéditos de la Corona de Aragon, I, 25.

[165]Concil. Lateran. IV, ann. 1216ad calcem(Harduin. VII, 75).—Cap. 6, 17, Extra, Lib.V, Tit. vi.—Concil. Lugdunens. I, ann. 1245, cap. xvii (Harduin. VIII, 394).—Concil. Ilerdens. ann. 1246 (Aguirre, VI, 318).—Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii (Aguirre, V, 251).—Cap. 1 Extrav. Commun. Lib.V, Tit. ii.—Urbani PP. V, Bull.Apostolatus, 1364 (Bullar. Roman. Ed. Luxemburg. I, 261).—Nicholai PP. V, Bull.Olim, 1450 (Ibid. I, 361), and finally in the standard anathema of the bullin Cœna Domini.Considering the character of the Roman curia in the Middle Ages it would scarce be malicious to suggest that the chief object of these prohibitions was to create a market for licenses to violate them, and St. Antonino of Florence, about the middle of the fifteenth century, tells us that as a rule the Venetian merchants had them (S. Antonini Confessionale)In spite of his laxity in practice, Alfonso X in thePartidasembodies the Lateran decree denouncing slavery for all who aid the Saracens in any manner (Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxi, ley 4) and in 1253 he admitted papal control in such matters by obtaining in advance from Innocent IV ratification of certain treaties which he was negotiating with the princes of Africa (Fernández y González, p. 337).

[165]Concil. Lateran. IV, ann. 1216ad calcem(Harduin. VII, 75).—Cap. 6, 17, Extra, Lib.V, Tit. vi.—Concil. Lugdunens. I, ann. 1245, cap. xvii (Harduin. VIII, 394).—Concil. Ilerdens. ann. 1246 (Aguirre, VI, 318).—Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii (Aguirre, V, 251).—Cap. 1 Extrav. Commun. Lib.V, Tit. ii.—Urbani PP. V, Bull.Apostolatus, 1364 (Bullar. Roman. Ed. Luxemburg. I, 261).—Nicholai PP. V, Bull.Olim, 1450 (Ibid. I, 361), and finally in the standard anathema of the bullin Cœna Domini.

Considering the character of the Roman curia in the Middle Ages it would scarce be malicious to suggest that the chief object of these prohibitions was to create a market for licenses to violate them, and St. Antonino of Florence, about the middle of the fifteenth century, tells us that as a rule the Venetian merchants had them (S. Antonini Confessionale)

In spite of his laxity in practice, Alfonso X in thePartidasembodies the Lateran decree denouncing slavery for all who aid the Saracens in any manner (Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxi, ley 4) and in 1253 he admitted papal control in such matters by obtaining in advance from Innocent IV ratification of certain treaties which he was negotiating with the princes of Africa (Fernández y González, p. 337).

[166]Bullar. Roman. I, 263.—Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. p. 351(Ed. Venet. 1607).

[166]Bullar. Roman. I, 263.—Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. p. 351(Ed. Venet. 1607).

[167]Barrantes, Ilustraciones, etc., Lib.I, cap. iv, xiii, xiv, xx, xxi.—Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, año III, cap. iii.

[167]Barrantes, Ilustraciones, etc., Lib.I, cap. iv, xiii, xiv, xx, xxi.—Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, año III, cap. iii.

[168]Chron. Sampiri Asturicens. n. 16, 24, 25 (España Sagrada, XIV, 447, 454, 455).—Marca Hispanica, p. 1232.

[168]Chron. Sampiri Asturicens. n. 16, 24, 25 (España Sagrada, XIV, 447, 454, 455).—Marca Hispanica, p. 1232.

[169]Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxi, leyes 6, 8; Tit. xxii, ley 3. In the Fuero Real de España the only allusion to Moors is as slaves (Lib.IV, Tit. xi, ley 3; Tit. xiv, ley 1). It is virtually the same in the old Fuero of Madrid (Memorias de la R. Acad. de la Historia, VIII, 40).The Church held that baptism manumitted the slave, even when the master was Christian, but when it sought to enforce the rule the masters resisted, either forbidding the baptism or demanding from the clergy the value of the slave and seizing pledges to ensure payment. Innocent III was much scandalized by this. In 1205 he complained to Alfonso IX that in place of requiring such converted slaves to be paid for at the price fixed by the canons he allowed the owner to determine the value, and thus the Bishop of Burgos had recently been forced to pay two hundred gold pieces for a girl not worth ten deniers (Innoc. PP. III, Regest.VIII, 50;IX, 150).

[169]Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxi, leyes 6, 8; Tit. xxii, ley 3. In the Fuero Real de España the only allusion to Moors is as slaves (Lib.IV, Tit. xi, ley 3; Tit. xiv, ley 1). It is virtually the same in the old Fuero of Madrid (Memorias de la R. Acad. de la Historia, VIII, 40).

The Church held that baptism manumitted the slave, even when the master was Christian, but when it sought to enforce the rule the masters resisted, either forbidding the baptism or demanding from the clergy the value of the slave and seizing pledges to ensure payment. Innocent III was much scandalized by this. In 1205 he complained to Alfonso IX that in place of requiring such converted slaves to be paid for at the price fixed by the canons he allowed the owner to determine the value, and thus the Bishop of Burgos had recently been forced to pay two hundred gold pieces for a girl not worth ten deniers (Innoc. PP. III, Regest.VIII, 50;IX, 150).

[170]Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxi, ley 7.

[170]Partidas, P.IV, Tit. xxi, ley 7.

[171]Fernández y González, pp. 21, 24-5.

[171]Fernández y González, pp. 21, 24-5.

[172]Dozy, Recherches, I, 124-6.

[172]Dozy, Recherches, I, 124-6.

[173]Fernández y González, p. 28.

[173]Fernández y González, p. 28.

[174]Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, añoII, cap. xvii.

[174]Ayala, Crónica de Don Pedro I, añoII, cap. xvii.

[175]Fernández y González, pp. 39, 45-6, 58.

[175]Fernández y González, pp. 39, 45-6, 58.

[176]Mondexar, Memorias de Alonso VIII, cap. cv, cviii.—Roderici Toletani de Rebus Hispan. Lib.VIII, cap. xii.

[176]Mondexar, Memorias de Alonso VIII, cap. cv, cviii.—Roderici Toletani de Rebus Hispan. Lib.VIII, cap. xii.

[177]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXI, 131.

[177]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXI, 131.

[178]Fernández y González, p. 97.

[178]Fernández y González, p. 97.

[179]See the capitulation of Valencia in 1232 (Villanueva, XVII, 331); also theConstitutiones Pacis et Treugæof Catalonia, in 1214, 1225, and 1228 (Marca Hispanica, pp. 1402, 1407, 1413), and also that of Rosellon, in 1217 (D’Achery, Spicileg. III, 587). In 1279 Pedro III of Aragon issues letters “to all his faithful Moors of the frontier of Castile and Viar,” inviting them to come and populate Villareal, offering them the vacant lands there and pledging them security for all their goods (Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VIII, 151).

[179]See the capitulation of Valencia in 1232 (Villanueva, XVII, 331); also theConstitutiones Pacis et Treugæof Catalonia, in 1214, 1225, and 1228 (Marca Hispanica, pp. 1402, 1407, 1413), and also that of Rosellon, in 1217 (D’Achery, Spicileg. III, 587). In 1279 Pedro III of Aragon issues letters “to all his faithful Moors of the frontier of Castile and Viar,” inviting them to come and populate Villareal, offering them the vacant lands there and pledging them security for all their goods (Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VIII, 151).

[180]Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 571, 573, 584, 600, 608, 622, 632; VI, 93, 106, 112, 220, 292, 308, 326, 385, 455. A charter of San Fernando III, in 1246, selling certain lands to the city of Toledo, says “vendo á vos, concejo de Toledo, á los caballeros é al pueblo, é á cristianos é á moros é á judios, á los que sodes é á los que han de ser adelant, todos aquellos terminos, etc.”—Fernández y González, p. 319.

[180]Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 571, 573, 584, 600, 608, 622, 632; VI, 93, 106, 112, 220, 292, 308, 326, 385, 455. A charter of San Fernando III, in 1246, selling certain lands to the city of Toledo, says “vendo á vos, concejo de Toledo, á los caballeros é al pueblo, é á cristianos é á moros é á judios, á los que sodes é á los que han de ser adelant, todos aquellos terminos, etc.”—Fernández y González, p. 319.

[181]Fernández y González, pp. 117, 122, 123.—Memorial histórico español, I, 285.

[181]Fernández y González, pp. 117, 122, 123.—Memorial histórico español, I, 285.

[182]Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 29.—Fernández y González, p. 294. In the charter of Hinestrosa (1287) the wergild for homicide is 500 sueldos. In that of Arganzon (1191) allusion is made to the wergild of 500 sueldos, but the special privilege is granted that the murderer shall pay only 250, the other 250 being remitted “for the sake of the king’s soul.” In the charter of Amaya (1285) the wergild is sixty maravedís.—(Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 222, 112, 205.)

[182]Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 29.—Fernández y González, p. 294. In the charter of Hinestrosa (1287) the wergild for homicide is 500 sueldos. In that of Arganzon (1191) allusion is made to the wergild of 500 sueldos, but the special privilege is granted that the murderer shall pay only 250, the other 250 being remitted “for the sake of the king’s soul.” In the charter of Amaya (1285) the wergild is sixty maravedís.—(Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 222, 112, 205.)

[183]Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia, VIII, 39.

[183]Memorias de la Real Academia de la Historia, VIII, 39.

[184]Leyes de Estilo, 83, 84.

[184]Leyes de Estilo, 83, 84.

[185]Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 413.

[185]Coleccion de Cédulas, V, 413.

[186]Fernández y González, pp. 407, 409. By a confirmation of Pedro IV of Aragon, in 1372, to the aljama of Calatayud it appears that the Moors of the cities were accustomed to have special shambles where their meat was slaughtered and marked “secundum eorum ritum sive çunam.”—Ibid. p. 384.

[186]Fernández y González, pp. 407, 409. By a confirmation of Pedro IV of Aragon, in 1372, to the aljama of Calatayud it appears that the Moors of the cities were accustomed to have special shambles where their meat was slaughtered and marked “secundum eorum ritum sive çunam.”—Ibid. p. 384.

[187]Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, IV, 130; VI, 145.—Fernández y González, pp. 286, 290, 386, 389.

[187]Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, IV, 130; VI, 145.—Fernández y González, pp. 286, 290, 386, 389.

[188]Fernández y González, pp. 92, 94-5, 102.

[188]Fernández y González, pp. 92, 94-5, 102.

[189]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion Primera, CarpetaI, n. 49.—Fernández y González, pp. 351, 353, 363.—Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 31.—Memorial histórico español,I, 81, 152.

[189]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion Primera, CarpetaI, n. 49.—Fernández y González, pp. 351, 353, 363.—Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 31.—Memorial histórico español,I, 81, 152.

[190]Fernández y González, pp. 221, 286.—Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 157, 196.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 309.

[190]Fernández y González, pp. 221, 286.—Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 157, 196.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 309.

[191]Aguirre, V, 225, 227; VI, 369.—Cap. 5 Extra v, vi.—Cap. 2 Extrav. Commun. v, ii.—Tratados de Legislacion Musulmana, p. 216 (Madrid, 1853).—Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxv, leyes 2, 3.—Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.I, cap. 3, 4 (Barcelona, 1588).—Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1245 (Aguirre, VI, 306).

[191]Aguirre, V, 225, 227; VI, 369.—Cap. 5 Extra v, vi.—Cap. 2 Extrav. Commun. v, ii.—Tratados de Legislacion Musulmana, p. 216 (Madrid, 1853).—Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxv, leyes 2, 3.—Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.I, cap. 3, 4 (Barcelona, 1588).—Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1245 (Aguirre, VI, 306).

[192]Fernández y González, pp. 107-8, 120, 286, 359.—Memorial histórico español, I, 285.—For the manner in which the houses of conquered towns were distributed see theRepartimiento de Jerez de la Fronteraby Alfonso X in this same year 1266, printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, Junio, 1887, pp. 465sqq.).

[192]Fernández y González, pp. 107-8, 120, 286, 359.—Memorial histórico español, I, 285.—For the manner in which the houses of conquered towns were distributed see theRepartimiento de Jerez de la Fronteraby Alfonso X in this same year 1266, printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, Junio, 1887, pp. 465sqq.).

[193]Fernández y González, p. 346.

[193]Fernández y González, p. 346.

[194]Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 255.—Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxv, ley 10.

[194]Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 255.—Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxv, ley 10.

[195]Tratados de Legislacion Musulmana, p. 7 (Madrid, 1853). In this collection theLeyes de los Morosprobably date from about the year 1300. Ice Gebir’sSuma de los principales Mandamientoswas written in 1462. It would not be easy to find a more practical moral code than that presented in the short precepts assembled in Ice Gebir’s first chapter (pp. 250sqq.). It is somewhat surprising to learn that in thealchihéd, or holy war against Christians, it was forbidden to slay non-combatants—women, children, old men and even monks and friars unless they defended themselves by force (cap. xxxv, p. 333). Even harmless things, such as ants and frogs, are not to be deprived of life (cap. clvii, p. 400). The vital reproach to be brought against Islam is the position assigned to woman—her degradation in her relations to man, and her scant recognition as a human being. In a classification of society into twelve orders, the eleventh is that ofbaldiosor robbers, sorcerers, pirates, drunkards, etc., and the twelfth and lowest is woman (Ib. cap. lx, pp. 412, 415).

[195]Tratados de Legislacion Musulmana, p. 7 (Madrid, 1853). In this collection theLeyes de los Morosprobably date from about the year 1300. Ice Gebir’sSuma de los principales Mandamientoswas written in 1462. It would not be easy to find a more practical moral code than that presented in the short precepts assembled in Ice Gebir’s first chapter (pp. 250sqq.). It is somewhat surprising to learn that in thealchihéd, or holy war against Christians, it was forbidden to slay non-combatants—women, children, old men and even monks and friars unless they defended themselves by force (cap. xxxv, p. 333). Even harmless things, such as ants and frogs, are not to be deprived of life (cap. clvii, p. 400). The vital reproach to be brought against Islam is the position assigned to woman—her degradation in her relations to man, and her scant recognition as a human being. In a classification of society into twelve orders, the eleventh is that ofbaldiosor robbers, sorcerers, pirates, drunkards, etc., and the twelfth and lowest is woman (Ib. cap. lx, pp. 412, 415).

[196]The ballad chronicler relates how—Et los moros é las morasMuy grandes juegos hacian,Los judíos con las torasEstos Reyes bien recibian.Fernández y González, p. 239.

[196]The ballad chronicler relates how—

Et los moros é las morasMuy grandes juegos hacian,Los judíos con las torasEstos Reyes bien recibian.Fernández y González, p. 239.

Et los moros é las morasMuy grandes juegos hacian,Los judíos con las torasEstos Reyes bien recibian.Fernández y González, p. 239.

[197]Crónica de Juan II, añoIV, cap. 26.

[197]Crónica de Juan II, añoIV, cap. 26.

[198]Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VIII, 53.—Memorial histórico español, I, 239, 263; III, 439.

[198]Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VIII, 53.—Memorial histórico español, I, 239, 263; III, 439.

[199]Fernández y González, p. 389.

[199]Fernández y González, p. 389.

[200]Ibid. pp. 382, 386.

[200]Ibid. pp. 382, 386.

[201]Janer, Condicion Social de los Moriscos de España, pp. 47-9, 161, 162 (Madrid, 1857).Under the Saracen domination, Almería was the chief port of Spain, crowded with ships from Syria and Egypt, Pisa and Genoa. It boasted of a thousand inns for strangers and four thousand weaving shops, besides manufactures of copper, iron and glass (Dozy, Recherches, I, 244-5). For the wonderful wealth of the Moors under the caliphs of Córdova, showing the capacity of the race and of the land, see Conde’s “Arabs in Spain,” P.II, cap. 94. How unfitted was the Castilian chivalry to perpetuate this prosperity is seen in a letter of Alfonso X in 1258, reciting how he had peopled with Christians the flourishing city of Alicante, as it was a stronghold and one of the best seaports; how the allotment of lands had given dissatisfaction and on investigation he had found that the Christians could not live and prosper there, wherefore he now makes a newrepartimiento(Memorial histórico español, I, 135).

[201]Janer, Condicion Social de los Moriscos de España, pp. 47-9, 161, 162 (Madrid, 1857).

Under the Saracen domination, Almería was the chief port of Spain, crowded with ships from Syria and Egypt, Pisa and Genoa. It boasted of a thousand inns for strangers and four thousand weaving shops, besides manufactures of copper, iron and glass (Dozy, Recherches, I, 244-5). For the wonderful wealth of the Moors under the caliphs of Córdova, showing the capacity of the race and of the land, see Conde’s “Arabs in Spain,” P.II, cap. 94. How unfitted was the Castilian chivalry to perpetuate this prosperity is seen in a letter of Alfonso X in 1258, reciting how he had peopled with Christians the flourishing city of Alicante, as it was a stronghold and one of the best seaports; how the allotment of lands had given dissatisfaction and on investigation he had found that the Christians could not live and prosper there, wherefore he now makes a newrepartimiento(Memorial histórico español, I, 135).

[202]Fernández y González, pp. 294, 321, 367. Cf. Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii; C. Toletan. ann. 1324, cap. viii (Aguirre, V, 251, 259); Concil. Parisiensis, ann. 1212, Addend, cap. i (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII, 1420).

[202]Fernández y González, pp. 294, 321, 367. Cf. Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii; C. Toletan. ann. 1324, cap. viii (Aguirre, V, 251, 259); Concil. Parisiensis, ann. 1212, Addend, cap. i (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII, 1420).

[203]Concil. Lateran. IV, ann. 1216, cap. lxviii (cap. 15, Extra, v, vi). This device originated among the Saracens of the East, who, in the eleventh century, required Jews and Christians to wear distinctive badges (Fernández y González, p. 16). The earliest trace of it in the West is found in the charter of Alais, in 1200, which prescribes distinctive vestments for Jews (Robert, Les Signes d’Infamie au Moyen Age, p. 7). In Italy, Frederic II obeyed the Lateran decree by ordering, in 1221, all Jews to wear distinguishing garments (Richardi de S. German. Chron.ap.Muratori, S. R. I., VII, 993), but he did not insert this in the Sicilian Constitutions or include his Saracen subjects. In 1254 the council of Albi prescribed for Jews a circle, a finger-breadth in width, to be worn upon the breast, and that of Ravenna, in 1311, a yellow circle (Harduin. VII, 458, 1370). In the fifteenth century, the Neapolitan Jews were required to wear as a sign the Hebrew letter Tau (Wadding, Annal. Minor. T. III, Regest. p. 392).

[203]Concil. Lateran. IV, ann. 1216, cap. lxviii (cap. 15, Extra, v, vi). This device originated among the Saracens of the East, who, in the eleventh century, required Jews and Christians to wear distinctive badges (Fernández y González, p. 16). The earliest trace of it in the West is found in the charter of Alais, in 1200, which prescribes distinctive vestments for Jews (Robert, Les Signes d’Infamie au Moyen Age, p. 7). In Italy, Frederic II obeyed the Lateran decree by ordering, in 1221, all Jews to wear distinguishing garments (Richardi de S. German. Chron.ap.Muratori, S. R. I., VII, 993), but he did not insert this in the Sicilian Constitutions or include his Saracen subjects. In 1254 the council of Albi prescribed for Jews a circle, a finger-breadth in width, to be worn upon the breast, and that of Ravenna, in 1311, a yellow circle (Harduin. VII, 458, 1370). In the fifteenth century, the Neapolitan Jews were required to wear as a sign the Hebrew letter Tau (Wadding, Annal. Minor. T. III, Regest. p. 392).

[204]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1217, n. 84.—Amador de los Rios, Hist. de los Judíos de España, I, 361-2, 554.

[204]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1217, n. 84.—Amador de los Rios, Hist. de los Judíos de España, I, 361-2, 554.

[205]Amador de los Rios, I, 362, 364.

[205]Amador de los Rios, I, 362, 364.

[206]Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxiv, ley 11.

[206]Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxiv, ley 11.

[207]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 227.

[207]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 227.

[208]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1238, cap. iv; ann. 1282, cap. v (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VIII, 132, 280).—Fernández y González, p. 369.—Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib.I, Tit. v, cap. 12 (Barcelona, 1589, p. 8).

[208]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1238, cap. iv; ann. 1282, cap. v (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VIII, 132, 280).—Fernández y González, p. 369.—Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib.I, Tit. v, cap. 12 (Barcelona, 1589, p. 8).

[209]Ayala, Crónica de Enrique II, añoVI, cap. vii.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 281.

[209]Ayala, Crónica de Enrique II, añoVI, cap. vii.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 281.

[210]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. I, 479. It was apparently in return for a tithe of ecclesiastical revenues that Jaime pledged himself to the pope to expel the Moors, but he was too wise a statesman to do so, and as late as 1275 he invited additional settlers by the promise of a year’s exemption from taxation. On his death-bed in 1276, however, partly, no doubt in consequence of a dangerous Moorish revolt, and partly owing to the awakened fears shown by his taking the Cistercian habit, he enjoined his son Pedro to fulfil the promise, and in a codicil to his will he emphatically repeated the request (Danvila y Collado, La Expulsion de los Moriscos, p. 24.—Swift, James the First of Aragon, pp. 140, 253, 290), but Pedro was obdurate.

[210]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. I, 479. It was apparently in return for a tithe of ecclesiastical revenues that Jaime pledged himself to the pope to expel the Moors, but he was too wise a statesman to do so, and as late as 1275 he invited additional settlers by the promise of a year’s exemption from taxation. On his death-bed in 1276, however, partly, no doubt in consequence of a dangerous Moorish revolt, and partly owing to the awakened fears shown by his taking the Cistercian habit, he enjoined his son Pedro to fulfil the promise, and in a codicil to his will he emphatically repeated the request (Danvila y Collado, La Expulsion de los Moriscos, p. 24.—Swift, James the First of Aragon, pp. 140, 253, 290), but Pedro was obdurate.

[211]Fernández y González, p. 109.

[211]Fernández y González, p. 109.

[212]Constitt. Valentin. (Aguirre, V, 206).

[212]Constitt. Valentin. (Aguirre, V, 206).

[213]Cap. 1 Clementin. Lib.V, Tit. ii.

[213]Cap. 1 Clementin. Lib.V, Tit. ii.

[214]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, VI, 370).

[214]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, VI, 370).

[215]Concil. Dertusan. ann. 1429, cap. xx (Aguirre, V, 340).—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1483, n. 45.In 1370 theCarta Pueblo, granted by Buenaventura de Arborea to the Moors of Chelva specifically allowed their alfaquíes to cry Alá Zalá as was their wont in the time of Pedro, her late husband.—Fernández y González, p. 386.

[215]Concil. Dertusan. ann. 1429, cap. xx (Aguirre, V, 340).—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1483, n. 45.

In 1370 theCarta Pueblo, granted by Buenaventura de Arborea to the Moors of Chelva specifically allowed their alfaquíes to cry Alá Zalá as was their wont in the time of Pedro, her late husband.—Fernández y González, p. 386.

[216]Cap. 1 Clementin. Lib.II, Tit. viii; Lib.V, Tit. v.

[216]Cap. 1 Clementin. Lib.II, Tit. viii; Lib.V, Tit. v.

[217]Although the acts of the council of Zamora were fully confirmed by the Córtes of Palencia in 1313 (Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 227, 240-1), it seemed impossible to enforce them. In 1331 the Córtes of Madrid ineffectually petitioned that Christians denying debts to Jews could offer another Christian as a witness and not be obliged to have a Jew. The Fuero Viejo de Castiella, as revised in 1356, however, grants the privilege (Lib.III, Tit. iv, ley 19). The editors of the Fuero, Asso and Manuel (Ed. 1847, p. 83) say that the practice varied, and that Henry III, in the Córtes of Madrid, in 1405, again granted the privilege. As early as 1263 Alfonso X had enacted that in mixed suits a Jew could not demand that his opponent should produce as witnesses a Christian and a Jew, but that the evidence of two good Christians should suffice.—Memorial histórico español, I, 207. The point has interest as an evidence of the desire to protect Jews from imposition.

[217]Although the acts of the council of Zamora were fully confirmed by the Córtes of Palencia in 1313 (Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 227, 240-1), it seemed impossible to enforce them. In 1331 the Córtes of Madrid ineffectually petitioned that Christians denying debts to Jews could offer another Christian as a witness and not be obliged to have a Jew. The Fuero Viejo de Castiella, as revised in 1356, however, grants the privilege (Lib.III, Tit. iv, ley 19). The editors of the Fuero, Asso and Manuel (Ed. 1847, p. 83) say that the practice varied, and that Henry III, in the Córtes of Madrid, in 1405, again granted the privilege. As early as 1263 Alfonso X had enacted that in mixed suits a Jew could not demand that his opponent should produce as witnesses a Christian and a Jew, but that the evidence of two good Christians should suffice.—Memorial histórico español, I, 207. The point has interest as an evidence of the desire to protect Jews from imposition.

[218]Amador de los Rios, II, 561-5.

[218]Amador de los Rios, II, 561-5.

[219]Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii (Aguirre, V, 250).

[219]Concil. Vallisolet. ann. 1322, cap. xxii (Aguirre, V, 250).

[220]Innocent. PP. III, Regest.X, 69;XII, post Epist. 107.—Concil. Lateran. IV, cap. lxix (cap. 16, Extra, v, vi).

[220]Innocent. PP. III, Regest.X, 69;XII, post Epist. 107.—Concil. Lateran. IV, cap. lxix (cap. 16, Extra, v, vi).

[221]Fernández y González, p. 289.—Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 97.—Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxiv, ley 3.

[221]Fernández y González, p. 289.—Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 97.—Partidas, P.VII, Tit. xxiv, ley 3.

[222]Annal. Novesiens. ann. 846 (Martene Ampliss. Collect. IV, 538). Cf. Gest. Episc. Leodiens. Lib.II, cap. 41.—Hist. Treverens. (D’Achery Spicileg. II, 222).

[222]Annal. Novesiens. ann. 846 (Martene Ampliss. Collect. IV, 538). Cf. Gest. Episc. Leodiens. Lib.II, cap. 41.—Hist. Treverens. (D’Achery Spicileg. II, 222).

[223]Concil. Quinisext. cap. xi.—Gratian. cap. 13, Caus. xxviii, Q. 1.

[223]Concil. Quinisext. cap. xi.—Gratian. cap. 13, Caus. xxviii, Q. 1.

[224]Cap. 13, Extra, V, xxxviii.

[224]Cap. 13, Extra, V, xxxviii.

[225]Concil. Salmanticens. ann. 1335, cap. xii (Aguirre, V, 269).

[225]Concil. Salmanticens. ann. 1335, cap. xii (Aguirre, V, 269).

[226]Ordenamiento de Doña Catalina, n. 10.

[226]Ordenamiento de Doña Catalina, n. 10.

[227]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 147a(Ed. 1494).

[227]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 147a(Ed. 1494).

[228]Mariana, Hist. de España, VIII, 69 (Ed. 1790).

[228]Mariana, Hist. de España, VIII, 69 (Ed. 1790).

[229]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 18.—Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. IV, 44. As recently as 1580 Gregory XIII recited the prohibitions of employing Jewish physicians uttered by Paul IV and Pius V and deplored their inobservance which precipitated many souls to damnation, to prevent which he ordered their strict enforcement.—Septimi Decretal. Lib.III, Tit. vi, cap. 2.

[229]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 18.—Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. IV, 44. As recently as 1580 Gregory XIII recited the prohibitions of employing Jewish physicians uttered by Paul IV and Pius V and deplored their inobservance which precipitated many souls to damnation, to prevent which he ordered their strict enforcement.—Septimi Decretal. Lib.III, Tit. vi, cap. 2.

[230]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, VI, 371).

[230]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1329 (Aguirre, VI, 371).

[231]Aguirre, V, 286-7. Pedro el Ceremonioso, the King of Aragon, was then only a boy of eighteen, who had ascended the throne in January, 1336.

[231]Aguirre, V, 286-7. Pedro el Ceremonioso, the King of Aragon, was then only a boy of eighteen, who had ascended the throne in January, 1336.

[232]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 311, 322-8.

[232]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 311, 322-8.

[233]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 6.

[233]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 6.

[234]Concil. Palentin. ann. 1388, cap. v, vi (Aguirre, V, 300).

[234]Concil. Palentin. ann. 1388, cap. v, vi (Aguirre, V, 300).

[235]Ordenamiento de Valladolid, i, xi (Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 176).—Fernández y González, pp. 400, 402.

[235]Ordenamiento de Valladolid, i, xi (Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 176).—Fernández y González, pp. 400, 402.

[236]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 10, 19.

[236]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 10, 19.

[237]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, IX, 270-84, 289, 292.—It was not until 1555 that Paul IV adopted the same policy in Rome and established the Ghetto, or Jewish quarter.—Septimi Decretal. Lib.V, Tit. I, cap. 4

[237]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, IX, 270-84, 289, 292.—It was not until 1555 that Paul IV adopted the same policy in Rome and established the Ghetto, or Jewish quarter.—Septimi Decretal. Lib.V, Tit. I, cap. 4

[238]For a series of these capitulations see Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, T. VIII, pp. 403sqq.

[238]For a series of these capitulations see Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de España, T. VIII, pp. 403sqq.

[239]S. Agobardi de Judaicis Superstitionibus; Ejusdem de cavenda. Societate Judaica.—Amulonis Episc. Lugdunens. Lib. contra Judæos ad Carolem Regem.

[239]S. Agobardi de Judaicis Superstitionibus; Ejusdem de cavenda. Societate Judaica.—Amulonis Episc. Lugdunens. Lib. contra Judæos ad Carolem Regem.

[240]Stephani PP. VI, Epist. 2.

[240]Stephani PP. VI, Epist. 2.

[241]Cap. 7, 9, Extra, Lib.V, Tit. vi.

[241]Cap. 7, 9, Extra, Lib.V, Tit. vi.

[242]Concil. Paris, ann. 1212, P.V, cap. 2 (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII, 102).

[242]Concil. Paris, ann. 1212, P.V, cap. 2 (Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII, 102).

[243]Innocent. PP. III, Regest.X, 190. Cf. Epistt. Select. Sæc. XIII, T. I, p. 414 (Pertz).

[243]Innocent. PP. III, Regest.X, 190. Cf. Epistt. Select. Sæc. XIII, T. I, p. 414 (Pertz).

[244]Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist.II, cap. xxiv, xxv.—Bernaldez, Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.—Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discurso contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 131, 132, 134 (Lisboa, 1623).—Bodleian Library, MSS. Arch. S. 130.

[244]Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist.II, cap. xxiv, xxv.—Bernaldez, Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.—Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discurso contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 131, 132, 134 (Lisboa, 1623).—Bodleian Library, MSS. Arch. S. 130.

[245]P. de Alliaco Canon. Reformat, cap. xliii (Von der Hardt, Concil. Constant. I,VIII, 430-1)

[245]P. de Alliaco Canon. Reformat, cap. xliii (Von der Hardt, Concil. Constant. I,VIII, 430-1)

[246]Chron. Turonens. ann. 1009.

[246]Chron. Turonens. ann. 1009.

[247]Berthold. Constant, ann. 1096.—Otton. Frisingens. de Gest. Frid. I, Lib.I, cap. 37.—Vitoduran. Chron. ann. 1336.—Gesta Treviror. Archiepp. ann. 1337.

[247]Berthold. Constant, ann. 1096.—Otton. Frisingens. de Gest. Frid. I, Lib.I, cap. 37.—Vitoduran. Chron. ann. 1336.—Gesta Treviror. Archiepp. ann. 1337.

[248]Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1182—Vaissette, Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, VIII, 1191-2 (Ed. Privat).—Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1189.—Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306.—Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1210.—Matt. Westmonast. ann. 1290.

[248]Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1182—Vaissette, Hist. Gen. de Languedoc, VIII, 1191-2 (Ed. Privat).—Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1189.—Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306.—Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1210.—Matt. Westmonast. ann. 1290.

[249]Fuero Juzgo, Lib.XII, Tit. ii, ley 18.

[249]Fuero Juzgo, Lib.XII, Tit. ii, ley 18.

[250]Marca Hispanica, p. 1439.

[250]Marca Hispanica, p. 1439.

[251]Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 96 (Madrid, 1833).—Memorial hist, español, I, 38, 124; II, 71.

[251]Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 96 (Madrid, 1833).—Memorial hist, español, I, 38, 124; II, 71.

[252]Amador de los Rios, I, 185-6, 189.

[252]Amador de los Rios, I, 185-6, 189.

[253]Contin. Gerardi de Fracheto, ann. 1285 (Dom Bouquet, XXI, 7).

[253]Contin. Gerardi de Fracheto, ann. 1285 (Dom Bouquet, XXI, 7).

[254]Amador de los Rios, II, 67.—Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, II, 331.It indicates the independent position of Jews and Moors that they refused to pay tithes on lands acquired from Christians and their liability was enforced only after a vigorous and prolonged struggle.—See Cap. 18, Extra, Lib. v, Tit. xix (Concil. Lateran. IV).—Innocent. PP. III, Regest.VIII, 50; x, 61.—Concil Tarraconens. ann. 1291 (Aguirre, VI, 292).—Concil. Zamorens. ann. 1313, cap. x (Amador de los Rios, II, 564).—Memorial hist. español, I, 33, 160.—Fernández y González, pp. 348, 355, 380, 389.—Benavides,op. cit. II, 539, 541.

[254]Amador de los Rios, II, 67.—Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, II, 331.

It indicates the independent position of Jews and Moors that they refused to pay tithes on lands acquired from Christians and their liability was enforced only after a vigorous and prolonged struggle.—See Cap. 18, Extra, Lib. v, Tit. xix (Concil. Lateran. IV).—Innocent. PP. III, Regest.VIII, 50; x, 61.—Concil Tarraconens. ann. 1291 (Aguirre, VI, 292).—Concil. Zamorens. ann. 1313, cap. x (Amador de los Rios, II, 564).—Memorial hist. español, I, 33, 160.—Fernández y González, pp. 348, 355, 380, 389.—Benavides,op. cit. II, 539, 541.

[255]Concil. Roman. V, ann. 1078 (Migne’s Patrologia, CXLVIII, 799).—Gregor. PP. VII, Regest.IX, 2.

[255]Concil. Roman. V, ann. 1078 (Migne’s Patrologia, CXLVIII, 799).—Gregor. PP. VII, Regest.IX, 2.

[256]Amador de los Rios, I, 28-9.

[256]Amador de los Rios, I, 28-9.

[257]Ibidem, II, 58.

[257]Ibidem, II, 58.

[258]Amador de los Rios, II, 74-5.

[258]Amador de los Rios, II, 74-5.

[259]Leyes de Estilo, 89-90.

[259]Leyes de Estilo, 89-90.

[260]El Fuero Real, Lib.IV, Tit. iv, ley 7.—Partidas,VII, xxiv, 5. In 1322 Jaime II of Aragon forbids the molestation of Strogo Mercadell, a Jew, for taking a second wife.—Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 240.

[260]El Fuero Real, Lib.IV, Tit. iv, ley 7.—Partidas,VII, xxiv, 5. In 1322 Jaime II of Aragon forbids the molestation of Strogo Mercadell, a Jew, for taking a second wife.—Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 240.

[261]El Fuero Real, Lib.IV, Tit. ii, leyes 1, 2, 3.

[261]El Fuero Real, Lib.IV, Tit. ii, leyes 1, 2, 3.

[262]Lucæ Tudens. de altera VitaIII, 3.

[262]Lucæ Tudens. de altera VitaIII, 3.

[263]Alex. PP. II, Epist. 101 (Decreti Consid.XXIII, Q. viii, cap. 11).

[263]Alex. PP. II, Epist. 101 (Decreti Consid.XXIII, Q. viii, cap. 11).

[264]Amador de los Rios, I, 189-90.

[264]Amador de los Rios, I, 189-90.

[265]Roderici Toleti de Rebus Hispan.VIII, 2, 6.—Malo, Histoire des Juifs, p. 267 (Paris, 1826).

[265]Roderici Toleti de Rebus Hispan.VIII, 2, 6.—Malo, Histoire des Juifs, p. 267 (Paris, 1826).

[266]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXII, 328, 329, 333.

[266]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XXII, 328, 329, 333.

[267]Amador de los Rios, I. 370, 447-51.—Lindo’s History of the Jews of Spain, P. 88.

[267]Amador de los Rios, I. 370, 447-51.—Lindo’s History of the Jews of Spain, P. 88.

[268]Leyes nuevas, Núm.XII,XIII. Cf. Ley 7 (Alcubilla, Códigos antiguos, I, 182).

[268]Leyes nuevas, Núm.XII,XIII. Cf. Ley 7 (Alcubilla, Códigos antiguos, I, 182).

[269]Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxiv. The provision punishing with death male Jews for intercourse with Christian women only expressed existing legislation, even when the woman was a prostitute.—Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV. II, 210.

[269]Partidas, P. VII, Tit. xxiv. The provision punishing with death male Jews for intercourse with Christian women only expressed existing legislation, even when the woman was a prostitute.—Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV. II, 210.

[270]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XIII, 332.—R. Nachmanidis Disputatio (Wagenseilii Tela Ignea Satanæ).—Coleccion de Documentos de la C. de Aragon, VI, 165.

[270]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XIII, 332.—R. Nachmanidis Disputatio (Wagenseilii Tela Ignea Satanæ).—Coleccion de Documentos de la C. de Aragon, VI, 165.

[271]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 546 (Archivo hist, nacional de Madrid).

[271]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 546 (Archivo hist, nacional de Madrid).

[272]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 167.—Villanueva, XIII, 336.—Ripoll Bullar Ord. Predic. I, 479.

[272]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 167.—Villanueva, XIII, 336.—Ripoll Bullar Ord. Predic. I, 479.

[273]Aguirre, VI, 369.

[273]Aguirre, VI, 369.

[274]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 170.

[274]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 170.

[275]Amador de los Rios, I, 438.

[275]Amador de los Rios, I, 438.

[276]Florez, España Sagrada, XLIV, 298.

[276]Florez, España Sagrada, XLIV, 298.

[277]Septimi Decretal. Lib.V, Tit. i, cap. 2.

[277]Septimi Decretal. Lib.V, Tit. i, cap. 2.

[278]Florez,op. cit., XLIV, 297-99.

[278]Florez,op. cit., XLIV, 297-99.

[279]Bernard d’Esclot, Cronica del Rey en Pere, cap. clii.

[279]Bernard d’Esclot, Cronica del Rey en Pere, cap. clii.

[280]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 194.

[280]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 194.

[281]Villanueva, XXI, 165, 303.

[281]Villanueva, XXI, 165, 303.

[282]Archivo gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Regist. 208, fol. 72; Regist. 229, fol. 239.

[282]Archivo gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Regist. 208, fol. 72; Regist. 229, fol. 239.

[283]Amador de los Rios, II, 98-102.

[283]Amador de los Rios, II, 98-102.

[284]Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 129 (Madrid, 1833).—Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, II, 374.

[284]Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 129 (Madrid, 1833).—Benavides, Memorias de Fernando IV, II, 374.

[285]Amador de los Rios, II, 90-4.

[285]Amador de los Rios, II, 90-4.

[286]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 247.—Cap. 1, Clement. Lib.V, Tit. v.

[286]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 247.—Cap. 1, Clement. Lib.V, Tit. v.

[287]Lindo’s History of the Jews of Spain, p. 180.

[287]Lindo’s History of the Jews of Spain, p. 180.

[288]Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 327 (Ed. 1890).

[288]Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 327 (Ed. 1890).

[289]Decreti P.II, Caus. xiv, Q. 3, 4, 5, 6.—Cap. 1, § 2 Clement. Lib.V, Tit. v.

[289]Decreti P.II, Caus. xiv, Q. 3, 4, 5, 6.—Cap. 1, § 2 Clement. Lib.V, Tit. v.

[290]Cap. 12, Extra, Lib.V, Tit. xix.—Concil. Lateran. IV, cap. 67.—Concil. Lugdunens. II, ann. 1274, cap. 26.—Cap. 1 Clement. Lib.V, Tit. v.—Concil. Pennafidelens. ann. 1302, cap. 9.

[290]Cap. 12, Extra, Lib.V, Tit. xix.—Concil. Lateran. IV, cap. 67.—Concil. Lugdunens. II, ann. 1274, cap. 26.—Cap. 1 Clement. Lib.V, Tit. v.—Concil. Pennafidelens. ann. 1302, cap. 9.

[291]Marca Hispanica, pp. 1415, 1426, 1431.—Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib.I, Tit. v, cap. 2.—Villanueva, Viage Literario,XXII, 301.—El Fuero Real, Lib.IV, Tit. ii, ley 6.

[291]Marca Hispanica, pp. 1415, 1426, 1431.—Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib.I, Tit. v, cap. 2.—Villanueva, Viage Literario,XXII, 301.—El Fuero Real, Lib.IV, Tit. ii, ley 6.

[292]Marca Hispanica, pp. 1433, 1436.—Coleccion de Documentos de la C. de Aragon, VI, 170.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 127, 227, 281.—Amador de los Rios, I, 393, 421, 587; II, 63, 69, 89, 121, 148.—Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 111, 113.

[292]Marca Hispanica, pp. 1433, 1436.—Coleccion de Documentos de la C. de Aragon, VI, 170.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 127, 227, 281.—Amador de los Rios, I, 393, 421, 587; II, 63, 69, 89, 121, 148.—Coleccion de Privilegios, VI, 111, 113.

[293]Amador de los Rios, II, 139.

[293]Amador de los Rios, II, 139.

[294]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 234.

[294]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 234.

[295]Yanguas y Miranda, Diccionario de Antigüedades del Reino de Navarro, II, 93.

[295]Yanguas y Miranda, Diccionario de Antigüedades del Reino de Navarro, II, 93.

[296]Ordenamiento de Alcalá, Tit.XXIII, ley 2. Cf. Ordenanzas Reales, Lib.VIII, Tit. ii, leyes 1-8.

[296]Ordenamiento de Alcalá, Tit.XXIII, ley 2. Cf. Ordenanzas Reales, Lib.VIII, Tit. ii, leyes 1-8.

[297]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XI, 404.

[297]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XI, 404.

[298]Amador de los Rios, I, 488.

[298]Amador de los Rios, I, 488.

[299]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 325.—Amador de los Rios, II, 320.

[299]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 325.—Amador de los Rios, II, 320.

[300]Villanueva, XVII, 247.

[300]Villanueva, XVII, 247.

[301]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.VI, cap. lxxviii.—Amador de los Rios, II, 175-9, 284-5, 289-91.

[301]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.VI, cap. lxxviii.—Amador de los Rios, II, 175-9, 284-5, 289-91.

[302]Zurita, Lib.VIII, cap. xxvi, xxxiii.—Amador de los Rios, II, 260, 263, 299-300.

[302]Zurita, Lib.VIII, cap. xxvi, xxxiii.—Amador de los Rios, II, 260, 263, 299-300.

[303]Raynald, Annal. ann. 1348, n. 83.

[303]Raynald, Annal. ann. 1348, n. 83.

[304]Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1366.—Quarta Vita Urbani V (Muratori, S. R. I., III,II, 641).

[304]Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1366.—Quarta Vita Urbani V (Muratori, S. R. I., III,II, 641).

[305]Ayala, Crónica de Pedro I, añoVI, cap. vii.

[305]Ayala, Crónica de Pedro I, añoVI, cap. vii.

[306]Ibidem, añoIX, cap. vii, viii.

[306]Ibidem, añoIX, cap. vii, viii.

[307]Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1366.—Ayala, añoXVII, cap. viii.

[307]Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1366.—Ayala, añoXVII, cap. viii.

[308]Amador de los Rios, II, 571-3.—Boletin, XXIX, 254.

[308]Amador de los Rios, II, 571-3.—Boletin, XXIX, 254.

[309]Ayala, Crónica de Juan I, añoI, cap. iii.

[309]Ayala, Crónica de Juan I, añoI, cap. iii.

[310]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1395, n. 2; año 1404, n. 4.

[310]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1395, n. 2; año 1404, n. 4.

[311]Amador de los Rios, II, 338-9, 579-89.—We have seen the prohibition, in the imperial jurisprudence, to erect new synagogues, and this was sedulously preserved in the canon law.—Cap. 3, 8, Extra,V, vi.The twenty-three synagogues evidently refer to all in the diocese of Seville. At the time of the outbreak there were but three in the city.

[311]Amador de los Rios, II, 338-9, 579-89.—We have seen the prohibition, in the imperial jurisprudence, to erect new synagogues, and this was sedulously preserved in the canon law.—Cap. 3, 8, Extra,V, vi.

The twenty-three synagogues evidently refer to all in the diocese of Seville. At the time of the outbreak there were but three in the city.

[312]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1379, n. 3; año 1388, n. 3.

[312]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1379, n. 3; año 1388, n. 3.

[313]Amador de los Rios, II, 592-4.

[313]Amador de los Rios, II, 592-4.

[314]Acta capitular del Cabildo de Sevilla, 10-15 de Enero de 1391 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Dd, 108, fol. 78).

[314]Acta capitular del Cabildo de Sevilla, 10-15 de Enero de 1391 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Dd, 108, fol. 78).

[315]Amador de los Rios, II, 613.

[315]Amador de los Rios, II, 613.

[316]Acta capitular,ubi sup.

[316]Acta capitular,ubi sup.

[317]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1391, n. 1, 2, 3.—Ayala, Crónica de Enrique III, añoI, cap. v, xx.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.V, cap. xx.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, CarpetaII, n. 53.

[317]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1391, n. 1, 2, 3.—Ayala, Crónica de Enrique III, añoI, cap. v, xx.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.V, cap. xx.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, CarpetaII, n. 53.

[318]Ayala, Crónica de Enrique III, año 1391, cap. xx.—Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib.XVIII, cap. xv.—Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxvii, § 3.—Fidel Fita, Boletin, IX, 347.—Amador de los Rios, II, 360-3, 370-1, 382, 389, 391.—Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1391, n. 2; año 1404, n. 4.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, CarpetaCVII, n. 1.

[318]Ayala, Crónica de Enrique III, año 1391, cap. xx.—Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib.XVIII, cap. xv.—Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxvii, § 3.—Fidel Fita, Boletin, IX, 347.—Amador de los Rios, II, 360-3, 370-1, 382, 389, 391.—Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1391, n. 2; año 1404, n. 4.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, CarpetaCVII, n. 1.

[319]Amador de los Rios, II, 595-601.

[319]Amador de los Rios, II, 595-601.

[320]Amador de los Rios, II, 372-77, 398.—Bofarull y Broca, Hist. de Cataluña, V, 35.

[320]Amador de los Rios, II, 372-77, 398.—Bofarull y Broca, Hist. de Cataluña, V, 35.

[321]História general de Mallorca, II, 319 (Ed. 1841).—Loeb, Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 172.—Villanueva, XXI, 224.

[321]História general de Mallorca, II, 319 (Ed. 1841).—Loeb, Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 172.—Villanueva, XXI, 224.

[322]Revue des Études Juives, 1887, pp. 261-2.

[322]Revue des Études Juives, 1887, pp. 261-2.

[323]Amador de los Rios, II, 392-4.—Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 430.

[323]Amador de los Rios, II, 392-4.—Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, VI, 430.

[324]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 436, 438, 441, 454.

[324]Coleccion de Documentos, VI, 436, 438, 441, 454.

[325]José Fiter y Ingles, Expulsion de los Judíos de Barcelona, pp. 8-14 (Barcelona, 1876). This edict was renewed in 1479, 1480 and 1481 (Ibid. pp. 15-19).

[325]José Fiter y Ingles, Expulsion de los Judíos de Barcelona, pp. 8-14 (Barcelona, 1876). This edict was renewed in 1479, 1480 and 1481 (Ibid. pp. 15-19).

[326]Viage literario, XVIII, 20.

[326]Viage literario, XVIII, 20.

[327]Amador de los Rios, II, 382-5.

[327]Amador de los Rios, II, 382-5.

[328]Amador de los Rios, II, 400-2, 445, 599-604.—Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.X, cap. xlvii.

[328]Amador de los Rios, II, 400-2, 445, 599-604.—Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.X, cap. xlvii.

[329]Bernaldez, Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.—The Jews likewise attributed their sufferings to this “Friar Vincent, from the city of Valencia, of the sect of Baal Dominic.”—Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 265-7.

[329]Bernaldez, Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.—The Jews likewise attributed their sufferings to this “Friar Vincent, from the city of Valencia, of the sect of Baal Dominic.”—Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 265-7.

[330]Chron. Petri de Areniis, ann. 1408 (Denifle, Archiv für Litt. und Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 647).—Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, I, 118.—Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. cap. xii (Martene, Ampliss. Collect. VII, 387).—Salazar, Anamnesis Sanctt. Hispan. II, 513.—Tournon, Hommes Illustres de l’Ordre de S. Dominique, III, 37.—Mariana, Hist. de España, VI, 423 (Ed. 1790).—Alban Butler, Vies des Saints, 5 Avril.

[330]Chron. Petri de Areniis, ann. 1408 (Denifle, Archiv für Litt. und Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 647).—Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, I, 118.—Chron. Magist. Ord. Prædic. cap. xii (Martene, Ampliss. Collect. VII, 387).—Salazar, Anamnesis Sanctt. Hispan. II, 513.—Tournon, Hommes Illustres de l’Ordre de S. Dominique, III, 37.—Mariana, Hist. de España, VI, 423 (Ed. 1790).—Alban Butler, Vies des Saints, 5 Avril.

[331]Rabbi Sam. Marrochiani de Adventu Messiæ (Mag. Bib. Patrum, Ed. 1618, T. XI, p. 421).—Jo. Chr. Wolfii Biblioth. Hebrææ, I, 1099.—This tract was translated from Arabic to Latin in 1338 by the Dominican Alfonsus Bonihominis and was reprinted so recently as 1742, at Cassano by the Jesuits.

[331]Rabbi Sam. Marrochiani de Adventu Messiæ (Mag. Bib. Patrum, Ed. 1618, T. XI, p. 421).—Jo. Chr. Wolfii Biblioth. Hebrææ, I, 1099.—This tract was translated from Arabic to Latin in 1338 by the Dominican Alfonsus Bonihominis and was reprinted so recently as 1742, at Cassano by the Jesuits.

[332]Mag. Bibl. Patrum, T. XII, P.II, p. 358. For the zeal of the convert to induce his brethren to follow him, see Hermanni Opusc. de Conversione sua, cap. xvi (Migne’s Patrol. Lat. T. CLXX, p. 828).

[332]Mag. Bibl. Patrum, T. XII, P.II, p. 358. For the zeal of the convert to induce his brethren to follow him, see Hermanni Opusc. de Conversione sua, cap. xvi (Migne’s Patrol. Lat. T. CLXX, p. 828).

[333]D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, I,I, 132.

[333]D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, I,I, 132.

[334]Pugionis Fidei P.III, Dist. iii, cap. 21, 22.

[334]Pugionis Fidei P.III, Dist. iii, cap. 21, 22.

[335]Scrutinii Scripturarum P. II. See Graetz (VIII, 79) for a full account of Selemoh Ha-Levi and of the controversies to which his apostasy gave rise.

[335]Scrutinii Scripturarum P. II. See Graetz (VIII, 79) for a full account of Selemoh Ha-Levi and of the controversies to which his apostasy gave rise.

[336]Amador de los Rios, II, 447; III, 108-9.—P. de la Caballería, Zelus Christí contra Judæos (Venetiis, 1592).—Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, Tom. CV, p. 571).

[336]Amador de los Rios, II, 447; III, 108-9.—P. de la Caballería, Zelus Christí contra Judæos (Venetiis, 1592).—Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, Tom. CV, p. 571).

[337]Amador de los Rios, II, 413-16, 419-22.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 544.

[337]Amador de los Rios, II, 413-16, 419-22.—Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 544.

[338]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxii-iii.—Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, cap. xxviii.—Garibay, Compendio historial de España, Lib.XV, cap. 58.—Rodrigo, Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 44.—Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, IX, 371).

[338]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxii-iii.—Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, cap. xxviii.—Garibay, Compendio historial de España, Lib.XV, cap. 58.—Rodrigo, Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 44.—Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, IX, 371).

[339]Crónica de Juan II, añoV, cap. xxii.

[339]Crónica de Juan II, añoV, cap. xxii.

[340]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxvi-viii.—Amador de los Rios, II, 496-502.—Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares, pp. 400-5.

[340]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. clxxvi-viii.—Amador de los Rios, II, 496-502.—Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares, pp. 400-5.

[341]Amador de los Rios, II, 503, 515.—Villanueva, XXII, 258.

[341]Amador de los Rios, II, 503, 515.—Villanueva, XXII, 258.

[342]The Spanish historians claim that all the rabbis, except Joseph Albo and Vidal Ferrer, acknowledged the truth of Christianity and abjured the errors of Judaism (Amador de los Rios, II, 438-42; Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XII, cap. xlv), but Graetz (Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 120-1) states with greater probability, that the only concession made by the twelve was that the Haggadah passages of the Talmud are of no authority and even from this Ferrer and Albo dissented.

[342]The Spanish historians claim that all the rabbis, except Joseph Albo and Vidal Ferrer, acknowledged the truth of Christianity and abjured the errors of Judaism (Amador de los Rios, II, 438-42; Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XII, cap. xlv), but Graetz (Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 120-1) states with greater probability, that the only concession made by the twelve was that the Haggadah passages of the Talmud are of no authority and even from this Ferrer and Albo dissented.

[343]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XII, cap. xlv.

[343]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XII, cap. xlv.

[344]Amador de los Rios, II, 627-53; III, 38.

[344]Amador de los Rios, II, 627-53; III, 38.

[345]Concil. Basiliens. Sess.XIX, cap v, vi (Harduin. VIII, 1190-3).

[345]Concil. Basiliens. Sess.XIX, cap v, vi (Harduin. VIII, 1190-3).

[346]Raynald. Annal, ann. 1442, n. 15.—Wadding, Annal. Minor, ann. 1447, n. 10.

[346]Raynald. Annal, ann. 1442, n. 15.—Wadding, Annal. Minor, ann. 1447, n. 10.

[347]Villanueva, XIV, 30.

[347]Villanueva, XIV, 30.

[348]Amador de los Rios, III, 12.

[348]Amador de los Rios, III, 12.

[349]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 257, 269).

[349]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 257, 269).

[350]Caballero, Noticias del Doctor Alonso Díaz de Montalvo, p. 251.

[350]Caballero, Noticias del Doctor Alonso Díaz de Montalvo, p. 251.

[351]Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit.XVIII.

[351]Pulgar, Claros Varones, Tit.XVIII.

[352]Tristan. Caraccioli Epist. de Inquisit. (Muratori, S. R. I., XXII, 97).

[352]Tristan. Caraccioli Epist. de Inquisit. (Muratori, S. R. I., XXII, 97).

[353]Crónica de Juan II, añoXIV, cap. ii.

[353]Crónica de Juan II, añoXIV, cap. ii.

[354]Amador de los Rios, III, 583-9.

[354]Amador de los Rios, III, 583-9.

[355]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 5.

[355]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 5.

[356]Amador de los Rios, III, 115-16.

[356]Amador de los Rios, III, 115-16.

[357]Boletin, XXVI, 468-72.

[357]Boletin, XXVI, 468-72.

[358]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, III, 717.

[358]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, III, 717.

[359]Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap.XXXI, § 9.—Amador de los Rios, III, 164-7.—Fernández y González, p. 213.

[359]Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap.XXXI, § 9.—Amador de los Rios, III, 164-7.—Fernández y González, p. 213.

[360]Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. vii (Aguirre, V, 345).

[360]Concil. Arandens. ann. 1473, cap. vii (Aguirre, V, 345).

[361]Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 45.

[361]Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 45.

[362]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 1-41.

[362]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 1-41.

[363]Archivo general de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 10, 33.

[363]Archivo general de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 10, 33.

[364]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV. 443.

[364]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV. 443.

[365]Amador de los Rios, III, 288-90.—Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 134.

[365]Amador de los Rios, III, 288-90.—Coleccion de Cédulas, I, 134.

[366]Amador de los Rios, III, 170-1.—Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 647.Lindo (Hist. of the Jews of Spain, p. 244) estimates the Jews of Castile at this Period at between 200,000 and 300,000 over 16 years of age. Graetz assumes the total number as 150,000; Isidore Loeb at 50,000 or a little more.—Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 168.

[366]Amador de los Rios, III, 170-1.—Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 647.

Lindo (Hist. of the Jews of Spain, p. 244) estimates the Jews of Castile at this Period at between 200,000 and 300,000 over 16 years of age. Graetz assumes the total number as 150,000; Isidore Loeb at 50,000 or a little more.—Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 168.

[367]Amador de los Rios, III, 88-9, 116-17, 206-10, 213-15, 217-18.

[367]Amador de los Rios, III, 88-9, 116-17, 206-10, 213-15, 217-18.

[368]Amador de los Rios, III, 118-24.—Crónica de Juan II, añoXLII, cap. ii, v.—Crónica de Alvaro de Luna, Tit. lxxxiii.

[368]Amador de los Rios, III, 118-24.—Crónica de Juan II, añoXLII, cap. ii, v.—Crónica de Alvaro de Luna, Tit. lxxxiii.

[369]Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 541-63.

[369]Merchan, La Judería y la Inquisicion de Ciudad-Real, I, 541-63.

[370]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1449, n. 12.

[370]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1449, n. 12.

[371]Amador de los Rios, III, 125, 494.—Raynald. ann. 1451, n. 5.

[371]Amador de los Rios, III, 125, 494.—Raynald. ann. 1451, n. 5.

[372]Nic. Antonio, Bibl. vetus Hispan., II, n. 565.

[372]Nic. Antonio, Bibl. vetus Hispan., II, n. 565.

[373]In this I have chiefly followed a MS. account, evidently by a contemporary, preserved in the Bibl. nacional, MSS., G. 109. See also Amador de los Rios, III, 145-51; Valera, Memorial de diversos Hazañas, cap. xxxviii; Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. xc, xci.

[373]In this I have chiefly followed a MS. account, evidently by a contemporary, preserved in the Bibl. nacional, MSS., G. 109. See also Amador de los Rios, III, 145-51; Valera, Memorial de diversos Hazañas, cap. xxxviii; Castillo, Crónica de Enrique IV, cap. xc, xci.

[374]Merchan,op. cit., I, 641-3.

[374]Merchan,op. cit., I, 641-3.

[375]Castillo,op. cit., cap. cxlvi.—Mariana, Lib.XXIII, cap. xv.

[375]Castillo,op. cit., cap. cxlvi.—Mariana, Lib.XXIII, cap. xv.

[376]Castillo,op. cit., cap. clx.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. clxxxiii.—Memorial hist. español, VIII, 507.

[376]Castillo,op. cit., cap. clx.—Valera, Memorial de diversas Hazañas, cap. clxxxiii.—Memorial hist. español, VIII, 507.

[377]Valera, cap. lxxxiii-iv.—Castillo, cap. clx.—Memorial hist. español, VIII, 508.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. vi.—Amador de los Rios, III, 159-60.

[377]Valera, cap. lxxxiii-iv.—Castillo, cap. clx.—Memorial hist. español, VIII, 508.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, Lib.VIII, cap. vi.—Amador de los Rios, III, 159-60.

[378]Amador de los Rios, III, 234.

[378]Amador de los Rios, III, 234.

[379]Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos,II, lxxvii.

[379]Pulgar, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos,II, lxxvii.

[380]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV, 323-5, 327, 328, 330; XXIII, 431.

[380]Padre Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV, 323-5, 327, 328, 330; XXIII, 431.

[381]Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. cxi.

[381]Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. cxi.

[382]As this measure seems to have hitherto escaped attention, I give the text of the document—a passage in a letter from Ferdinand, May 12, 1486, to the inquisitors of Saragossa. “Devotos padres. Porque por esperiencia parece que todo el daño que en los cristianos se ha fallado del delicto de la heregia ha procedido de la conversacion y practica que con los judios han recebido las personas de su linage, ningun tan comodo remedio hay como apartarlo dentre ellos de la manera que se ha fecho en el arzobispo de Sevilla e obispados de Córdova e de Jaen, e pues en essa ciudad tanto e mas que en ninguna otra han dañado, es nuestra voluntad que los judios dessa ciudad luego sean desterrados dessa dicha ciudad e de todo el arzobispado de Çaragoça e obispado de Santa María de Albarracin como por el devoto padre Prior de Santa Cruz vos sera escrito e mandado.”—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 96.While this is apparently confined to the Saragossa Jews, a letter of Ferdinand to Torquemada, July 22, 1486, alludes to the Jews of Teruel having been ordered by the inquisitors to depart within three months. He deems them justified in complaining that the term is too short, seeing that they have to pay and collect their debts and sell their houses and lands and he therefore suggests an extension of six months additional.—See Appendix.

[382]As this measure seems to have hitherto escaped attention, I give the text of the document—a passage in a letter from Ferdinand, May 12, 1486, to the inquisitors of Saragossa. “Devotos padres. Porque por esperiencia parece que todo el daño que en los cristianos se ha fallado del delicto de la heregia ha procedido de la conversacion y practica que con los judios han recebido las personas de su linage, ningun tan comodo remedio hay como apartarlo dentre ellos de la manera que se ha fecho en el arzobispo de Sevilla e obispados de Córdova e de Jaen, e pues en essa ciudad tanto e mas que en ninguna otra han dañado, es nuestra voluntad que los judios dessa ciudad luego sean desterrados dessa dicha ciudad e de todo el arzobispado de Çaragoça e obispado de Santa María de Albarracin como por el devoto padre Prior de Santa Cruz vos sera escrito e mandado.”—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 96.

While this is apparently confined to the Saragossa Jews, a letter of Ferdinand to Torquemada, July 22, 1486, alludes to the Jews of Teruel having been ordered by the inquisitors to depart within three months. He deems them justified in complaining that the term is too short, seeing that they have to pay and collect their debts and sell their houses and lands and he therefore suggests an extension of six months additional.—See Appendix.

[383]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.I, año 1492.—Mariana, Lib. XXIV, cap. xviii.—Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisitionis, pp. 144, 156, 163 (Madriti, 1598).—Garibay, Comp. Hist. Lib.XIX, c. iv.

[383]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.I, año 1492.—Mariana, Lib. XXIV, cap. xviii.—Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisitionis, pp. 144, 156, 163 (Madriti, 1598).—Garibay, Comp. Hist. Lib.XIX, c. iv.

[384]An account of the expulsion at the end of the Libro Verde de Aragon states this to be the cause (Revista de España, CVI, 567-8). Ribas Altas, however was burnt some years earlier, for in the Saragossa auto de fe of March 2, 1488, his mother Aldonça was burnt and the report alludes to his previous burning and relates the story.—Memoria de Diversos Autos, Auto 29 (see Appendix).

[384]An account of the expulsion at the end of the Libro Verde de Aragon states this to be the cause (Revista de España, CVI, 567-8). Ribas Altas, however was burnt some years earlier, for in the Saragossa auto de fe of March 2, 1488, his mother Aldonça was burnt and the report alludes to his previous burning and relates the story.—Memoria de Diversos Autos, Auto 29 (see Appendix).

[385]Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, I, 458.

[385]Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, I, 458.

[386]Revista de España, CVI, 568-70. This correspondence was long used as a weapon against the New Christians. See Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discorso contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 55-7, 166 (Lisboa, 1623). Rodrigo prints it (Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 47).

[386]Revista de España, CVI, 568-70. This correspondence was long used as a weapon against the New Christians. See Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discorso contra a heretica Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 55-7, 166 (Lisboa, 1623). Rodrigo prints it (Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 47).

[387]I have considered this notable case at some length in “Studies from the Religious History of Spain,” pp. 437-68. It can be studied with accuracy in the records of the trial of one of the accused, Jucé Franco, printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XI, 1887) with ample elucidations. The Catalan version of the sentence is inColeccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 68. For the legend and cult of the Santo Niño see Martínez Moreno,Historia del Martirio del Santo Niño de la Guardia, Madrid, 1866.

[387]I have considered this notable case at some length in “Studies from the Religious History of Spain,” pp. 437-68. It can be studied with accuracy in the records of the trial of one of the accused, Jucé Franco, printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XI, 1887) with ample elucidations. The Catalan version of the sentence is inColeccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 68. For the legend and cult of the Santo Niño see Martínez Moreno,Historia del Martirio del Santo Niño de la Guardia, Madrid, 1866.

[388]Páramo (p. 144) seems to be the earliest authority for this story and, as he tells it, it seems rather applicable to an attempt of the Conversos to buy off the Inquisition, but modern writers attribute it to the Jewish expulsion. See Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap.VIII, Art. 1, n. 5; Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes,XVIII; Amador de los Rios, III, 272-3.

[388]Páramo (p. 144) seems to be the earliest authority for this story and, as he tells it, it seems rather applicable to an attempt of the Conversos to buy off the Inquisition, but modern writers attribute it to the Jewish expulsion. See Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap.VIII, Art. 1, n. 5; Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes,XVIII; Amador de los Rios, III, 272-3.

[389]Manuel de novells Ardits vulgarment appellat Dietari del Antich Consell Barceloni, III, 94 (Barcelona, 1894).

[389]Manuel de novells Ardits vulgarment appellat Dietari del Antich Consell Barceloni, III, 94 (Barcelona, 1894).

[390]Nueva Recopilacion Lib.VIII, Tit. ii, ley 2.—Novísima Recop., Lib.XII, Tit. i, ley 3.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. I, año 1492.—Amador de los Rios, III, 603-9.—Boletin, XI, 425, 512.

[390]Nueva Recopilacion Lib.VIII, Tit. ii, ley 2.—Novísima Recop., Lib.XII, Tit. i, ley 3.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib. I, año 1492.—Amador de los Rios, III, 603-9.—Boletin, XI, 425, 512.

[391]Zurita,loc. cit.

[391]Zurita,loc. cit.

[392]See Appendix.

[392]See Appendix.

[393]Páramo, p. 167.—Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P.II, Lib. vi, cap. 20, § 2.

[393]Páramo, p. 167.—Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P.II, Lib. vi, cap. 20, § 2.

[394]Amador de los Rios, III, 403.

[394]Amador de los Rios, III, 403.

[395]Llorente, Hist. crít., Append,VI.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 87.

[395]Llorente, Hist. crít., Append,VI.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 87.

[396]Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, 51.

[396]Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, 51.

[397]Zurita,loc. cit.—Páramo, p. 166.

[397]Zurita,loc. cit.—Páramo, p. 166.

[398]Graetz VIII, 348.—Bernaldez, cap.CXII.—The cruzado of Portugal was worth 365 maravedís, the same as thedobla de la banda. The ducat was worth 374.

[398]Graetz VIII, 348.—Bernaldez, cap.CXII.—The cruzado of Portugal was worth 365 maravedís, the same as thedobla de la banda. The ducat was worth 374.

[399]Lindo, History of the Jews, p. 287.—Chronicle of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 327.

[399]Lindo, History of the Jews, p. 287.—Chronicle of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 327.

[400]Graetz, VIII, 349.

[400]Graetz, VIII, 349.

[401]Bernaldez, cap.cx.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, P.IX, cap. 2.—Amador de los Rios, III, 311.—Lindo, p. 292.

[401]Bernaldez, cap.cx.—Barrantes, Ilustraciones de la Casa de Niebla, P.IX, cap. 2.—Amador de los Rios, III, 311.—Lindo, p. 292.

[402]Amador de los Rios, III, 312.—Boletin, IX, 267, 286; XI, 427, 586.

[402]Amador de los Rios, III, 312.—Boletin, IX, 267, 286; XI, 427, 586.

[403]Graetz, VIII, 348.—Chrónicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos, XIII, 195).

[403]Graetz, VIII, 348.—Chrónicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos, XIII, 195).

[404]Bernaldez, cap.CXII,CXIII.

[404]Bernaldez, cap.CXII,CXIII.

[405]Damiāo de Goes, Chronica do Rei D. Manoel, P. I, cap. cii, ciii.

[405]Damiāo de Goes, Chronica do Rei D. Manoel, P. I, cap. cii, ciii.

[406]Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 328.—Amador de los Rios, III, 332-3.

[406]Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 328.—Amador de los Rios, III, 332-3.

[407]Amador de los Rios, III, 320.—Zurita,loc. cit.

[407]Amador de los Rios, III, 320.—Zurita,loc. cit.

[408]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 927, fol. 124.—Isidore Loeb (Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 179).—Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P.II, Lib. vi, cap. 20, § 2.—Kayserling, Biblioteca Española-Portugueza-Judaica, p. xi (Strasbourg, 1890).

[408]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 927, fol. 124.—Isidore Loeb (Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 179).—Ilescas, Historia Pontifical, P.II, Lib. vi, cap. 20, § 2.—Kayserling, Biblioteca Española-Portugueza-Judaica, p. xi (Strasbourg, 1890).

[409]Nueva Recopilacion, Lib.VIII, Tit. ii, ley 3.—Novís. Recop., Lib.XII, Tit. i, ley 4.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[409]Nueva Recopilacion, Lib.VIII, Tit. ii, ley 3.—Novís. Recop., Lib.XII, Tit. i, ley 4.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[410]Bernaldez, cap.CXI.

[410]Bernaldez, cap.CXI.

[411]Arnaldin. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix (Valentiæ, 1534).

[411]Arnaldin. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix (Valentiæ, 1534).

[412]Zurita,loc. cit.—Mariana, Tom. VIII, p. 336 (Ed. 1795).—Páramo, p. 167.

[412]Zurita,loc. cit.—Mariana, Tom. VIII, p. 336 (Ed. 1795).—Páramo, p. 167.

[413]Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 182.

[413]Revue des Études Juives, 1887, p. 182.

[414]Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 323-4.

[414]Chronicles of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir, I, 323-4.

[415]Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib.VIII, Epist. 157.

[415]Pet. Martyr. Angler. Lib.VIII, Epist. 157.

[416]Joan. Pici Mirandulæ in Astrologiam, Lib.V, cap. xii.

[416]Joan. Pici Mirandulæ in Astrologiam, Lib.V, cap. xii.

[417]Il Principe, cap. xxi.

[417]Il Principe, cap. xxi.

[418]Arnald. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix.

[418]Arnald. Albertinus de Hæreticis, col. lix.

[419]Censura et Confutatio Libri Talmud (Boletin, XXIII, 371-4).The Jews distinguished between unwilling converts, whom they termedAnusimand voluntary converts, orMeschudanim; the former they pitied and helped, the latter they abhorred. The Judaizing Christians were also sometimes calledAlboraycos, fromalborak(the lightning), the marvellous horse brought to Mahomet by the angel Gabriel, which was neither a horse nor a mule nor male nor female (Ibid. p. 379). A still more abusive popular appellation wasMarrano, which means both hog and accursed. For the controverted derivation of the word see Graetz,Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 76 (Ed. 1890), who also (p. 284) admits the attachment of many of the Conversos to the old religion.

[419]Censura et Confutatio Libri Talmud (Boletin, XXIII, 371-4).

The Jews distinguished between unwilling converts, whom they termedAnusimand voluntary converts, orMeschudanim; the former they pitied and helped, the latter they abhorred. The Judaizing Christians were also sometimes calledAlboraycos, fromalborak(the lightning), the marvellous horse brought to Mahomet by the angel Gabriel, which was neither a horse nor a mule nor male nor female (Ibid. p. 379). A still more abusive popular appellation wasMarrano, which means both hog and accursed. For the controverted derivation of the word see Graetz,Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 76 (Ed. 1890), who also (p. 284) admits the attachment of many of the Conversos to the old religion.

[420]C. Dertusan. ann. 1429, c. ix (Aguirre, V, 337).

[420]C. Dertusan. ann. 1429, c. ix (Aguirre, V, 337).

[421]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 347.

[421]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 347.

[422]C. Basiliens. Sess. XIX, c. vi (Harduin. VIII, 1193).

[422]C. Basiliens. Sess. XIX, c. vi (Harduin. VIII, 1193).

[423]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 6.

[423]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1451, n. 6.

[424]Fortalicium Fidei, Prolog. (Ed. 1494, fol. iia). The date of theFortaliciumis commonly assigned to 1459, the year which it bears upon its rubric, but on fol. lxxviibthe author speaks of 1460 years having elapsed since the birth of Christ and, as this is at nearly the first third of the book, it may not have been completed for a year or two later.

[424]Fortalicium Fidei, Prolog. (Ed. 1494, fol. iia). The date of theFortaliciumis commonly assigned to 1459, the year which it bears upon its rubric, but on fol. lxxviibthe author speaks of 1460 years having elapsed since the birth of Christ and, as this is at nearly the first third of the book, it may not have been completed for a year or two later.

[425]Nicol. Anton. Bibl. Vet. Hispan. Lib.X, cap. ix.

[425]Nicol. Anton. Bibl. Vet. Hispan. Lib.X, cap. ix.

[426]Amador de los Rios, III, 60, 136.—Valera, Memoria de diversas Hazañas, cap. iv.

[426]Amador de los Rios, III, 60, 136.—Valera, Memoria de diversas Hazañas, cap. iv.

[427]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlvi.

[427]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlvi.

[428]Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxi, § 3.—Valera,loc. cit.

[428]Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxi, § 3.—Valera,loc. cit.

[429]All recent Spanish authorities, I believe, assume that Fray Alonso was a Converso, but the learned Nicolás Antonio (loc. cit.) says nothing about it, and Jo. Chr. Wolff (Bibl. Hebrææ II, 1123) points out that he nowhere alludes to his own experience as he could scarce have failed to do when accusing the Jews of matters which they denied. He cites (fol. cxlixa) Pablo de Santa María, Bishop of Burgos, for their prayers against Christians and another learned Converso as to a secret connected with the Hebrew letters (fol. xciva). His knowledge concerning the Jews was thus wholly at second hand and his assaults on the Judaizing of the Conversos have every appearance of emanating from an Old Christian.

[429]All recent Spanish authorities, I believe, assume that Fray Alonso was a Converso, but the learned Nicolás Antonio (loc. cit.) says nothing about it, and Jo. Chr. Wolff (Bibl. Hebrææ II, 1123) points out that he nowhere alludes to his own experience as he could scarce have failed to do when accusing the Jews of matters which they denied. He cites (fol. cxlixa) Pablo de Santa María, Bishop of Burgos, for their prayers against Christians and another learned Converso as to a secret connected with the Hebrew letters (fol. xciva). His knowledge concerning the Jews was thus wholly at second hand and his assaults on the Judaizing of the Conversos have every appearance of emanating from an Old Christian.

[430]The prayers attributed to the Jews were the subject of repeated repressive legislation. SeeOrdenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 34.

[430]The prayers attributed to the Jews were the subject of repeated repressive legislation. SeeOrdenanzas Reales,VIII, iii, 34.

[431]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlii-ix, clxxxi-iii.

[431]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. cxlii-ix, clxxxi-iii.

[432]Fuero Juzgo,XII, iii, 27.—Fuero Real,IV, i, 1.—Partidas,VII, xxiv, 7. In fact, these laws seem to have been a dead letter almost from the first. I have not met with an instance of their enforcement.

[432]Fuero Juzgo,XII, iii, 27.—Fuero Real,IV, i, 1.—Partidas,VII, xxiv, 7. In fact, these laws seem to have been a dead letter almost from the first. I have not met with an instance of their enforcement.

[433]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. liii-liv, lxxv-vi, clxxviii-ix.

[433]Fortalicium Fidei, fol. liii-liv, lxxv-vi, clxxviii-ix.

[434]Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii. See also Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisit., p. 134.Bernaldez evidently derives his details from the inquisitorial sentences read at the autos de fe, in which these evidences of Judaism are recited in endless repetition.

[434]Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii. See also Páramo de Orig. Officii S. Inquisit., p. 134.

Bernaldez evidently derives his details from the inquisitorial sentences read at the autos de fe, in which these evidences of Judaism are recited in endless repetition.

[435]Amador de los Rios, III, 142.

[435]Amador de los Rios, III, 142.

[436]Castillo, Cróníca de Enrique IV, cap. liii.—Mariana Historia de España, Lib.XXIII, cap. vi.

[436]Castillo, Cróníca de Enrique IV, cap. liii.—Mariana Historia de España, Lib.XXIII, cap. vi.

[437]Modesto Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX, 227.

[437]Modesto Lafuente, Hist. Gen. de España, IX, 227.

[438]Boletin, XXIII, 300-1.

[438]Boletin, XXIII, 300-1.

[439]Vicente Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, II, 362.

[439]Vicente Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, II, 362.

[440]Córtes de los Antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, Madrid, 1861sqq.

[440]Córtes de los Antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, Madrid, 1861sqq.

[441]Archivio Vaticano. Sisto IV, Registro 679, Tom. I, fol. 52. I have printed this bull in the American Historical Review, I, 46.

[441]Archivio Vaticano. Sisto IV, Registro 679, Tom. I, fol. 52. I have printed this bull in the American Historical Review, I, 46.

[442]It was during Isabella’s stay in Seville that, on September 2d, she confirmed, followed by Ferdinand at Xeres, October 18, 1477, a forged decree, ascribed to Frederic II, granting certain privileges to the Inquisition of Sicily. This was done at the request of Filippo de’Barbarj, subsequently Inquisitor of Sicily, then at the court, whom both monarchs qualify as their confessor. He is said to have exercised considerable influence with them in overcoming the opposition to the establishment of the Inquisition in Castile. With regard to the forged decree of Frederic II, see the author’s “History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages,” Vol. II, p. 288.

[442]It was during Isabella’s stay in Seville that, on September 2d, she confirmed, followed by Ferdinand at Xeres, October 18, 1477, a forged decree, ascribed to Frederic II, granting certain privileges to the Inquisition of Sicily. This was done at the request of Filippo de’Barbarj, subsequently Inquisitor of Sicily, then at the court, whom both monarchs qualify as their confessor. He is said to have exercised considerable influence with them in overcoming the opposition to the establishment of the Inquisition in Castile. With regard to the forged decree of Frederic II, see the author’s “History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages,” Vol. II, p. 288.

[443]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XX, cap. xlix.

[443]Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.XX, cap. xlix.

[444]Pulgar, Chronica, P.II, cap. lxxvii.—Bernaldez, cap. xliii.—Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial hist. español, VI, 235).

[444]Pulgar, Chronica, P.II, cap. lxxvii.—Bernaldez, cap. xliii.—Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial hist. español, VI, 235).

[445]Páramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 134.Padre Fidel Fita has pointed out the discrepancy in the dates.—Boletin, XVI, 559.

[445]Páramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 134.

Padre Fidel Fita has pointed out the discrepancy in the dates.—Boletin, XVI, 559.

[446]Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.

[446]Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliii.

[447]Páramo, p. 135.—Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial histórico español, VI, 235).

[447]Páramo, p. 135.—Medina, Vida del Cardenal Mendoza (Memorial histórico español, VI, 235).

[448]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. clxxvii.—Pulgar (cap. iv) gives sole credit to Isabella for the extirpation of heresy.

[448]Pulgar, Crónica, P.II, cap. clxxvii.—Pulgar (cap. iv) gives sole credit to Isabella for the extirpation of heresy.

[449]The proceedings of this important assembly have been printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XXII, 212-250).

[449]The proceedings of this important assembly have been printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XXII, 212-250).

[450]Printed by Dom Clemencin, Elogio de Doña Isabel, pp. 595-7.

[450]Printed by Dom Clemencin, Elogio de Doña Isabel, pp. 595-7.

[451]Fortalicium Fidei, Lib.II, consid. xi.—History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 512-13.

[451]Fortalicium Fidei, Lib.II, consid. xi.—History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 512-13.

[452]This bull is embodied in the first proclamation of the inquisitors, Seville, January 2, 1481, printed by Padre Fita (Boletin, XV, 449-52). It had previously been looked upon as lost. Its main provisions, however, are embodied in the cédula of Dec. 27, 1480, printed in the notes to the Novísima Recopilacion, Ed. 1805, Tom. I, p. 260.It is a little singular that the Inquisition possessed very few documents relating to its early history. In an elaborateconsultaof July 18, 1703, presented to Philip V on the affair of Fray Froilan Diaz, the Suprema states that it had had all the records searched with little result; many important papers had been sent to Aragon and Catalonia and had never been returned; the rest were in a chest delivered to the Count of Villalonga, secretary of Philip III, to arrange and classify and on his arrest and the sequestration of his effects they disappeared.—Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 198.It is quite possible that the contents of the chest form the “Bulario de la Inquisicion perteneciente á la Orden de Santiago,” consisting of eight Libros, or folio volumes (five of originals and three of copies) now in the Archivo Histórico Nacional. It is from this collection that Padre Fita has printed the proclamation above alluded to and many other important documents, and it will be seen that I have made large use of it under the name of “Bulario de la Orden de Santiago.” There are also vast stores of records in the Archivo Histórico Nacional of Madrid, in the archives of Simancas and Barcelona, and some in the Vatican Library. Llorente burnt many papers before leaving Madrid and carried others to Paris, some of which are in the Bibliothèque Nationale,fonds espagnol. The Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid also has a large number and others are dispersed through the various libraries of Europe or are in private hands.

[452]This bull is embodied in the first proclamation of the inquisitors, Seville, January 2, 1481, printed by Padre Fita (Boletin, XV, 449-52). It had previously been looked upon as lost. Its main provisions, however, are embodied in the cédula of Dec. 27, 1480, printed in the notes to the Novísima Recopilacion, Ed. 1805, Tom. I, p. 260.

It is a little singular that the Inquisition possessed very few documents relating to its early history. In an elaborateconsultaof July 18, 1703, presented to Philip V on the affair of Fray Froilan Diaz, the Suprema states that it had had all the records searched with little result; many important papers had been sent to Aragon and Catalonia and had never been returned; the rest were in a chest delivered to the Count of Villalonga, secretary of Philip III, to arrange and classify and on his arrest and the sequestration of his effects they disappeared.—Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 198.

It is quite possible that the contents of the chest form the “Bulario de la Inquisicion perteneciente á la Orden de Santiago,” consisting of eight Libros, or folio volumes (five of originals and three of copies) now in the Archivo Histórico Nacional. It is from this collection that Padre Fita has printed the proclamation above alluded to and many other important documents, and it will be seen that I have made large use of it under the name of “Bulario de la Orden de Santiago.” There are also vast stores of records in the Archivo Histórico Nacional of Madrid, in the archives of Simancas and Barcelona, and some in the Vatican Library. Llorente burnt many papers before leaving Madrid and carried others to Paris, some of which are in the Bibliothèque Nationale,fonds espagnol. The Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid also has a large number and others are dispersed through the various libraries of Europe or are in private hands.

[453]See his brief of January 29, 1482, printed by Llorente, Historia Crítica, Append. n. 1.

[453]See his brief of January 29, 1482, printed by Llorente, Historia Crítica, Append. n. 1.

[454]History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 331.

[454]History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 331.

[455]Archivo General de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3684, fol. 1. See Appendix.

[455]Archivo General de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3684, fol. 1. See Appendix.

[456]Fidel Fita, Boletin, XVI, 452.—Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap.V, art. ii.—Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, p. 22 (Sevilla, 1849).

[456]Fidel Fita, Boletin, XVI, 452.—Llorente, Hist. Crít. cap.V, art. ii.—Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, p. 22 (Sevilla, 1849).

[457]Boletin, XV, 453-7. This was fairly within the rules of the canon law but it did not put an end to the sheltering of fugitives from the Inquisition by nobles who doubtless found it profitable. In some instructions issued by Torquemada, December 6, 1484, there is one regulating the relations between such nobles and the receiver of confiscations.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[457]Boletin, XV, 453-7. This was fairly within the rules of the canon law but it did not put an end to the sheltering of fugitives from the Inquisition by nobles who doubtless found it profitable. In some instructions issued by Torquemada, December 6, 1484, there is one regulating the relations between such nobles and the receiver of confiscations.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[458]Bernaldez, cap. xliv. The castle of Triana continued to be the seat of the Inquisition of Seville until 1626, when it was threatened with ruin by the inundations of the Guadalquivir, and the tribunal was removed to the palace of the Caballeros Tellos Taveros in the Colacion de San Marcos. In 1639 it returned to the castle, which had been repaired and it remained there until 1789, when the continual encroachment of_the river caused its transfer to the Colegio known as las Becas.—Varflora, Compendio histórico-descriptivo de Sevilla, P.II, cap. 1 (Sevilla, 1789).—Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1693, n. 1.The Counts of San Lucar were hereditary alcaides of Triana; in return for surrendering the castle they received the office of alguazil mayor of the Inquisition, which continued to be held by their representatives the Marquises of Leganes—a bargain which was ratified by Philip IV, November 8, 1634. In 1707 the office was valued at 150,000 maravedís a year, out of which the holder provided a deputy.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 105.

[458]Bernaldez, cap. xliv. The castle of Triana continued to be the seat of the Inquisition of Seville until 1626, when it was threatened with ruin by the inundations of the Guadalquivir, and the tribunal was removed to the palace of the Caballeros Tellos Taveros in the Colacion de San Marcos. In 1639 it returned to the castle, which had been repaired and it remained there until 1789, when the continual encroachment of_the river caused its transfer to the Colegio known as las Becas.—Varflora, Compendio histórico-descriptivo de Sevilla, P.II, cap. 1 (Sevilla, 1789).—Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1693, n. 1.

The Counts of San Lucar were hereditary alcaides of Triana; in return for surrendering the castle they received the office of alguazil mayor of the Inquisition, which continued to be held by their representatives the Marquises of Leganes—a bargain which was ratified by Philip IV, November 8, 1634. In 1707 the office was valued at 150,000 maravedís a year, out of which the holder provided a deputy.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 105.

[459]Amador de los Rios, III, 247-8.—Bernaldez, cap. xliii.—Fidel Fita, Boletin, XVI, 450sqq., 557sqq.As the parricide committed by the Fermosa Fembra entailed poverty and disgrace on her, through the confiscation of her father’s property and the disabilities inflicted on his descendants, the Church interested itself in her fate. Rainaldo Romero, Bishop of Tiberias, secured for her entrance into a convent, but it can readily be understood that life there was not rendered pleasant to her and she quitted it, without taking the vows, to follow a career of shame. Her beauty disappeared and she died in want, leaving directions that her skull should be placed as a warning over the door of the house which had been the scene of her disorderly life. Her wishes were obeyed and it is still to be seen in the Calle del Artaud, near its entrance, hard by the Alcázar.—Amador de los Rios, III, 249.

[459]Amador de los Rios, III, 247-8.—Bernaldez, cap. xliii.—Fidel Fita, Boletin, XVI, 450sqq., 557sqq.

As the parricide committed by the Fermosa Fembra entailed poverty and disgrace on her, through the confiscation of her father’s property and the disabilities inflicted on his descendants, the Church interested itself in her fate. Rainaldo Romero, Bishop of Tiberias, secured for her entrance into a convent, but it can readily be understood that life there was not rendered pleasant to her and she quitted it, without taking the vows, to follow a career of shame. Her beauty disappeared and she died in want, leaving directions that her skull should be placed as a warning over the door of the house which had been the scene of her disorderly life. Her wishes were obeyed and it is still to be seen in the Calle del Artaud, near its entrance, hard by the Alcázar.—Amador de los Rios, III, 249.

[460]Bernaldez, cap. xliv. Rodrigo tells us (Hist. verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 74-6) that only five were burnt who refused all offers of reconciliation and were impenitent to the last, but the contemporary Bernaldez says that Diego de Susan died as a good Christian in the second auto.

[460]Bernaldez, cap. xliv. Rodrigo tells us (Hist. verdadera de la Inquisicion, II, 74-6) that only five were burnt who refused all offers of reconciliation and were impenitent to the last, but the contemporary Bernaldez says that Diego de Susan died as a good Christian in the second auto.

[461]Bernaldez, cap. xliv.—Amador de los Rios, III, 250.—Field’s Old Spain and New Spain, p. 279.The remark of the good Cura de los Palacios in describing thequemaderois “en que los quemaban y fasta que haya heregía los quemarán.” The cost of the four statues was defrayed by a gentleman named Mesa, whose zeal won for him the position of familiar of the Holy Office and receiver of confiscations. He was, however, discovered to be a Judaizer and was himself burnt on thequemaderowhich he had adorned.—Rodrigo, II, 79-80.

[461]Bernaldez, cap. xliv.—Amador de los Rios, III, 250.—Field’s Old Spain and New Spain, p. 279.

The remark of the good Cura de los Palacios in describing thequemaderois “en que los quemaban y fasta que haya heregía los quemarán.” The cost of the four statues was defrayed by a gentleman named Mesa, whose zeal won for him the position of familiar of the Holy Office and receiver of confiscations. He was, however, discovered to be a Judaizer and was himself burnt on thequemaderowhich he had adorned.—Rodrigo, II, 79-80.

[462]Bernaldez, cap. xliv.

[462]Bernaldez, cap. xliv.

[463]Llorente, Añales de la Inquisicion, I, 44.

[463]Llorente, Añales de la Inquisicion, I, 44.

[464]Amador de los Rios, III, 252. Rodrigo (Hist. Verdad. II, 76) states that the first act of the inquisitors was the issue of the proclamation of the Term of Grace on January 2d, but this is scarce consistent with the narrative of Bernaldez.

[464]Amador de los Rios, III, 252. Rodrigo (Hist. Verdad. II, 76) states that the first act of the inquisitors was the issue of the proclamation of the Term of Grace on January 2d, but this is scarce consistent with the narrative of Bernaldez.

[465]Bernaldez, cap. xliv.

[465]Bernaldez, cap. xliv.

[466]Páramo, p. 136.—Boletin, XV, 462.

[466]Páramo, p. 136.—Boletin, XV, 462.

[466a]It is very questionable whether a tribunal was established at Segovia thus early. Colmenares (Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxiv, § 18) asserts it positively, but the only tribunals represented in the assembly of organization, held in November, 1484, were Seville, Córdova, Jaen and Ciudad-Real. There was at first some resistance at Segovia on the part of the bishop, Juan Arias Dávila, who was of Jewish descent.—Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xlv.In Ciudad-Real, the earliest inquisitors, in 1483, were the Licentiate Pedro Díaz de la Costana and the Doctor Francisco de la Fuente (Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 154, n. 375). Neither of these was a Dominican and the latter subsequently became an inquisitor-general and bishop successively of Avila and of Córdova.In Córdova the Inquisition was established in 1482, with four inquisitors—the Bachilleres Anton Rúiz de Morales and Alvar González de Capillas, Doctor Pedro Martínez de Barrio, and Fray Martin Cazo, Guardian of the Franciscan convent. The first auto de fe was celebrated in 1483, when one of the victims was the concubine of the treasurer of the cathedral, Pedro Fernández de Alcaudete, who himself was burnt on February 28, 1484. His servants resisted his arrest and in the fray the alguazil of the Inquisition was killed.—Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de Córdova, pp. 1-2 (Córdova, 1839).

[466a]It is very questionable whether a tribunal was established at Segovia thus early. Colmenares (Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxiv, § 18) asserts it positively, but the only tribunals represented in the assembly of organization, held in November, 1484, were Seville, Córdova, Jaen and Ciudad-Real. There was at first some resistance at Segovia on the part of the bishop, Juan Arias Dávila, who was of Jewish descent.—Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xlv.

In Ciudad-Real, the earliest inquisitors, in 1483, were the Licentiate Pedro Díaz de la Costana and the Doctor Francisco de la Fuente (Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 154, n. 375). Neither of these was a Dominican and the latter subsequently became an inquisitor-general and bishop successively of Avila and of Córdova.

In Córdova the Inquisition was established in 1482, with four inquisitors—the Bachilleres Anton Rúiz de Morales and Alvar González de Capillas, Doctor Pedro Martínez de Barrio, and Fray Martin Cazo, Guardian of the Franciscan convent. The first auto de fe was celebrated in 1483, when one of the victims was the concubine of the treasurer of the cathedral, Pedro Fernández de Alcaudete, who himself was burnt on February 28, 1484. His servants resisted his arrest and in the fray the alguazil of the Inquisition was killed.—Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de Córdova, pp. 1-2 (Córdova, 1839).

[467]“En publica forma e se avia fecho en esta dicha ciudad por el Doctor Thomás, juez delegado e inquisidor deputado por el reverendisimo señor Don Alfonso Carrillo, arzobispo que fué deste dicho arzobispado de Toledo.”—Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Legajos 139, n. 145; 143, n. 196.

[467]“En publica forma e se avia fecho en esta dicha ciudad por el Doctor Thomás, juez delegado e inquisidor deputado por el reverendisimo señor Don Alfonso Carrillo, arzobispo que fué deste dicho arzobispado de Toledo.”—Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Legajos 139, n. 145; 143, n. 196.

[468]Ibidem, Legajos 139, n. 145; 154, n. 356, 375.

[468]Ibidem, Legajos 139, n. 145; 154, n. 356, 375.

[469]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 262.

[469]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 262.

[470]Páramo, p. 170.—Padre Fidel Fita has compiled a chronological list of the trials at Ciudad-Real preserved in the Archivo Hist. Nacional (Boletin, XI, 311sqq.). These are included in theCatálogo de las Causas contra la Fe seguidas ante el Tribunal del Santo Oficio de Toledo, by D. Miguel Gómez del Campillo (Madrid, 1903).

[470]Páramo, p. 170.—Padre Fidel Fita has compiled a chronological list of the trials at Ciudad-Real preserved in the Archivo Hist. Nacional (Boletin, XI, 311sqq.). These are included in theCatálogo de las Causas contra la Fe seguidas ante el Tribunal del Santo Oficio de Toledo, by D. Miguel Gómez del Campillo (Madrid, 1903).

[471]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293).

[471]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293).

[472]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293-4).—Arch. Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3864, fol. 31.—Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 323.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. 100.Legally, Jews were not allowed to testify against Christians and the prohibition to receive such evidence was emphatically included in the ferocious bull of Nicholas V, in 1447, but, as we shall see, in the Inquisition, all accusing witnesses, however infamous, were welcomed.How distasteful Ferdinand knew would be the work prescribed to the Aragonese magistracy is seen by his imperious command that it must be done—“e por cosa del mundo no fagais lo contrario ni recusais de lo facer porque nos seria tan molesto que no lo podriamos con paciencia tolerar.”

[472]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 293-4).—Arch. Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3864, fol. 31.—Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, VIII, 323.—Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. 100.

Legally, Jews were not allowed to testify against Christians and the prohibition to receive such evidence was emphatically included in the ferocious bull of Nicholas V, in 1447, but, as we shall see, in the Inquisition, all accusing witnesses, however infamous, were welcomed.

How distasteful Ferdinand knew would be the work prescribed to the Aragonese magistracy is seen by his imperious command that it must be done—“e por cosa del mundo no fagais lo contrario ni recusais de lo facer porque nos seria tan molesto que no lo podriamos con paciencia tolerar.”

[473]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 295-6).In 1629 a well-informed writer tells us that many of those who came forward and thus accused themselves were in reality good Christians, who, in the time while Jews were yet tolerated, had associated with them in their synagogues and weddings and funerals and had bought meat of their butchers. Terrified at the proceedings of the Inquisition they came and confessed and were reconciled, thus casting an indelible stain on their posterity when the records of the tribunals were searched and their names were found.—Tratado de los Estatutos de Limpieza, cap. 10 (Bibl. Nac. Seccion de MSS. Q, 418).

[473]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 295-6).

In 1629 a well-informed writer tells us that many of those who came forward and thus accused themselves were in reality good Christians, who, in the time while Jews were yet tolerated, had associated with them in their synagogues and weddings and funerals and had bought meat of their butchers. Terrified at the proceedings of the Inquisition they came and confessed and were reconciled, thus casting an indelible stain on their posterity when the records of the tribunals were searched and their names were found.—Tratado de los Estatutos de Limpieza, cap. 10 (Bibl. Nac. Seccion de MSS. Q, 418).

[474]Relacion (Ibid. pp. 292sqq., 297, 299, 301-2, 303).In the closing years of the fifteenth century and the opening ones of the sixteenth there seems to have been a special raid made on Guadalajara. In a list of cases of that period I find 965 credited to that place.—Arch. Hist. Nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 262, n. 1.

[474]Relacion (Ibid. pp. 292sqq., 297, 299, 301-2, 303).

In the closing years of the fifteenth century and the opening ones of the sixteenth there seems to have been a special raid made on Guadalajara. In a list of cases of that period I find 965 credited to that place.—Arch. Hist. Nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 262, n. 1.

[475]Páramo, pp. 138-9.—Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXIII, 284sqq.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 108.

[475]Páramo, pp. 138-9.—Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXIII, 284sqq.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 108.

[476]Toledo, Cronicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos ineditos, XIII, 176, 179).—Pulgar, Chron. P.III, cap. 100.

[476]Toledo, Cronicon de Valladolid (Coleccion de Documentos ineditos, XIII, 176, 179).—Pulgar, Chron. P.III, cap. 100.

[477]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I. Unfortunately my copy of this important volume and also of Libro 933 are not folioed. The dates of the documents however will sufficiently guide the investigator desirous of verifying the references.

[477]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I. Unfortunately my copy of this important volume and also of Libro 933 are not folioed. The dates of the documents however will sufficiently guide the investigator desirous of verifying the references.

[478]A list of these, made in the last century, is printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XV, 332). It is probably not wholly complete. Of later date than 1500 there are tenreconciliados—one each in 1509 and 1516 and eight in 1629—sent thither by the tribunals in which they were tried.Further details as to the organization of the various tribunals will be found in the Appendix.

[478]A list of these, made in the last century, is printed by Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XV, 332). It is probably not wholly complete. Of later date than 1500 there are tenreconciliados—one each in 1509 and 1516 and eight in 1629—sent thither by the tribunals in which they were tried.

Further details as to the organization of the various tribunals will be found in the Appendix.

[479]Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxv, § 18.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib.XVIII, cap. 16.

[479]Colmenares, Hist. de Segovia, cap. xxxv, § 18.—Garibay, Compendio Historial, Lib.XVIII, cap. 16.

[480]Páramo, p. 137.—Llorente, Añales, I, 73.—Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. xlix—Instruciones de Sevilla, 1484, Prólogo (Arguello, fol. 2).—Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajo 2843.In the conference of Seville in 1484, besides the inquisitors and the members of the Council there are mentioned as present Juan Gutiérrez de Lachaves, and Tristan de Medina, whom Llorente (Añales, I, 74) conjectures to have been assistants of Torquemada.

[480]Páramo, p. 137.—Llorente, Añales, I, 73.—Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. xlix—Instruciones de Sevilla, 1484, Prólogo (Arguello, fol. 2).—Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajo 2843.

In the conference of Seville in 1484, besides the inquisitors and the members of the Council there are mentioned as present Juan Gutiérrez de Lachaves, and Tristan de Medina, whom Llorente (Añales, I, 74) conjectures to have been assistants of Torquemada.

[481]Folch de Cardona, in the Consulta of the Suprema to Philip V, July 18, 1703, states that the earliest bull in the archives was one of Sixtus IV in 1483 appointing Torquemada inquisitor-general with power to deputize inquisitors and to hear cases in the first instance. It was not till 1486 that Innocent VIII granted him appellate jurisdiction.—Bibl. Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 199.The title of Inquisitor-general was not immediately invented. In a sentence pronounced at Ciudad-Real, March 15, 1485, Torquemada is styled simply “juez principal ynquisidor.”—Arch. Hist. Nac. Inq. de Toledo, Legajo 165, n. 551.

[481]Folch de Cardona, in the Consulta of the Suprema to Philip V, July 18, 1703, states that the earliest bull in the archives was one of Sixtus IV in 1483 appointing Torquemada inquisitor-general with power to deputize inquisitors and to hear cases in the first instance. It was not till 1486 that Innocent VIII granted him appellate jurisdiction.—Bibl. Nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 199.

The title of Inquisitor-general was not immediately invented. In a sentence pronounced at Ciudad-Real, March 15, 1485, Torquemada is styled simply “juez principal ynquisidor.”—Arch. Hist. Nac. Inq. de Toledo, Legajo 165, n. 551.

[482]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 630; IV, 125. Yet modern apologists do not hesitate to argue that the papacy sought to mitigate the severity of the Spanish Inquisition (Gams, Zur Geschichte der spanischen Staatsinquisition, pp. 20-1; Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, p. 269; Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 582), basing their assertions on the eagerness of the curia to entertain appeals, of which more hereafter.

[482]Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prædic. III, 630; IV, 125. Yet modern apologists do not hesitate to argue that the papacy sought to mitigate the severity of the Spanish Inquisition (Gams, Zur Geschichte der spanischen Staatsinquisition, pp. 20-1; Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, p. 269; Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 582), basing their assertions on the eagerness of the curia to entertain appeals, of which more hereafter.

[483]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 28.

[483]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 28.

[484]Páramo, pp. 156-7.

[484]Páramo, pp. 156-7.

[485]Ripoll, IV, 126.

[485]Ripoll, IV, 126.

[486]Páramo, p. 156.

[486]Páramo, p. 156.

[487]Arch. Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3486, fol. 45.—Páramo, p. 137.

[487]Arch. Gen. de la Corona de Aragon, Reg. 3486, fol. 45.—Páramo, p. 137.

[488]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 6, 8.—“ad nostrum et dictæ sedis beneplacitum.”The original appointments of Miguel de Morillo and Juan de San Martin were similarlyad beneplacitum(Ibid. fol. 10), which may perhaps explain their assertion of independence of Torquemada.

[488]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 6, 8.—“ad nostrum et dictæ sedis beneplacitum.”

The original appointments of Miguel de Morillo and Juan de San Martin were similarlyad beneplacitum(Ibid. fol. 10), which may perhaps explain their assertion of independence of Torquemada.

[489]Ibid. fol. 3, 11, 13, 15, 20; Lib. IV, fol. 91, 118, 137; Lib. V, fol. 117, 136, 138, 151, 199, 200, 251, 264, 295.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.

[489]Ibid. fol. 3, 11, 13, 15, 20; Lib. IV, fol. 91, 118, 137; Lib. V, fol. 117, 136, 138, 151, 199, 200, 251, 264, 295.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.

[490]Instruciones de Sevilla (Arguello, Copilacion de las Instruciones, fol. 2, Madrid, 1630).

[490]Instruciones de Sevilla (Arguello, Copilacion de las Instruciones, fol. 2, Madrid, 1630).

[491]Páramo, p. 156.

[491]Páramo, p. 156.

[492]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 8, 10.—Monteiro, Historia da Inquisiçaõ, II, 415.—Boletin, XV, 490.—Ripoll IV, 5, 6.Somewhat similar was the question which arose, in 1507, on the retirement of Diego Deza and the appointment of Ximenes as inquisitor-general of Castile. His commission as usual contained the power of appointing and removing or punishing all subordinates, but those who derived their commissions from Deza seem to have claimed that they were not amenable to Ximenes and it required a special brief from Julius II, August 18, 1509, to establish his authority over them.—Bulario, Lib. III, fol. 68; Lib. I de copias, fol. 30.

[492]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 8, 10.—Monteiro, Historia da Inquisiçaõ, II, 415.—Boletin, XV, 490.—Ripoll IV, 5, 6.

Somewhat similar was the question which arose, in 1507, on the retirement of Diego Deza and the appointment of Ximenes as inquisitor-general of Castile. His commission as usual contained the power of appointing and removing or punishing all subordinates, but those who derived their commissions from Deza seem to have claimed that they were not amenable to Ximenes and it required a special brief from Julius II, August 18, 1509, to establish his authority over them.—Bulario, Lib. III, fol. 68; Lib. I de copias, fol. 30.

[493]Llorente, Añales, I, 214.—Francisco de la Fuente, as we have seen was inquisitor of Ciudad-Real as early as 1483. Alonso de Fuentelsaz in 1487 was one of the inquisitors of Toledo and was then merely a doctor.—Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 176, n. 673.

[493]Llorente, Añales, I, 214.—Francisco de la Fuente, as we have seen was inquisitor of Ciudad-Real as early as 1483. Alonso de Fuentelsaz in 1487 was one of the inquisitors of Toledo and was then merely a doctor.—Arch. hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 176, n. 673.

[494]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.—“Inquisitores generales in omnibus regnis et dominiis serenissimorum regis et reginæ dominorum nostrorum subdelegati a reverendissimo patre nostro fratre Thoma de Torquemada ... inquisitore generali.”Yet we have the commission of Martin of Messina, in 1494, issued directly by the pope.—Bulario, Lib. I de copias, fol. 3.

[494]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.—“Inquisitores generales in omnibus regnis et dominiis serenissimorum regis et reginæ dominorum nostrorum subdelegati a reverendissimo patre nostro fratre Thoma de Torquemada ... inquisitore generali.”

Yet we have the commission of Martin of Messina, in 1494, issued directly by the pope.—Bulario, Lib. I de copias, fol. 3.

[495]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.—Arguello, fol. 12.—Marieta, Hist. Ecles. Lib.XII, cap. xcii.Torquemada was buried in a chapel of the church of his convent of Santo Tomás in Avila. In 1572 the body was removed to another chapel to make room for the interment of Francisco de Soto de Salazar, Bishop of Salamanca, when it gave forth a supernatural odor of delicious sweetness, greatly confusing to those engaged in the sacrilegious task. The Dominican provincial punished the authors of the translation and the historian Garibay petitioned the Inquisitor-general Quiroga to have the remains restored to their original resting-place, which was done in 1586.—Memorias de Garibay, Tit. X (Mem. hist. esp. VII, 393).An anonymous biographer, writing in 1655, tells us that he retired to the convent of Avila two years before his death, Sept. 26, 1498 and that he has always there been reputed as a saint.—Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.

[495]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.—Arguello, fol. 12.—Marieta, Hist. Ecles. Lib.XII, cap. xcii.

Torquemada was buried in a chapel of the church of his convent of Santo Tomás in Avila. In 1572 the body was removed to another chapel to make room for the interment of Francisco de Soto de Salazar, Bishop of Salamanca, when it gave forth a supernatural odor of delicious sweetness, greatly confusing to those engaged in the sacrilegious task. The Dominican provincial punished the authors of the translation and the historian Garibay petitioned the Inquisitor-general Quiroga to have the remains restored to their original resting-place, which was done in 1586.—Memorias de Garibay, Tit. X (Mem. hist. esp. VII, 393).

An anonymous biographer, writing in 1655, tells us that he retired to the convent of Avila two years before his death, Sept. 26, 1498 and that he has always there been reputed as a saint.—Biblioteca Nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.

[496]Arch. de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 22.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 136.

[496]Arch. de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 22.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 136.

[497]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 11, 12.

[497]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 11, 12.

[498]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.

[498]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.

[499]Ibid. Lib. I; Lib. II, fol. 35.

[499]Ibid. Lib. I; Lib. II, fol. 35.

[500]Correspondence of Francisco de Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 462).

[500]Correspondence of Francisco de Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 462).

[501]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 13, 15.

[501]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 13, 15.

[502]Ibid. fol. 20, 72.—Gachard, Correspondance de Charles-Quint et d’Adrien VI, p. 235.

[502]Ibid. fol. 20, 72.—Gachard, Correspondance de Charles-Quint et d’Adrien VI, p. 235.

[503]Páramo, p. 137.

[503]Páramo, p. 137.

[504]Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. c.—Archivo General de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[504]Pulgar, Crónica, P.III, cap. c.—Archivo General de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[505]Inquisitor-general Manrique caused theInstruciones Antiguasto be printed collectively, with a supplement classifying the several articles under the head of the officials whose duties they defined. This was issued in Seville in 1537 and a copy is preserved in the Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld. A. Subt. 15. Another edition was issued in Madrid in 1576, a copy of which is in the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid, Seccion de MSS. S, 299, fol. 1. It was reprinted again in Madrid, in 1627 and 1630, together with theInstruciones Nuevas, by Caspar Isidro de Arguello. It is to this last edition that my references will be made. All these texts vary in some particulars from the originals preserved in the Simancas Archives, Inquisicion, Libro 933. Where such deviations are of importance they will be noted hereafter. Professor Ernst Schäfer has performed the service of reprinting the Arguello edition, with a German translation, in theArchiv für Reformationsgeschichte,1904.Llorente (Hist. Crít. cap.VI, art. 1) has given an abstract of theInstruciones Antiguas. Curiously enough, in none of the official collections are included the instructions issued by Torquemada in December, 1484, and January, 1485, except in a few extracts. As they have never been printed I give them in the Appendix, together with the 1500 Instructions of Seville, which are likewise for the most part inedited. What Llorente printed as Torquemada’s additions (Añales, I, 388) are merely the extracts gathered from Arguello’s compilation, where they are credited toEl prior en Sevilla, 1485.

[505]Inquisitor-general Manrique caused theInstruciones Antiguasto be printed collectively, with a supplement classifying the several articles under the head of the officials whose duties they defined. This was issued in Seville in 1537 and a copy is preserved in the Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld. A. Subt. 15. Another edition was issued in Madrid in 1576, a copy of which is in the Biblioteca Nacional of Madrid, Seccion de MSS. S, 299, fol. 1. It was reprinted again in Madrid, in 1627 and 1630, together with theInstruciones Nuevas, by Caspar Isidro de Arguello. It is to this last edition that my references will be made. All these texts vary in some particulars from the originals preserved in the Simancas Archives, Inquisicion, Libro 933. Where such deviations are of importance they will be noted hereafter. Professor Ernst Schäfer has performed the service of reprinting the Arguello edition, with a German translation, in theArchiv für Reformationsgeschichte,1904.

Llorente (Hist. Crít. cap.VI, art. 1) has given an abstract of theInstruciones Antiguas. Curiously enough, in none of the official collections are included the instructions issued by Torquemada in December, 1484, and January, 1485, except in a few extracts. As they have never been printed I give them in the Appendix, together with the 1500 Instructions of Seville, which are likewise for the most part inedited. What Llorente printed as Torquemada’s additions (Añales, I, 388) are merely the extracts gathered from Arguello’s compilation, where they are credited toEl prior en Sevilla, 1485.

[506]See the oath taken, July 20, 1487, by the officials of Catalonia and Barcelona to the inquisitor Alonso de Spina in Carbonell’sDe Gestis Hæreticorum(Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 6).The decretals in question were issued by Lucius III, Innocent III, Clement IV and Boniface VIII, and are embodied in the canon law as Cap. 9 and 13 Extra, Lib.V, Tit. vii and Cap. 11 and 18 in Sexto Lib.V, Tit. ii.When, in 1510, the jurats of Palermo made difficulties in taking the canonical oath, Ferdinand indignantly wrote that he would take it himself if required.—Arch. de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 134.

[506]See the oath taken, July 20, 1487, by the officials of Catalonia and Barcelona to the inquisitor Alonso de Spina in Carbonell’sDe Gestis Hæreticorum(Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 6).

The decretals in question were issued by Lucius III, Innocent III, Clement IV and Boniface VIII, and are embodied in the canon law as Cap. 9 and 13 Extra, Lib.V, Tit. vii and Cap. 11 and 18 in Sexto Lib.V, Tit. ii.

When, in 1510, the jurats of Palermo made difficulties in taking the canonical oath, Ferdinand indignantly wrote that he would take it himself if required.—Arch. de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 134.

[507]Instruciones de Sevilla, § 1 (Arguello, fol. 3).

[507]Instruciones de Sevilla, § 1 (Arguello, fol. 3).

[508]Páramo, p. 170.

[508]Páramo, p. 170.

[509]Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticorum (Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 12-17, 29, 40-49, 54-61). In these latter cases there is no distinction recorded between the fugitive and the dead, which would modify somewhat the proportions.

[509]Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticorum (Coleccion de Documentos de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 12-17, 29, 40-49, 54-61). In these latter cases there is no distinction recorded between the fugitive and the dead, which would modify somewhat the proportions.

[510]Manuel de Novells Ardits, vulgarment appelat Dietari del Antich Consell Barceloni, III, 58 (Barcelona, 1894).

[510]Manuel de Novells Ardits, vulgarment appelat Dietari del Antich Consell Barceloni, III, 58 (Barcelona, 1894).

[511]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[511]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[512]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1. By a letter of February 22, 1501, Ferdinand and Isabella congratulate the inquisitors on their action in such cases; if other New Christians assert that they had been converted by force justice is to be executed on them.In 1511 a ship belonging to Caspar de la Cavallería of Naples was seized in Barcelona. The master, Francisco de Santa Cruz, hurried to the court at Seville, where the inquisitor-general Enguera condemned the vessel and he gave security in its full value. Meanwhile the receiver of confiscations at Barcelona sold it without waiting for its condemnation, whereupon Ferdinand ordered the money returned and the vessel taken back.—Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 139.

[512]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1. By a letter of February 22, 1501, Ferdinand and Isabella congratulate the inquisitors on their action in such cases; if other New Christians assert that they had been converted by force justice is to be executed on them.

In 1511 a ship belonging to Caspar de la Cavallería of Naples was seized in Barcelona. The master, Francisco de Santa Cruz, hurried to the court at Seville, where the inquisitor-general Enguera condemned the vessel and he gave security in its full value. Meanwhile the receiver of confiscations at Barcelona sold it without waiting for its condemnation, whereupon Ferdinand ordered the money returned and the vessel taken back.—Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 139.

[513]Ibidem, Lib. I.

[513]Ibidem, Lib. I.

[514]Boletin, XV, 323.

[514]Boletin, XV, 323.

[515]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 62, 146.

[515]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 62, 146.

[516]Ibidem, Libro I.

[516]Ibidem, Libro I.

[517]Ibidem, Lib. II, fol. 17.

[517]Ibidem, Lib. II, fol. 17.

[518]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 42. This letter is dated Dec. 22, 1509. It is duplicated January 19, 1510 (Ibid. fol. 48). Seven of the Duke’s officials had been summoned to appear before the Suprema and had disregarded the order, which was repeated January 21st under pain of confiscation and punishment at the royal pleasure.—Ibid. fol. 57.

[518]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. III, fol. 42. This letter is dated Dec. 22, 1509. It is duplicated January 19, 1510 (Ibid. fol. 48). Seven of the Duke’s officials had been summoned to appear before the Suprema and had disregarded the order, which was repeated January 21st under pain of confiscation and punishment at the royal pleasure.—Ibid. fol. 57.

[519]Ibidem, Libro 73, fol. 115.

[519]Ibidem, Libro 73, fol. 115.

[520]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

[520]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

[521]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.

[521]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I.

[522]Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 221.

[522]Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 221.

[523]Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 22.

[523]Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 22.

[524]Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 193, 214.

[524]Ibidem, Lib. III, fol. 193, 214.

[525]Archivo de Simancas, l’atronato real; Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 37.

[525]Archivo de Simancas, l’atronato real; Inquisicion, Legajo único, fol. 37.

[526]Informe de Quesada (Biblioteca nacional, Section de MSS., T, 28).

[526]Informe de Quesada (Biblioteca nacional, Section de MSS., T, 28).

[527]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

[527]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

[528]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.The redistribution of offices may be reckoned among the influences which reconciled the Old Christians to the Inquisition. These had been largely in the hands of Conversos, causing so much jealousy that the prospect of acquiring them led numbers of aspirants to wish for the sharpest and speediest action. It was too slow for their eagerness and expectative grants were sought for and made in advance so as to profit by the next victim. The vacancies passed into the hands of the receivers and were distributed by the sovereigns as favor or policy might dictate. See Appendix for suggestive extracts from the register of the receiver of Valencia.A significant case is that of Juan Cardona, public scrivener and notary of mortmains, who became disqualified by the condemnation of the memory of his father, Leonardo Cardona, whereupon Ferdinand treated his offices as confiscated and, by cédula of December 5, 1511, bestowed them on Juan Argent, notary of the tribunal which had rendered the sentence.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro III, fol. 33, 161.

[528]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

The redistribution of offices may be reckoned among the influences which reconciled the Old Christians to the Inquisition. These had been largely in the hands of Conversos, causing so much jealousy that the prospect of acquiring them led numbers of aspirants to wish for the sharpest and speediest action. It was too slow for their eagerness and expectative grants were sought for and made in advance so as to profit by the next victim. The vacancies passed into the hands of the receivers and were distributed by the sovereigns as favor or policy might dictate. See Appendix for suggestive extracts from the register of the receiver of Valencia.

A significant case is that of Juan Cardona, public scrivener and notary of mortmains, who became disqualified by the condemnation of the memory of his father, Leonardo Cardona, whereupon Ferdinand treated his offices as confiscated and, by cédula of December 5, 1511, bestowed them on Juan Argent, notary of the tribunal which had rendered the sentence.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro III, fol. 33, 161.

[529]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

[529]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I.

[530]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.—Juan Gomez Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, I, 392.In 1513 an attempt was made to review the trial of the parents and son, when Ferdinand summoned the Royal Council to sit with the Suprema in the case showing his determination that the sentence should not be set aside (Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Libro 9, fol. 146). The effort to obtain justice was unsuccessful for, in 1515, we happen to find Calcena in possession of a house renting at 9000 mrs. per annum which had formed part of the confiscation (Ibid., Libro 3, fol. 439).

[530]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.—Juan Gomez Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, I, 392.

In 1513 an attempt was made to review the trial of the parents and son, when Ferdinand summoned the Royal Council to sit with the Suprema in the case showing his determination that the sentence should not be set aside (Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Libro 9, fol. 146). The effort to obtain justice was unsuccessful for, in 1515, we happen to find Calcena in possession of a house renting at 9000 mrs. per annum which had formed part of the confiscation (Ibid., Libro 3, fol. 439).

[531]Epistt. Pet. Mart. Anglerii, Epist. 374.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. xxix.—Rodrigo, Hist. verdadera, II, 238. Cf. Lorenzo de Padilla, Crónica de Felipe I (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 153).

[531]Epistt. Pet. Mart. Anglerii, Epist. 374.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. xxix.—Rodrigo, Hist. verdadera, II, 238. Cf. Lorenzo de Padilla, Crónica de Felipe I (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 153).

[532]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.

[532]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.

[533]Epistt. Pet. Mart., Epist. 385.

[533]Epistt. Pet. Mart., Epist. 385.

[534]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 300; Cajon J, n. 295, 296.

[534]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 300; Cajon J, n. 295, 296.

[535]Boletin, XVII, 447-51.

[535]Boletin, XVII, 447-51.

[536]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 304.

[536]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 304.

[537]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. xxix.

[537]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.—Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. xxix.

[538]Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 336, 337.—Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 519.

[538]Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 336, 337.—Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 519.

[539]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inquisicion, Leg. 621, fol. 198.—Biblioteca nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, n. 11, fol. 24.—Llorente, Añales, I, 328.—Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 548.

[539]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inquisicion, Leg. 621, fol. 198.—Biblioteca nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, n. 11, fol. 24.—Llorente, Añales, I, 328.—Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 548.

[540]Clemencin, Elogio de la Reina Isabel, pp. 144-5.—Pedraza, Hist. de Granada, P.IV, cap. xxxi (Granada, 1638).

[540]Clemencin, Elogio de la Reina Isabel, pp. 144-5.—Pedraza, Hist. de Granada, P.IV, cap. xxxi (Granada, 1638).

[541]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon J, n. 297.

[541]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon J, n. 297.

[542]Pet. Mart. Angler. Epist. 295.

[542]Pet. Mart. Angler. Epist. 295.

[543]Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. n. 9.—Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 448).

[543]Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. n. 9.—Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 448).

[544]Dom Clemencin (Elogio, Illust.XVIII) prints a noble and touching letter of reproof from Talavera to Ferdinand. He had had the direction of royal consciences too long to feel awe of royal personages. Spiritually he felt himself the king’s superior and his perfectly frank simplicity of character led him to manifest this without disguise.

[544]Dom Clemencin (Elogio, Illust.XVIII) prints a noble and touching letter of reproof from Talavera to Ferdinand. He had had the direction of royal consciences too long to feel awe of royal personages. Spiritually he felt himself the king’s superior and his perfectly frank simplicity of character led him to manifest this without disguise.

[545]Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XVIII, 444, 448).—Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 534, 540.

[545]Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XVIII, 444, 448).—Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 534, 540.

[546]Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XVIII, 452).The story of Queen Juana la loca is one of the saddest in the annals of royalty and her treatment by her father, husband and son is a libel on human nature, but no one who has impartially examined all the evidence can doubt that she was incapable of governing.

[546]Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XVIII, 452).

The story of Queen Juana la loca is one of the saddest in the annals of royalty and her treatment by her father, husband and son is a libel on human nature, but no one who has impartially examined all the evidence can doubt that she was incapable of governing.

[547]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon A, n. 5.

[547]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon A, n. 5.

[548]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. vi.

[548]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. vi.

[549]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 302.

[549]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 302.

[550]Ibidem, n. 300.

[550]Ibidem, n. 300.

[551]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.

[551]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.

[552]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon J, n. 295, 298.—Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.

[552]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon J, n. 295, 298.—Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.

[553]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 301.

[553]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 301.

[554]Lorenzo de Padilla, Crónica de Felipe I (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 153).—Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.

[554]Lorenzo de Padilla, Crónica de Felipe I (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 153).—Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 46.

[555]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 301.—Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit.

[555]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon I, n. 301.—Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit.

[556]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon A, n. 5; Cajon I, n. 304.

[556]Archivo de la Catedral de Córdova, Cajon A, n. 5; Cajon I, n. 304.

[557]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 320.—See Appendix.

[557]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 320.—See Appendix.

[558]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 333, 334, 335.

[558]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 333, 334, 335.

[559]Pedraza, Hist. eccles. de Granada, P.IV, cap. 31-34.

[559]Pedraza, Hist. eccles. de Granada, P.IV, cap. 31-34.

[560]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 342, 344, 457.—Pedraza,loc. cit.The Inquisition which had hunted him to the death could never forgive him for his escape. When, in 1559, Inquisitor-general Valdés compiled the first Index of prohibited books, a long-forgotten controversial tract against the Jews, printed by Talavera in 1480, was resuscitated and condemned in order to cast a slur upon his memory and this was carefully preserved through the long series of Spanish Indexes down to the last one in 1790.—Reusch, Die Indices Libror. Prohib., p. 232.—Indice Ultimo, p. 262.

[560]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 342, 344, 457.—Pedraza,loc. cit.

The Inquisition which had hunted him to the death could never forgive him for his escape. When, in 1559, Inquisitor-general Valdés compiled the first Index of prohibited books, a long-forgotten controversial tract against the Jews, printed by Talavera in 1480, was resuscitated and condemned in order to cast a slur upon his memory and this was carefully preserved through the long series of Spanish Indexes down to the last one in 1790.—Reusch, Die Indices Libror. Prohib., p. 232.—Indice Ultimo, p. 262.

[561]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. xxix, xxxiv, xlii; Lib.VIII, cap. i, v.—Villa, La Reina Juana, pp. 462, 463.Zurita, who, as an official of the Suprema, no doubt reflects the tradition of the Inquisition, says that many murmured at seeing Ferdinand, to win over Ximenes, sacrifice Deza, for the latter was a most notable prelate, a man of great learning and devoted to the king’s service. He has claims too on our respect as the patron of Columbus, befriending and encouraging him when disheartened by the incredulity of the court.—Irving’s Life and Voyages of Columbus, BookII, Chap. 3, 4; BookXVIII, Chap 3.

[561]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.VII, cap. xxix, xxxiv, xlii; Lib.VIII, cap. i, v.—Villa, La Reina Juana, pp. 462, 463.

Zurita, who, as an official of the Suprema, no doubt reflects the tradition of the Inquisition, says that many murmured at seeing Ferdinand, to win over Ximenes, sacrifice Deza, for the latter was a most notable prelate, a man of great learning and devoted to the king’s service. He has claims too on our respect as the patron of Columbus, befriending and encouraging him when disheartened by the incredulity of the court.—Irving’s Life and Voyages of Columbus, BookII, Chap. 3, 4; BookXVIII, Chap 3.

[562]Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 440, 457).—Ciacconii et Oldoini Vit. Pontif. III, 261.

[562]Correspondence of Rojas (Boletin, XXVIII, 440, 457).—Ciacconii et Oldoini Vit. Pontif. III, 261.

[563]Gomesii de Rebus gestis Francisci Ximenii, fol. 77 (Compluti, 1569).

[563]Gomesii de Rebus gestis Francisci Ximenii, fol. 77 (Compluti, 1569).

[564]Pet. Mart. Epist., 339.

[564]Pet. Mart. Epist., 339.

[565]Archivo de la Catedral de Toledo, Cajon I, n. 303.

[565]Archivo de la Catedral de Toledo, Cajon I, n. 303.

[566]Biblioteca nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 208.The Licenciado Ortuño Ibañez de Aguirre was a layman whom Ferdinand forced into the Suprema against the earnest resistance of its members, probably with the view of screening Lucero. He was theâme damnéeof Ferdinand who corresponded with him confidentially when he wanted anything done. His fidelity was stimulated with favors, as when in December, 1513, Ferdinand gave him an order on the receiver of Seville for 300,000 mrs. (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 145). Las Casas, however, expresses a favorable opinion of him and he was one of the executors of Isabella’s testament.—Hist. de las Indias, Lib.III, cap. 138 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXVI, 81).

[566]Biblioteca nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 208.

The Licenciado Ortuño Ibañez de Aguirre was a layman whom Ferdinand forced into the Suprema against the earnest resistance of its members, probably with the view of screening Lucero. He was theâme damnéeof Ferdinand who corresponded with him confidentially when he wanted anything done. His fidelity was stimulated with favors, as when in December, 1513, Ferdinand gave him an order on the receiver of Seville for 300,000 mrs. (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 145). Las Casas, however, expresses a favorable opinion of him and he was one of the executors of Isabella’s testament.—Hist. de las Indias, Lib.III, cap. 138 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXVI, 81).

[567]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 370, 382, 385.

[567]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 370, 382, 385.

[568]In contrast with these spectacular proceedings was the removal, by the inquisitor-general in 1500, without even stating the reasons, of Diego Fernández de Bonilla, Inquisitor of Extremadura.—Llorente, Añales, I, 260.

[568]In contrast with these spectacular proceedings was the removal, by the inquisitor-general in 1500, without even stating the reasons, of Diego Fernández de Bonilla, Inquisitor of Extremadura.—Llorente, Añales, I, 260.

[569]Pet. Mart. Epist., 393.—Llorente, Memoria histórica, p. 145 (Madrid, 1812).—Llorente, Añales, I, 356.—Gomesii de Rebus F. Ximenii, fol. 77.—Lorenzo de Padilla (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 154).Llorente’s account of the proceedings at Valladolid is drawn from Bravo’s “Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova” (Córdova, 1778). It is perhaps worth remarking that, in my copy of that work, the sheet containing these passages is lacking—probably owing to inquisitorial censorship.

[569]Pet. Mart. Epist., 393.—Llorente, Memoria histórica, p. 145 (Madrid, 1812).—Llorente, Añales, I, 356.—Gomesii de Rebus F. Ximenii, fol. 77.—Lorenzo de Padilla (Coleccion de Documentos, VIII, 154).

Llorente’s account of the proceedings at Valladolid is drawn from Bravo’s “Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova” (Córdova, 1778). It is perhaps worth remarking that, in my copy of that work, the sheet containing these passages is lacking—probably owing to inquisitorial censorship.

[570]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 12, 13, 21, 31, 32, 33, 41, 42, 43, 48, 58, 61, 62, 72, 80, 86, 130; Lib. 9, fol. 146; Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 33.

[570]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 12, 13, 21, 31, 32, 33, 41, 42, 43, 48, 58, 61, 62, 72, 80, 86, 130; Lib. 9, fol. 146; Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 33.

[571]Ibidem, Libro 3, fol. 23.

[571]Ibidem, Libro 3, fol. 23.

[572]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 84.

[572]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 84.

[573]Ibidem, fol. 90, 106, 118, 119, 375.—Gomesii de Rebus Ximanii, fol. 77.

[573]Ibidem, fol. 90, 106, 118, 119, 375.—Gomesii de Rebus Ximanii, fol. 77.

[574]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 9, fol. 26.

[574]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 9, fol. 26.

[575]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 43.

[575]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 43.

[576]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 43.

[576]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 43.

[577]Ibidem, fol. 44, 45.

[577]Ibidem, fol. 44, 45.

[578]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 47, 49, 63, 70, 329, 407.

[578]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 47, 49, 63, 70, 329, 407.

[579]Mariana, Hist. de España, T. IX, Append. p. lvi (Valencia, 1796).

[579]Mariana, Hist. de España, T. IX, Append. p. lvi (Valencia, 1796).

[580]Gomesii de Rebus Fr. Ximenii, fol. 173.—Cartas de Jimenez, p. 190 (Madrid, 1867).

[580]Gomesii de Rebus Fr. Ximenii, fol. 173.—Cartas de Jimenez, p. 190 (Madrid, 1867).

[581]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 448; Libro 4, fol. 143, 152; Libro 9,passim; Libro 926, fol. 76, 166; Libro 940, fol. 59.

[581]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 448; Libro 4, fol. 143, 152; Libro 9,passim; Libro 926, fol. 76, 166; Libro 940, fol. 59.

[582]Bergenroth, Spanish State Papers, II, 281.—Cartas de los Secretarios de Cisneros, p. 209 (Madrid, 1876).

[582]Bergenroth, Spanish State Papers, II, 281.—Cartas de los Secretarios de Cisneros, p. 209 (Madrid, 1876).

[583]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 68.

[583]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 68.

[584]Ibidem, Libro 21, fol. 111.

[584]Ibidem, Libro 21, fol. 111.

[585]Llorente, Añales, II, 94.—Cartas del Cardenal Jimenez, p. 115.—Gachard, Correspondance de Charles-Quint avec Adrian VI, p. 235 (Bruxelles 1859).

[585]Llorente, Añales, II, 94.—Cartas del Cardenal Jimenez, p. 115.—Gachard, Correspondance de Charles-Quint avec Adrian VI, p. 235 (Bruxelles 1859).

[586]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 921, fol. 38.

[586]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 921, fol. 38.

[587]Ibidem, Libro 4, fol. 95; Libro 921, fol. 46.

[587]Ibidem, Libro 4, fol. 95; Libro 921, fol. 46.

[588]Ibidem, Libro 5, fol. 17.

[588]Ibidem, Libro 5, fol. 17.

[589]Ibidem, Libro 10, fol. 50.

[589]Ibidem, Libro 10, fol. 50.

[590]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 272.

[590]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 272.

[591]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 620, 622.Las Casas however gives to le Sauvage the highest character for intelligence and rectitude. He also speaks highly of Gattinara.—Hist. de las Indias, Lib. III, cap. 99, 103, 130 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXV, 366, 388; LXVI, 35).

[591]Pet. Mart. Epistt., 620, 622.

Las Casas however gives to le Sauvage the highest character for intelligence and rectitude. He also speaks highly of Gattinara.—Hist. de las Indias, Lib. III, cap. 99, 103, 130 (Coleccion de Documentos, LXV, 366, 388; LXVI, 35).

[592]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 68-73.

[592]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 68-73.

[593]C. v. Höfler, Papst Adrian VI, p. 144 (Wien, 1880).

[593]C. v. Höfler, Papst Adrian VI, p. 144 (Wien, 1880).

[594]This it rather assumed than expressed in Part.VII, Tit. xxvi, ley 3

[594]This it rather assumed than expressed in Part.VII, Tit. xxvi, ley 3

[595]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 49. See Appendix.

[595]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 49. See Appendix.

[596]Colmeiro, Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y Castilla, II, 110 (Madrid, 1884).

[596]Colmeiro, Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y Castilla, II, 110 (Madrid, 1884).

[597]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 5, fol. 24.

[597]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 5, fol. 24.

[598]From the Brussels Archives de l’État, Registre sur le faict des hérésies et inquisiteurs, fol. 652. Kindly communicated to me by Professor Paul Fredericq.

[598]From the Brussels Archives de l’État, Registre sur le faict des hérésies et inquisiteurs, fol. 652. Kindly communicated to me by Professor Paul Fredericq.

[599]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 35.

[599]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 35.

[600]Biblioteca pública de Toledo, Sala 5, Estante 11, Tabla 3.—See also Padre Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXXIII, 307.

[600]Biblioteca pública de Toledo, Sala 5, Estante 11, Tabla 3.—See also Padre Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXXIII, 307.

[601]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 55.—See Appendix.

[601]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 55.—See Appendix.

[602]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 381, 415.

[602]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos de Leon y de Castilla, IV, 381, 415.

[603]Mariana, Hist, de España, Lib.XXX, cap. xxiv.—Galindez Carvajal, Memorial, ann. 1515 (Col. de Doc. XVIII, 336)

[603]Mariana, Hist, de España, Lib.XXX, cap. xxiv.—Galindez Carvajal, Memorial, ann. 1515 (Col. de Doc. XVIII, 336)

[604]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 199, 200, 256, 259, 263, 267, 268, 271, 299, 311, 337, 339, 341, 344, 348, 352, 353, 354, 368, 392, 438, 449; Libro 72, P. 1, fol. 49, P. 2, fol. 47; Libro 73, fol. 193, 276; Libro 74, fol. 116; Libro 75, fol. 6.

[604]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 199, 200, 256, 259, 263, 267, 268, 271, 299, 311, 337, 339, 341, 344, 348, 352, 353, 354, 368, 392, 438, 449; Libro 72, P. 1, fol. 49, P. 2, fol. 47; Libro 73, fol. 193, 276; Libro 74, fol. 116; Libro 75, fol. 6.

[605]Ibid. Libro 72, P. 2, fol. 116; Libro 73, fol. 142, 247-8; Libro 78, fol. 216, 226, 285; Libro 82, fol. 5.

[605]Ibid. Libro 72, P. 2, fol. 116; Libro 73, fol. 142, 247-8; Libro 78, fol. 216, 226, 285; Libro 82, fol. 5.

[606]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 85.This is virtually the same as the formula given by Antonio Pérez in hisRelaciones, written in 1598: “Nos que valemos tanto como vos os hazemos nuestro Rey y Señor con tal que nos guardeys nuestros fueros y libertades y sino No!” (Obras, Ed. 1654, p. 163). The learned Javier de Quinto (Discursos políticos, Madrid, 1848) had not seen Soranzo’s statement when he proved that this formula was invented by Hotman in hisFranco Gallia, first printed in 1573. On the other hand there is nothing of the kind in the oath of allegiance taken to Charles V in 1518, though he was obliged first to swear to observe the fueros and privileges of the land.—Argensola, Añales de Aragon, Lib. 1, cap. lx.A good account of the ancient constitution of Aragon will be found in Swift’s “Life and Times of James the First, King of Aragon,” London, 1894.

[606]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 85.

This is virtually the same as the formula given by Antonio Pérez in hisRelaciones, written in 1598: “Nos que valemos tanto como vos os hazemos nuestro Rey y Señor con tal que nos guardeys nuestros fueros y libertades y sino No!” (Obras, Ed. 1654, p. 163). The learned Javier de Quinto (Discursos políticos, Madrid, 1848) had not seen Soranzo’s statement when he proved that this formula was invented by Hotman in hisFranco Gallia, first printed in 1573. On the other hand there is nothing of the kind in the oath of allegiance taken to Charles V in 1518, though he was obliged first to swear to observe the fueros and privileges of the land.—Argensola, Añales de Aragon, Lib. 1, cap. lx.

A good account of the ancient constitution of Aragon will be found in Swift’s “Life and Times of James the First, King of Aragon,” London, 1894.

[607]Monteiro, Historia da Santa Inquisiçaõ, II, 340.

[607]Monteiro, Historia da Santa Inquisiçaõ, II, 340.

[608]Archivio Vaticano, Sisto IV, Registro 674, T. XV, fol. 13.Even in the dormant condition of the Inquisition, there must have been some opportunities rendering the office of inquisitor desirable. A brief of Sixtus IV, Jan. 21, 1479 (Ripoll, III, 572), to the Dominican General, recites that his predecessor had appointed, some years previously, Jaime Borell as inquisitor of Valencia, who had recently been removed without cause by Miguel de Mariello, Provincial of Aragon, and replaced by Juan Marques. Sixtus now orders Marques ejected and Borell restored. Neither of these names appear in the documents of the period.

[608]Archivio Vaticano, Sisto IV, Registro 674, T. XV, fol. 13.

Even in the dormant condition of the Inquisition, there must have been some opportunities rendering the office of inquisitor desirable. A brief of Sixtus IV, Jan. 21, 1479 (Ripoll, III, 572), to the Dominican General, recites that his predecessor had appointed, some years previously, Jaime Borell as inquisitor of Valencia, who had recently been removed without cause by Miguel de Mariello, Provincial of Aragon, and replaced by Juan Marques. Sixtus now orders Marques ejected and Borell restored. Neither of these names appear in the documents of the period.

[609]Archivo general de la Corona de Aragon, Registro 3684, fol. 7, 8.

[609]Archivo general de la Corona de Aragon, Registro 3684, fol. 7, 8.

[610]Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. P. III, Q. cviii.

[610]Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. P. III, Q. cviii.

[611]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 9. This quaint document shows us the primitive organization of a tribunal and the salaries regarded as ample. There are apparently two clerical errors which balance each other, in the salaries of the inquisitors and scrivener.“La forma infra sequent es la voluntat nostra ques tenga en la solucio e paga dels salaris dels officials e treballants en la officio de la Inquisicio.E primerament á cascu dels inquisidors que son dos,cent quaranta lliures cascun any que sumenCLXXXllrs.Item á un bon jurista que sia advocat dels inquisidorse advocat fiscal, cinquanta lliures lanyLllrs.Item al procurador fiscal vint e cinch lliures lanyXXVllrs.Item al scriva de la inquisicio doscentes lliures lanyCCllrs.Item al alguacil et al sag cent e vint lliuresCXXllrs.Item al porter que va citant vint lliures lanyXXllrs.Item á Dominguez que reeb los actos de las confiscacionsXXVllrs.Que sumen tots les dits quantitats sex cent vint lliures moneda reals de Valencia, los quals e no mas es nostra voluntat que en la forma dessus dita se paguen á les sobredits persones. Dada en la vila de Medina del Campo á XVII dias de febrer del any de la nativitat de nostro senyor MCCCCLXXXII. Yo el Rey. Domínus Rex mandavit mihi Petro Camanyas.”

[611]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 9. This quaint document shows us the primitive organization of a tribunal and the salaries regarded as ample. There are apparently two clerical errors which balance each other, in the salaries of the inquisitors and scrivener.

“La forma infra sequent es la voluntat nostra ques tenga en la solucio e paga dels salaris dels officials e treballants en la officio de la Inquisicio.

Que sumen tots les dits quantitats sex cent vint lliures moneda reals de Valencia, los quals e no mas es nostra voluntat que en la forma dessus dita se paguen á les sobredits persones. Dada en la vila de Medina del Campo á XVII dias de febrer del any de la nativitat de nostro senyor MCCCCLXXXII. Yo el Rey. Domínus Rex mandavit mihi Petro Camanyas.”

[612]Printed by Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. 1.

[612]Printed by Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. 1.

[613]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 3, 4.

[613]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 3, 4.

[614]Ibidem, fol. 1, 2, 4, 5.

[614]Ibidem, fol. 1, 2, 4, 5.

[615]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 7, 8.

[615]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 7, 8.

[616]Archivio Vaticano: Sisto IV, Regestro 674, T. XV, fol. 366.As Llorente states (Hist. crít. Append, n. 2) that the contents of this bull are unknown and as ignorance of its purport has wholly misled him, I give it in the Appendix.

[616]Archivio Vaticano: Sisto IV, Regestro 674, T. XV, fol. 366.

As Llorente states (Hist. crít. Append, n. 2) that the contents of this bull are unknown and as ignorance of its purport has wholly misled him, I give it in the Appendix.

[617]Archivo Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 9.—It is significant that in the papal register there is a note appended to this bull “Duplicata sub eadem data et scripta per eundem scriptorem et taxata adXXX” [grossos?], showing that an authentic copy was obtained and paid for at the time by some one, doubtless to provide against accident or fraud.

[617]Archivo Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 9.—It is significant that in the papal register there is a note appended to this bull “Duplicata sub eadem data et scripta per eundem scriptorem et taxata adXXX” [grossos?], showing that an authentic copy was obtained and paid for at the time by some one, doubtless to provide against accident or fraud.

[618]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 7. See Appendix. Bergenroth (Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xliv) gives an incorrect extract from it.

[618]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 7. See Appendix. Bergenroth (Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xliv) gives an incorrect extract from it.

[619]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 8, 9.

[619]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 8, 9.

[620]Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. n. 2.—Fidel Fita (Boletin, XV, 467).

[620]Llorente, Hist. crít. Append. n. 2.—Fidel Fita (Boletin, XV, 467).

[621]Ripoll, III, 622.—When Innocent VIII, by letters of February 11, 1486, confirmed or reappointed Torquemada, the qualification of his appointees was modified by requiring them to be fitting ecclesiastics, learned and God-fearing, provided that they were masters in theology or doctors or licentiates of laws or canons of cathedrals or holding other church dignities.—Páramo, p. 137.Ferdinand, July 9, 1485, had requested that the condition of holding grades in the church should not be insisted upon for there were few of such who were fitted for the work.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 59.

[621]Ripoll, III, 622.—When Innocent VIII, by letters of February 11, 1486, confirmed or reappointed Torquemada, the qualification of his appointees was modified by requiring them to be fitting ecclesiastics, learned and God-fearing, provided that they were masters in theology or doctors or licentiates of laws or canons of cathedrals or holding other church dignities.—Páramo, p. 137.

Ferdinand, July 9, 1485, had requested that the condition of holding grades in the church should not be insisted upon for there were few of such who were fitted for the work.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 59.

[622]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 34.—Boletin, XV, 472.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 43.Zurita (Añales, XX, xlix) is evidently in error in stating that Ferdinand, May 20, 1483, asked Sixtus to remove Gualbes and Orts.

[622]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 34.—Boletin, XV, 472.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 43.

Zurita (Añales, XX, xlix) is evidently in error in stating that Ferdinand, May 20, 1483, asked Sixtus to remove Gualbes and Orts.

[623]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 11.

[623]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 11.

[624]Ripoll, III, 622.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 182.When he had no further use for Gualbes Ferdinand also turned against him, for in March, 1486, on hearing that Gualbes proposed to visit a Dominican convent he wrote earnestly to the Governor and Inquisitor of Valencia to prevent it as it would be a scandal.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 90.It is possible that there may have been some rancor on Ferdinand’s part against Gualbes who, as an eloquent preacher and fervid popular orator, had done much, in 1461, to stimulate the resistance of the Catalans to Juan II, after the death of the heir-apparent, Carlos Prince of Viana, which was attributed to poison administered by Queen Juana Henríquez to open for her son Ferdinand the path to the throne (Zurita, Añales, Lib.XVII, cap. xxvi, xlii; Lib.XVIII, cap. xxxii). It is true that Zurita is not certain whether there may not have been two Cristóbal Gualbes (Lib.XX, cap. xlix) but Bofarull y Broca (Hist. de Cataluña, VI, 312) has no such doubts.

[624]Ripoll, III, 622.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 182.

When he had no further use for Gualbes Ferdinand also turned against him, for in March, 1486, on hearing that Gualbes proposed to visit a Dominican convent he wrote earnestly to the Governor and Inquisitor of Valencia to prevent it as it would be a scandal.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 90.

It is possible that there may have been some rancor on Ferdinand’s part against Gualbes who, as an eloquent preacher and fervid popular orator, had done much, in 1461, to stimulate the resistance of the Catalans to Juan II, after the death of the heir-apparent, Carlos Prince of Viana, which was attributed to poison administered by Queen Juana Henríquez to open for her son Ferdinand the path to the throne (Zurita, Añales, Lib.XVII, cap. xxvi, xlii; Lib.XVIII, cap. xxxii). It is true that Zurita is not certain whether there may not have been two Cristóbal Gualbes (Lib.XX, cap. xlix) but Bofarull y Broca (Hist. de Cataluña, VI, 312) has no such doubts.

[625]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lvi, lxv.

[625]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lvi, lxv.

[626]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 11, 12.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. 1, fol. 51.

[626]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 11, 12.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. 1, fol. 51.

[627]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 19-22.

[627]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 19-22.

[628]Ibidem, Reg. 3684, fol. 25, 26.

[628]Ibidem, Reg. 3684, fol. 25, 26.

[629]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Páramo, p. 187.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 34.

[629]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Páramo, p. 187.—Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 34.

[630]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 32, 34.

[630]Arch. Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 32, 34.

[631]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, LibroI, fol. 31.

[631]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, LibroI, fol. 31.

[632]Arch Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 61, 73, 86, 89, 90.

[632]Arch Gen. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 61, 73, 86, 89, 90.

[633]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 504.

[633]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 504.

[634]Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia de Jurisdicion, fol. 64 (Madrid, 1624).

[634]Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia de Jurisdicion, fol. 64 (Madrid, 1624).

[635]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, LibroI.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 309, Notarios, fol. 1.

[635]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, LibroI.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 309, Notarios, fol. 1.

[636]Escolano, Hist. del Ciudad y Reyno de Valencia, II, 1442 (Valencia, 1611).

[636]Escolano, Hist. del Ciudad y Reyno de Valencia, II, 1442 (Valencia, 1611).

[637]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajos 98, 374.

[637]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajos 98, 374.

[638]Arch. gén. de la de C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 16.To Maestre Gaspar Juglar, inquisitor3000sueldos.“ —— —— ——, inquisitor3000““ Maestre Pedro de Epila, inquisitor1000““ Micer Martin de la Raga, assessor1000““ Francisco de Santa Fe, notary2000““ Juan de Anchias, notary1000““ Ruy Sánchez de Suazo, promotor fiscal2500““ Don Ramon de Mur, advocate fiscal1000““ Diego López, alguazil5000““ Juan de Exea, receiver1500“The blank for the second inquisitor is doubtless to be filled with the name of Maestre Martin García, who appears in a later portion of the document classed with Arbués (Pedro de Epila). The large salary of the alguazil arose from his bearing the charges of the prisons. The salaries of Arbués, Raga, Mur and Anchias were to begin with May 1st, showing that they alone were already at work. The rest were to commence on the day on which they would swear that they left their homes.

[638]Arch. gén. de la de C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 16.

The blank for the second inquisitor is doubtless to be filled with the name of Maestre Martin García, who appears in a later portion of the document classed with Arbués (Pedro de Epila). The large salary of the alguazil arose from his bearing the charges of the prisons. The salaries of Arbués, Raga, Mur and Anchias were to begin with May 1st, showing that they alone were already at work. The rest were to commence on the day on which they would swear that they left their homes.

[639]Memoria de diversos Autos (see Appendix).

[639]Memoria de diversos Autos (see Appendix).

[640]Ibidem. In this MS. he is called Maestre Julian, presumably the error of a copyist. Lanuza (Hist. de Aragon, II, 168, 177) says that he died in January, 1485, in the monastery of Lérida; that some asserted that he was poisoned by the heretics and that the manner of his death was investigated by the chapter of his convent, but that no decision seems to have been reached. In 1646 a memorial from the authorities of Aragon to Philip IV classes Juglar with Arbués as a martyr to the faith.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Mm, 123.

[640]Ibidem. In this MS. he is called Maestre Julian, presumably the error of a copyist. Lanuza (Hist. de Aragon, II, 168, 177) says that he died in January, 1485, in the monastery of Lérida; that some asserted that he was poisoned by the heretics and that the manner of his death was investigated by the chapter of his convent, but that no decision seems to have been reached. In 1646 a memorial from the authorities of Aragon to Philip IV classes Juglar with Arbués as a martyr to the faith.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Mm, 123.

[641]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 12.

[641]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 12.

[642]MS. Memoria (see Appendix).

[642]MS. Memoria (see Appendix).

[643]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Páramo, pp. 180-1.

[643]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Páramo, pp. 180-1.

[644]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.

[644]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.

[645]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 28, 86.

[645]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 28, 86.

[646]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 29, 35.

[646]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 29, 35.

[647]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 12, 23, 27, 31, 35, 38, 39, 42, 47-9, 51-3, 55-8, 60, 63, 72, 98.In 1502, with characteristic faithlessness, the inquisitors at Teruel proposed to collect all the debts due to the confiscated estates, but Ferdinand intervened and sternly forbade it.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 2, fol. 16.

[647]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 12, 23, 27, 31, 35, 38, 39, 42, 47-9, 51-3, 55-8, 60, 63, 72, 98.

In 1502, with characteristic faithlessness, the inquisitors at Teruel proposed to collect all the debts due to the confiscated estates, but Ferdinand intervened and sternly forbade it.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 2, fol. 16.

[648]Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 4.

[648]Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 4.

[649]Libro Verde de Aragon (MS., fol. 67).

[649]Libro Verde de Aragon (MS., fol. 67).

[650]Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 281-2).

[650]Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 281-2).

[651]Zurita, Añales, LibroXX, cap. lxv.

[651]Zurita, Añales, LibroXX, cap. lxv.

[652]Trasmiera, Epitome de la santa Vida y relacion de la gloriosa muerte del Venerable Pedro de Arbués, pp. 15, 32, 50 (Madrid, 1664).—Villanueva, Viage literario, XVIII, 50.

[652]Trasmiera, Epitome de la santa Vida y relacion de la gloriosa muerte del Venerable Pedro de Arbués, pp. 15, 32, 50 (Madrid, 1664).—Villanueva, Viage literario, XVIII, 50.

[653]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 37, 38.

[653]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 37, 38.

[654]Memoria de diversos Autos (Appendix).—Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 281-6, 288).—Raynald Annal. ann. 1485, n. 23, 24.—Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Juan Gines Sepúlveda, Descriptio Collegii Hespanorum Bononiensis.—Blancas, Aragon. Rerum Comment. p. 268.—Bibliothèque nat. de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 33.In spite of these miracles and of innumerable others which manifested the sanctity of Arbués, the Holy See was distinctly averse to his canonization. A papal brief even ordered the removal from the cathedral of the sanbenitos of the assassins and strenuous efforts were required to procure its revocation.Repeated investigations were made by successive popes without result—at the request of Charles V in 1537; of Philip III in 1604, 1615 and 1618; of Philip IV in 1622 and 1652, until at length in 1664 he was beatified (Trasmiera, pp. 98, 99, 133, 137, 139). The matter then rested for two centuries until, in 1864, it was taken up again and finally, June 29, 1867, he was canonized by Pius IX (Dom. Bartolini, Comment. Actor. Omnium Canonizationis, Romæ, 1868).It is significant that the Inquisition did not await the tardy action of Rome. Instructions of the Suprema in 1603, 1623 and 1633 show that his feast was regularly celebrated with prescribed offices (MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 257) and, during the 17th and 18th centuries, he is constantly spoken of, in the documents of the Inquisition relating to the feast, as San Pedro Arbués.

[654]Memoria de diversos Autos (Appendix).—Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 281-6, 288).—Raynald Annal. ann. 1485, n. 23, 24.—Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Juan Gines Sepúlveda, Descriptio Collegii Hespanorum Bononiensis.—Blancas, Aragon. Rerum Comment. p. 268.—Bibliothèque nat. de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 33.

In spite of these miracles and of innumerable others which manifested the sanctity of Arbués, the Holy See was distinctly averse to his canonization. A papal brief even ordered the removal from the cathedral of the sanbenitos of the assassins and strenuous efforts were required to procure its revocation.

Repeated investigations were made by successive popes without result—at the request of Charles V in 1537; of Philip III in 1604, 1615 and 1618; of Philip IV in 1622 and 1652, until at length in 1664 he was beatified (Trasmiera, pp. 98, 99, 133, 137, 139). The matter then rested for two centuries until, in 1864, it was taken up again and finally, June 29, 1867, he was canonized by Pius IX (Dom. Bartolini, Comment. Actor. Omnium Canonizationis, Romæ, 1868).

It is significant that the Inquisition did not await the tardy action of Rome. Instructions of the Suprema in 1603, 1623 and 1633 show that his feast was regularly celebrated with prescribed offices (MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 257) and, during the 17th and 18th centuries, he is constantly spoken of, in the documents of the Inquisition relating to the feast, as San Pedro Arbués.

[655]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 25 (Appendix).

[655]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 25 (Appendix).

[656]Zurita,loc. cit.

[656]Zurita,loc. cit.

[657]Memoria,loc. cit.

[657]Memoria,loc. cit.

[658]Gams, Zur Geschichte der spanischen Staatsinquisition, p. 34.—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, 81.

[658]Gams, Zur Geschichte der spanischen Staatsinquisition, p. 34.—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, 81.

[659]This brief is printed in the Boletin, XVI, 368 by Padre Fidel Fita, who is in error in assuming its obedience in France from the case of Juan de Pedro Sánchez, reported in an essay of mine on the Martyrdom of Arbués. This was merely an instance of friendly co-operation between the Inquisitions of Toulouse and Saragossa and occurred too early to be the result of the papal letters which were not received in Córdova until May 31, 1487.We have seen (p. 191), by a case occurring in 1501, that Manoel of Portugal considered that there was no obligation to return fugitives from the Inquisition; it was a matter of comity to be decided on the merits of each case. There was a similar one in 1500, and when, in 1510 and 1514, fugitives were asked for, under plea that they were wanted as witnesses, Manoel refused to surrender them without absolute pledges that they should suffer no harm (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 85, 107, 110).When Portugal obtained an Inquisition, the two inquisitors-general, in 1544, came to an agreement, with the assent of the respective monarchs, which superseded extradition. The fugitive was to be tried in the country where he was captured and the Inquisition from which he had fled was to furnish the evidence.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS. X, 257, fol. 218.

[659]This brief is printed in the Boletin, XVI, 368 by Padre Fidel Fita, who is in error in assuming its obedience in France from the case of Juan de Pedro Sánchez, reported in an essay of mine on the Martyrdom of Arbués. This was merely an instance of friendly co-operation between the Inquisitions of Toulouse and Saragossa and occurred too early to be the result of the papal letters which were not received in Córdova until May 31, 1487.

We have seen (p. 191), by a case occurring in 1501, that Manoel of Portugal considered that there was no obligation to return fugitives from the Inquisition; it was a matter of comity to be decided on the merits of each case. There was a similar one in 1500, and when, in 1510 and 1514, fugitives were asked for, under plea that they were wanted as witnesses, Manoel refused to surrender them without absolute pledges that they should suffer no harm (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 85, 107, 110).

When Portugal obtained an Inquisition, the two inquisitors-general, in 1544, came to an agreement, with the assent of the respective monarchs, which superseded extradition. The fugitive was to be tried in the country where he was captured and the Inquisition from which he had fled was to furnish the evidence.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS. X, 257, fol. 218.

[660]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 75.—Amador de los Rios, III, 269.

[660]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 75.—Amador de los Rios, III, 269.

[661]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 103.

[661]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 103.

[662]Ibidem, fol. 102 (see Appendix). It was Martin de Santangel, not Luis, who took refuge in Tudela. He was not caught, but was burnt in effigy, July 28, 1486.

[662]Ibidem, fol. 102 (see Appendix). It was Martin de Santangel, not Luis, who took refuge in Tudela. He was not caught, but was burnt in effigy, July 28, 1486.

[663]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 29 (Appendix).In after years, Ferdinand was less inclined to invade friendly territory. February 25, 1501, writing to the Archdeacon of Almazan, Inquisitor of Catalayud, about an inhabitant of Fitero, a town just beyond the border, he says that if the culprit can be arrested within his jurisdiction it can be done, but there must be no deceit and no scandal.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[663]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 29 (Appendix).

In after years, Ferdinand was less inclined to invade friendly territory. February 25, 1501, writing to the Archdeacon of Almazan, Inquisitor of Catalayud, about an inhabitant of Fitero, a town just beyond the border, he says that if the culprit can be arrested within his jurisdiction it can be done, but there must be no deceit and no scandal.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[664]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.VI, Art. ii, n. 1.—Trasmiera, p. 101.

[664]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lxv.—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.VI, Art. ii, n. 1.—Trasmiera, p. 101.

[665]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 67, 68, 83, 86.

[665]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 67, 68, 83, 86.

[666]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 3 (see Appendix).

[666]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 3 (see Appendix).

[667]Zurita,loc. cit.—The order to receive the tribunal in the Aljafería bears date January 12, 1486 (Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 83). Subsequently it was transferred to the archiepiscopal palace in order to let the Aljafería be occupied by a member of the royal family, but the inquisitors complained and were allowed to return in 1498. They encroached upon the royal apartments, much to Ferdinand’s disgust, as expressed in a letter of September 30, 1511. In January, 1515, he ordered them to leave the palace and rent accommodations in the city, but finally they obtained permanent possession.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 155, 321, 322.

[667]Zurita,loc. cit.—The order to receive the tribunal in the Aljafería bears date January 12, 1486 (Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 83). Subsequently it was transferred to the archiepiscopal palace in order to let the Aljafería be occupied by a member of the royal family, but the inquisitors complained and were allowed to return in 1498. They encroached upon the royal apartments, much to Ferdinand’s disgust, as expressed in a letter of September 30, 1511. In January, 1515, he ordered them to leave the palace and rent accommodations in the city, but finally they obtained permanent possession.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 155, 321, 322.

[668]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 76.

[668]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 76.

[669]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 27, n. 3 (see Appendix).

[669]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 27, n. 3 (see Appendix).

[670]Memoria de diversos Autos, Autos 10, 11, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22 (Appendix).

[670]Memoria de diversos Autos, Autos 10, 11, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22 (Appendix).

[671]Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds espagnol, 81.—Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 43, n. 6; Auto 45, n. 1.

[671]Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds espagnol, 81.—Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 43, n. 6; Auto 45, n. 1.

[672]Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 287, 589.—Ibid. MS. fol. 65-74).

[672]Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 287, 589.—Ibid. MS. fol. 65-74).

[673]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 36, n. 1.—Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds espagnol, 80.

[673]Memoria de diversos Autos, Auto 36, n. 1.—Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds espagnol, 80.

[674]It is impossible to construct a full catalogue of the victims. Llorente undoubtedly exaggerates when he asserts (Hist. crít. Chap.VI, Art. v, n. 1) that the executions numbered more than 200 and so does Amador de los Rios (III, 266) in saying that the greater part of those who appeared in the Saragossa autos from 1486 to 1492 were accomplices in the murder. The sentences abstracted in theMemoriashow that but few of them were concerned in it.Anchias, the notary of the tribunal, in his account of the affair, only enumerates as put to death three treasurers of the fund, five assassins and four accomplices besides Sancho de Paternoy and Alonso de Alagon who escaped with imprisonment through friendly influences (Libro Verde, Revista, CVI, 287). The indications in theMemoriaare incomplete as, after May, 1489, the crimes of the culprits are not stated but, so far as it goes and comparing it with the Libro Verde and other sources, I find nine executed in person, besides two suicides, thirteen burnt in effigy and four penanced for complicity. Besides these are two penanced for suborning false witness in favor of Luis de Santangel and seventeen for aiding or sheltering the guilty, and two for rejoicing at the crime. Altogether, fifty or sixty will probably cover the total of those who suffered in various ways.The sanbenitos of the convicts, with inscriptions, were hung as customary in the cathedral and remain there to the present day (Amador de los Rios, III, 266). The swords of the murderers are still to be seen attached to the pillars near the entrance to the chancel (V. de la Fuente, in Oviedo’sQuinquagenas, I, 73). One of the latter was removed in 1518, by order of Leo X, and when the commissioner who had performed the act died shortly afterward it was popularly regarded as a visitation of God (Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Hacienda, Legajo 10).

[674]It is impossible to construct a full catalogue of the victims. Llorente undoubtedly exaggerates when he asserts (Hist. crít. Chap.VI, Art. v, n. 1) that the executions numbered more than 200 and so does Amador de los Rios (III, 266) in saying that the greater part of those who appeared in the Saragossa autos from 1486 to 1492 were accomplices in the murder. The sentences abstracted in theMemoriashow that but few of them were concerned in it.

Anchias, the notary of the tribunal, in his account of the affair, only enumerates as put to death three treasurers of the fund, five assassins and four accomplices besides Sancho de Paternoy and Alonso de Alagon who escaped with imprisonment through friendly influences (Libro Verde, Revista, CVI, 287). The indications in theMemoriaare incomplete as, after May, 1489, the crimes of the culprits are not stated but, so far as it goes and comparing it with the Libro Verde and other sources, I find nine executed in person, besides two suicides, thirteen burnt in effigy and four penanced for complicity. Besides these are two penanced for suborning false witness in favor of Luis de Santangel and seventeen for aiding or sheltering the guilty, and two for rejoicing at the crime. Altogether, fifty or sixty will probably cover the total of those who suffered in various ways.

The sanbenitos of the convicts, with inscriptions, were hung as customary in the cathedral and remain there to the present day (Amador de los Rios, III, 266). The swords of the murderers are still to be seen attached to the pillars near the entrance to the chancel (V. de la Fuente, in Oviedo’sQuinquagenas, I, 73). One of the latter was removed in 1518, by order of Leo X, and when the commissioner who had performed the act died shortly afterward it was popularly regarded as a visitation of God (Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Hacienda, Legajo 10).

[675]Libro Verde (Revista, CVI, 250-1).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1—Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 100.—Garibay, Compendio histórial, Lib.XIX, cap 1.—Amador de log Rios, III, 405.

[675]Libro Verde (Revista, CVI, 250-1).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1—Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 100.—Garibay, Compendio histórial, Lib.XIX, cap 1.—Amador de log Rios, III, 405.

[676]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 237; Libro 4, fol. 223.

[676]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 237; Libro 4, fol. 223.

[677]Libro Verde (Revista, CV, 568).

[677]Libro Verde (Revista, CV, 568).

[678]Ibidem (Revista, CVI, 266, 269).

[678]Ibidem (Revista, CVI, 266, 269).

[679]Libre dels quatre Senyals, cap. xiv (Barcelona, 1634, p. 34).

[679]Libre dels quatre Senyals, cap. xiv (Barcelona, 1634, p. 34).

[680]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lvi.

[680]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. lvi.

[681]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 16.

[681]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 16.

[682]Ibidem, fol. 24.

[682]Ibidem, fol. 24.

[683]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 27. This request was repeated soon afterward.—Ibidem, fol. 45.

[683]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 27. This request was repeated soon afterward.—Ibidem, fol. 45.

[684]Ibidem, fol. 59.

[684]Ibidem, fol. 59.

[685]Ibidem, fol. 72. It is probably to this attempt that may be attributed a tumult against the Inquisition at Lérida, alluded to by Llorente, Añales, I, 93.

[685]Ibidem, fol. 72. It is probably to this attempt that may be attributed a tumult against the Inquisition at Lérida, alluded to by Llorente, Añales, I, 93.

[686]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 86, 89.

[686]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 86, 89.

[687]Archivio Vaticano, Regest. 685 (Innoc. VIII), fol. 346. Cf. Bibl. nacional, Seccian de MSS., D, 118, p. 92.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 31.

[687]Archivio Vaticano, Regest. 685 (Innoc. VIII), fol. 346. Cf. Bibl. nacional, Seccian de MSS., D, 118, p. 92.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 31.

[688]Manuall de Novells Ardits, III, 58, 61 (Barcelona, 1894).

[688]Manuall de Novells Ardits, III, 58, 61 (Barcelona, 1894).

[689]Ibidem, III, 66.

[689]Ibidem, III, 66.

[690]Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticorum (Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 13, 16, 29).

[690]Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticorum (Coleccion de Doc. de la Corona de Aragon, XXVIII, 13, 16, 29).

[691]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 26.

[691]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 26.

[692]Carbonell, pp. 36, 39, 40, 52, 83, 85, 137, 139, 140, 148, 149.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[692]Carbonell, pp. 36, 39, 40, 52, 83, 85, 137, 139, 140, 148, 149.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[693]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 927, fol. 303.

[693]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 927, fol. 303.

[694]Ibidem, Libro 2, fol. 19.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[694]Ibidem, Libro 2, fol. 19.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[695]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 2, fol. 5, 7, 10; Libro 13, fol. 385, 386.

[695]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 2, fol. 5, 7, 10; Libro 13, fol. 385, 386.

[696]Ordinacions del Regne de Mallorca, pp. 64, 85, 372-3 (Mallorca, 1663).

[696]Ordinacions del Regne de Mallorca, pp. 64, 85, 372-3 (Mallorca, 1663).

[697]Historia general del Reyno de Mallorca, III, 362 (Palma, 1841).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 595.

[697]Historia general del Reyno de Mallorca, III, 362 (Palma, 1841).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 595.

[698]Hist. gen. de Mallorca, III, 363.

[698]Hist. gen. de Mallorca, III, 363.

[699]Archivo de Simancas,ubi sup.

[699]Archivo de Simancas,ubi sup.

[700]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[700]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[701]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 72, P.II, fol. 6, 7, 121, 125; Libro 73, fol. 116-171; Libro 77, fol. 228; Libro 78, fol. 60.—Páramo, pp. 217-18.

[701]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 72, P.II, fol. 6, 7, 121, 125; Libro 73, fol. 116-171; Libro 77, fol. 228; Libro 78, fol. 60.—Páramo, pp. 217-18.

[702]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.IX, cap. xiv.

[702]Zurita, Hist. del Rey Hernando, Lib.IX, cap. xiv.

[703]Llorente, Añales, II, 11.

[703]Llorente, Añales, II, 11.

[704]Capitols concedits y decretats per lo Reverendissim don Juan Bisbe de Leyda e inquisidor general a supplicatio dels tres staments de Cathalunya convocats en los Corts de Montso ha 2 de Agost, 1512 (Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 1; Lib.I, Tit. ix, cap. 3, § 6. Barcelona, 1589).The articles agreed upon for Aragon are given by Llorente, Añales, II, 19.

[704]Capitols concedits y decretats per lo Reverendissim don Juan Bisbe de Leyda e inquisidor general a supplicatio dels tres staments de Cathalunya convocats en los Corts de Montso ha 2 de Agost, 1512 (Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 1; Lib.I, Tit. ix, cap. 3, § 6. Barcelona, 1589).

The articles agreed upon for Aragon are given by Llorente, Añales, II, 19.

[705]Capitols y Actes de Cort, fol. xxviii (Barcelona, 1603).

[705]Capitols y Actes de Cort, fol. xxviii (Barcelona, 1603).

[706]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 200.

[706]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 200.

[707]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro I, fol. 137. Confirmed by a second and fuller one, September 2, 1513.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 921, fol. 21, 23.

[707]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro I, fol. 137. Confirmed by a second and fuller one, September 2, 1513.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 921, fol. 21, 23.

[708]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933; Libro 3, fol. 316.

[708]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933; Libro 3, fol. 316.

[709]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 323, 456.—Parecer del Doctor Martin Real (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130).

[709]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 323, 456.—Parecer del Doctor Martin Real (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130).

[710]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 337.

[710]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 337.

[711]Ibidem, fol. 355.

[711]Ibidem, fol. 355.

[712]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, LibroIde copias, fol. 219.—Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 2.Ferdinand must have resolved on this policy about a year earlier, but delayed putting it into execution. In the Simancas archives, Patronato real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 6, there is a similar brief, but without the executive clauses, addressed to him and commencingExponi nobis nuper fecisti. It bears date May 12, 1515, and was apparently held by him in reserve.

[712]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, LibroIde copias, fol. 219.—Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 2.

Ferdinand must have resolved on this policy about a year earlier, but delayed putting it into execution. In the Simancas archives, Patronato real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 6, there is a similar brief, but without the executive clauses, addressed to him and commencingExponi nobis nuper fecisti. It bears date May 12, 1515, and was apparently held by him in reserve.

[713]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 2.

[713]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 2.

[714]Llorente, Añales, II, 146-53.

[714]Llorente, Añales, II, 146-53.

[715]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 921, fol. 76.

[715]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 921, fol. 76.

[716]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 74, fol. 120.

[716]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 74, fol. 120.

[717]Argensola, Añales de Aragon, Lib.I, cap. liv, lxxii (Zaragoza, 1630).—Llorente, Añales, II, 145-247.—Sayas, Añales de Aragon, cap. ii (Zaragoza, 1666).—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.I, cap. xxvi (Zaragoza, 1697).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Hacienda, Leg. 10 (see also Padre Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXXIII, 330).—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 125.—Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, Suppl. p. 300.—P. Mart. Angler. Epistt. 631, 632, 634.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 8, 104.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 6, fol. 73, 76, 77, 78; Libro 9, fol. 25, 26; Libro 14, fol. 57, 61; Libro 72, P.II, fol. 207; Libro 73, fol. 32, 142, 143; Libro 74, fol. 170; Libro 921, fol. 72-6, 82, 84, 88, 90.

[717]Argensola, Añales de Aragon, Lib.I, cap. liv, lxxii (Zaragoza, 1630).—Llorente, Añales, II, 145-247.—Sayas, Añales de Aragon, cap. ii (Zaragoza, 1666).—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.I, cap. xxvi (Zaragoza, 1697).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Hacienda, Leg. 10 (see also Padre Fidel Fita in Boletin, XXXIII, 330).—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 125.—Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, Suppl. p. 300.—P. Mart. Angler. Epistt. 631, 632, 634.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 8, 104.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 6, fol. 73, 76, 77, 78; Libro 9, fol. 25, 26; Libro 14, fol. 57, 61; Libro 72, P.II, fol. 207; Libro 73, fol. 32, 142, 143; Libro 74, fol. 170; Libro 921, fol. 72-6, 82, 84, 88, 90.

[718]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 73, fol. 144.

[718]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 73, fol. 144.

[719]Constitucions fetes per la S. C. C. y R. Magestat de Don Carlos elet en Rey dels Romans ... en la primera Cort de Barcelona en lany MDxx. Capitols y modificacions y donacio dels bens de Conversos (Barcelona, 1520). Also in Pragmaticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Tit. viii, § 3.

[719]Constitucions fetes per la S. C. C. y R. Magestat de Don Carlos elet en Rey dels Romans ... en la primera Cort de Barcelona en lany MDxx. Capitols y modificacions y donacio dels bens de Conversos (Barcelona, 1520). Also in Pragmaticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Tit. viii, § 3.

[720]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 41, 66; Libro 4, fol. 123.

[720]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 41, 66; Libro 4, fol. 123.

[721]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 930, fol. 39.

[721]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 930, fol. 39.

[722]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 38, 39. This paper is not dated but its character and the documents with which it is associated indicate that it belongs to this period.

[722]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 38, 39. This paper is not dated but its character and the documents with which it is associated indicate that it belongs to this period.

[723]Dormer, Añales, Lib.I, cap. xli.

[723]Dormer, Añales, Lib.I, cap. xli.

[724]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 47, 48.

[724]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 47, 48.

[725]Ibidem, fol. 61, 64.

[725]Ibidem, fol. 61, 64.

[726]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Fondos del antiguo Consejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.—Costitucions fetes ... en la tercera Cort de Cathalunya en lany 1534 (Barcelona, 1534).

[726]Arch. gén. de la C. de A., Fondos del antiguo Consejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.—Costitucions fetes ... en la tercera Cort de Cathalunya en lany 1534 (Barcelona, 1534).

[727]Parecer del Doctor Martin Real (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130).

[727]Parecer del Doctor Martin Real (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130).

[728]Páramo, p. 138.

[728]Páramo, p. 138.

[729]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[729]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[730]Ibidem, Libro 3, fol. 21, 27, 28, 353.

[730]Ibidem, Libro 3, fol. 21, 27, 28, 353.

[731]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 933.

[731]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 933.

[732]Ibidem, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 109.

[732]Ibidem, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 109.

[733]See Appendix. All this of course is omitted from the later official compilations.

[733]See Appendix. All this of course is omitted from the later official compilations.

[734]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 24, 441, 442.

[734]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 1; Libro 3, fol. 24, 441, 442.

[735]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 926, fol. 308.—Arch. gén. de la C. de Aragon, Reg. 3684, fol. 103.

[735]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 926, fol. 308.—Arch. gén. de la C. de Aragon, Reg. 3684, fol. 103.

[736]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 340, 402.

[736]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 340, 402.

[737]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 346-81.

[737]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 346-81.

[738]Ibidem, Libro 926, fol. 76

[738]Ibidem, Libro 926, fol. 76

[739]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 423.

[739]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 423.

[740]Ibidem, Libro 2, fol. 28, 29, 30.—Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CV, 573).

[740]Ibidem, Libro 2, fol. 28, 29, 30.—Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CV, 573).

[741]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1485, n. 81.—Llorente, Añales, I, 109-11.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 29, 33, 91, 101, 102.—Archivio Vaticano, Innoc. VIII, Regist. 682, fol. 263, 294.—Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV, 573-8, 587.Pastor (Geschichte der Päpste, III, 249) erroneously regards this private and special reconciliation to be a general decree of Innocent VIII.

[741]Raynald. Annal. ann. 1485, n. 81.—Llorente, Añales, I, 109-11.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I, fol. 29, 33, 91, 101, 102.—Archivio Vaticano, Innoc. VIII, Regist. 682, fol. 263, 294.—Fidel Fita, Boletin, XV, 573-8, 587.

Pastor (Geschichte der Päpste, III, 249) erroneously regards this private and special reconciliation to be a general decree of Innocent VIII.

[742]Carbonell, De Gest. Hæret. (Col. de Doc. de Aragon, XXVIII, 18, 29).Their father, Pedro Badorch, was sentenced to perpetual prison in the auto of August 8, 1488, but was released March 26, 1490.

[742]Carbonell, De Gest. Hæret. (Col. de Doc. de Aragon, XXVIII, 18, 29).

Their father, Pedro Badorch, was sentenced to perpetual prison in the auto of August 8, 1488, but was released March 26, 1490.

[743]Archivo gén. de la C. de A., Regist. 3684, fol. 100.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[743]Archivo gén. de la C. de A., Regist. 3684, fol. 100.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[744]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 4, fol. 95.

[744]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 4, fol. 95.

[745]Ibidem, Lib. 9, fol. 21, 63.

[745]Ibidem, Lib. 9, fol. 21, 63.

[746]Gachard, Correspondence de Charles-Quint avec Adrian VI, p. 236.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 73, fol. 105.

[746]Gachard, Correspondence de Charles-Quint avec Adrian VI, p. 236.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 73, fol. 105.

[747]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 105, 114, 118, 128, 132, 138, 158, 177, 220, 223, 224.

[747]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 105, 114, 118, 128, 132, 138, 158, 177, 220, 223, 224.

[748]MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 939, fol. 273.

[748]MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 939, fol. 273.

[749]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 29, fol. 10.

[749]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 29, fol. 10.

[750]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajo 3137.

[750]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajo 3137.

[751]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle,ubi sup.

[751]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle,ubi sup.

[752]Ibidem, Yc, 20, Tom. 9.

[752]Ibidem, Yc, 20, Tom. 9.

[753]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.—Fueros en las Córtes de Barbastro y Calatayud de 1626, p. 16 (Zaragoza, 1627).

[753]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.—Fueros en las Córtes de Barbastro y Calatayud de 1626, p. 16 (Zaragoza, 1627).

[754]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 55, fol. 217.

[754]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 55, fol. 217.

[755]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, T. 17.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 33, fol. 846-7, 851; Libro 35, fol. 509, 567.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XVII, 35).

[755]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, T. 17.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 33, fol. 846-7, 851; Libro 35, fol. 509, 567.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XVII, 35).

[756]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 3137; Hacienda, Legajo 5442(Libro 10).—Bibliotheca nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 203.

[756]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 3137; Hacienda, Legajo 5442(Libro 10).—Bibliotheca nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 203.

[757]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 137.

[757]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 137.

[758]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajos 2843, 3137.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 16, n. 6.

[758]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Legajos 2843, 3137.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 16, n. 6.

[759]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 629; Inquisicion, Libros 435, 559.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 17, n. 4.

[759]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 629; Inquisicion, Libros 435, 559.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 17, n. 4.

[760]Gachard, Correspondence de Charles-Quint avec Adrian VI, pp. 38, 41, 54, 66, 75, 95, 193.

[760]Gachard, Correspondence de Charles-Quint avec Adrian VI, pp. 38, 41, 54, 66, 75, 95, 193.

[761]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, LibroIde copias, fol. 35, 39, etc.

[761]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, LibroIde copias, fol. 35, 39, etc.

[762]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Legajo 629, fol. 1-14.—See Appendix.The cost of the briefs to Bertran was 250 ducats for the commission and 50 for the dispensation. That to Bonifaz had been 245; there seems to have been a progressive advance for the briefs to Cevallos cost him 370.—Ibidem.

[762]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Legajo 629, fol. 1-14.—See Appendix.

The cost of the briefs to Bertran was 250 ducats for the commission and 50 for the dispensation. That to Bonifaz had been 245; there seems to have been a progressive advance for the briefs to Cevallos cost him 370.—Ibidem.

[763]Llorente, Añales, II, 263.

[763]Llorente, Añales, II, 263.

[764]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Libro 4, fol. 98.

[764]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Libro 4, fol. 98.

[765]Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V, Lib.XVII, § 30.—Ciacconii Vitæ Pontiff. III, 519.—Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, Lib.XIV, años 1529, 1534.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 77, fol. 228; Libro 939, fol. 62, 115, 134; Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 38, 39.Llorente (Hist. crít., cap.XIV, art. ii, n. 5) attributes his second disgrace to Charles’s anger at the prosecution of his favorite preacher Alonso Virués, which he assumed that Manrique ought to have prevented.

[765]Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V, Lib.XVII, § 30.—Ciacconii Vitæ Pontiff. III, 519.—Zuñiga, Añales de Sevilla, Lib.XIV, años 1529, 1534.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 77, fol. 228; Libro 939, fol. 62, 115, 134; Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 38, 39.

Llorente (Hist. crít., cap.XIV, art. ii, n. 5) attributes his second disgrace to Charles’s anger at the prosecution of his favorite preacher Alonso Virués, which he assumed that Manrique ought to have prevented.

[766]Ed. Böhmer, Francisca Hernández und Francisco Ortiz, pp. 140, 173.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro III, fol. 133.

[766]Ed. Böhmer, Francisca Hernández und Francisco Ortiz, pp. 140, 173.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro III, fol. 133.

[767]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 17, 33, 44, 579 (Madrid, 1857).—Hinojosa, Despachos de la Diplomacía Pontificia, I, 403 (Madrid, 1896).—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.

[767]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 17, 33, 44, 579 (Madrid, 1857).—Hinojosa, Despachos de la Diplomacía Pontificia, I, 403 (Madrid, 1896).—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.

[768]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 50, 56, 67, 112, 129.—Bibl. nacional,ubi sup.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro IV, fol. 137.

[768]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 50, 56, 67, 112, 129.—Bibl. nacional,ubi sup.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro IV, fol. 137.

[769]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago,loc. cit.—Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 152, 154, 159, 162.

[769]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago,loc. cit.—Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 152, 154, 159, 162.

[770]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 168, 310, 344, 573.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.

[770]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 168, 310, 344, 573.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.

[771]Cabrera, pp. 252-4.—Ticknor’s Spanish Literature, II, 142.—Another Dominican, Fray Juan Blanco de Paz, is also credited with the paternity.

[771]Cabrera, pp. 252-4.—Ticknor’s Spanish Literature, II, 142.—Another Dominican, Fray Juan Blanco de Paz, is also credited with the paternity.

[772]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Legajo 621, fol. 11.—Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 2843.—Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 588.—Cespedes y Meneses, Historia de Felipe Quarto, Lib.II, cap. 3.—Pellegrini, Relazioni di Ambasciatori Lucchesi, p. 62 (Lucca, 1903).—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXXVIII, Art. 1, n. 18.

[772]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Legajo 621, fol. 11.—Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 2843.—Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 588.—Cespedes y Meneses, Historia de Felipe Quarto, Lib.II, cap. 3.—Pellegrini, Relazioni di Ambasciatori Lucchesi, p. 62 (Lucca, 1903).—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXXVIII, Art. 1, n. 18.

[773]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.

[773]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Ii, 16.

[774]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 57. “Pareceme para este oficio mas á proposito el Cardenal Çapata, y asi le hago mdde él, pero no se ha de publicar asta ser quien sera aproposito para el cargo del Gobernador del Arzobispado de Toledo, por que es mi voluntad que salgan con los officios en una dia.”

[774]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 57. “Pareceme para este oficio mas á proposito el Cardenal Çapata, y asi le hago mdde él, pero no se ha de publicar asta ser quien sera aproposito para el cargo del Gobernador del Arzobispado de Toledo, por que es mi voluntad que salgan con los officios en una dia.”

[775]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., X, 157.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 31, fol. 34, 637.

[775]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., X, 157.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 31, fol. 34, 637.

[776]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist, español, T. XVII, pp. 110, 116, 122, 143, 172, 235, 255).—Pellicer, Avisos (Valladares, Semanario erúdito, XXXIII, 104).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 126, fol. 2. (See Appendix).

[776]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist, español, T. XVII, pp. 110, 116, 122, 143, 172, 235, 255).—Pellicer, Avisos (Valladares, Semanario erúdito, XXXIII, 104).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 126, fol. 2. (See Appendix).

[777]Cartas del Consejo, Tom.XIII(MSS. of American Philosophical Society).

[777]Cartas del Consejo, Tom.XIII(MSS. of American Philosophical Society).

[778]Candamo, Controversias en la menor edad de Carlos II (Semanario erúdito, IV, 7).

[778]Candamo, Controversias en la menor edad de Carlos II (Semanario erúdito, IV, 7).

[779]There is a voluminous collection of documents on the subject in the Simancas archives, Inquisicion, Libro 33, fol. 963-1100.

[779]There is a voluminous collection of documents on the subject in the Simancas archives, Inquisicion, Libro 33, fol. 963-1100.

[780]Candamo,loc. cit., pp. 4-239.—Memorias históricas de la Monarquia de España (Semanario erúdito, XIV, 19).—MSS. of the Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 191, fol. 710.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1476, fol. 3.

[780]Candamo,loc. cit., pp. 4-239.—Memorias históricas de la Monarquia de España (Semanario erúdito, XIV, 19).—MSS. of the Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 191, fol. 710.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1476, fol. 3.

[781]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 118. This continued to be the practice, requiring a renewal of the brief every three years until 1774, when, as we have seen, Felipe Beltran obtained a dispensation good for his tenure of office, a favor repeated to his successors.

[781]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 118. This continued to be the practice, requiring a renewal of the brief every three years until 1774, when, as we have seen, Felipe Beltran obtained a dispensation good for his tenure of office, a favor repeated to his successors.

[782]Proceso contra Fray Froilan Díaz, pp. 143-44.

[782]Proceso contra Fray Froilan Díaz, pp. 143-44.

[783]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 136.

[783]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro V, fol. 136.

[784]Printed by Llorente, Coleccion Diplomática, p. 27.

[784]Printed by Llorente, Coleccion Diplomática, p. 27.

[785]Belando, Historia civil de España desde 1700 hasta 1733, P.IV, cap. ix, xv (Madrid, 1744). See also Macanaz’s Commentary on Feyjoo’sTeatro Crítico(Semanario erúdito, VIII, 27-9).This volume of Belando’s work was examined by the Council of Castile, before a license to print was issued, and was subjected to a second examination by order of Philip, before he would permit its dedication to himself and his queen. This, and the secret documents which it contains, show that its account of the Giudice affair may be regarded as authentic. This did not save the book from the Inquisition which condemned it in 1744 and, when the author asked to be heard in its defence and offered to make any changes required, he was thrown into prison and then relegated to a convent with orders to write no more books.—Llorente, Hist. crít., Cap.XXV, Art. i, n. 12.The Marquis of San Felipe gives an account of the affair much less favorable to Macanaz and the royal prerogative.—Mémoires pour servir à l’Histoire d’Espagne sous le Regne de Philippe V, III, 120sqq.(Amsterdam, 1756).

[785]Belando, Historia civil de España desde 1700 hasta 1733, P.IV, cap. ix, xv (Madrid, 1744). See also Macanaz’s Commentary on Feyjoo’sTeatro Crítico(Semanario erúdito, VIII, 27-9).

This volume of Belando’s work was examined by the Council of Castile, before a license to print was issued, and was subjected to a second examination by order of Philip, before he would permit its dedication to himself and his queen. This, and the secret documents which it contains, show that its account of the Giudice affair may be regarded as authentic. This did not save the book from the Inquisition which condemned it in 1744 and, when the author asked to be heard in its defence and offered to make any changes required, he was thrown into prison and then relegated to a convent with orders to write no more books.—Llorente, Hist. crít., Cap.XXV, Art. i, n. 12.

The Marquis of San Felipe gives an account of the affair much less favorable to Macanaz and the royal prerogative.—Mémoires pour servir à l’Histoire d’Espagne sous le Regne de Philippe V, III, 120sqq.(Amsterdam, 1756).

[786]Puigblanch, La Inquisicion sin Mascara, pp. 412-15 (Cadiz, 1811).Puigblanch says that he possessed a copy of this consulta signed by Macanaz at Montauban in 1720. So far as I am aware it has never been printed.

[786]Puigblanch, La Inquisicion sin Mascara, pp. 412-15 (Cadiz, 1811).

Puigblanch says that he possessed a copy of this consulta signed by Macanaz at Montauban in 1720. So far as I am aware it has never been printed.

[787]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, No. 210 fol.—I have printed this document in “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” p. 483.

[787]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, No. 210 fol.—I have printed this document in “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” p. 483.

[788]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 57.

[788]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 57.

[789]Alfonso Professione, Il Ministero in Spagna del Card. Giulio Alberoni, p. 244 (Torino, 1897).

[789]Alfonso Professione, Il Ministero in Spagna del Card. Giulio Alberoni, p. 244 (Torino, 1897).

[790]Macanaz, Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, Introd. pp. xix-xxv (Madrid, 1879).

[790]Macanaz, Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, Introd. pp. xix-xxv (Madrid, 1879).

[791]Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, Introd. p. xxviii.

[791]Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, Introd. p. xxviii.

[792]Defensa crítica de la Inquisicion, I, 7-10, 18, 23.The work was not printed in the lifetime of Macanaz but was issued by Valladares in 1788.

[792]Defensa crítica de la Inquisicion, I, 7-10, 18, 23.

The work was not printed in the lifetime of Macanaz but was issued by Valladares in 1788.

[793]Valladares, Semanario erúdito, VIII, 221.

[793]Valladares, Semanario erúdito, VIII, 221.

[794]Ibidem, VII, 4, 127, 138; VIII, 168.—Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, Introd. pp. xliii-iv.

[794]Ibidem, VII, 4, 127, 138; VIII, 168.—Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, Introd. pp. xliii-iv.

[795]Ferrer del Rio, Historia de Carlos III, I, 384sqq.

[795]Ferrer del Rio, Historia de Carlos III, I, 384sqq.

[796]Novísima Recop. II, iii, 9.

[796]Novísima Recop. II, iii, 9.

[797]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XLIV, Art. 1, n. 42, 43.—Modesto de Lafuente, Historia general de España, XXII, 97, 125.

[797]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XLIV, Art. 1, n. 42, 43.—Modesto de Lafuente, Historia general de España, XXII, 97, 125.

[798]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 9, fol. 144, 192.

[798]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 9, fol. 144, 192.

[799]Ibidem, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 153.

[799]Ibidem, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 153.

[800]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, Tom. VI, p. 370.

[800]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, Tom. VI, p. 370.

[801]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 3137.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 271.—Páramo, p. 150.

[801]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 3137.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 271.—Páramo, p. 150.

[802]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 183.—Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 560.

[802]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 183.—Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 560.

[803]Archivo de Simancas, Registro de Genealogías, 916, fol. 66.

[803]Archivo de Simancas, Registro de Genealogías, 916, fol. 66.

[804]Discurso sobre el Origen, etc., de la Inquisicion, p. 70 (Valladolid, 1803).

[804]Discurso sobre el Origen, etc., de la Inquisicion, p. 70 (Valladolid, 1803).

[805]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 3137.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 58-60.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 209-10; Pp, 28, § 13.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 60.

[805]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 3137.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 58-60.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., G, 61, fol. 209-10; Pp, 28, § 13.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 60.

[806]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 256.—Bibl. nacional,ubi sup.—Archivo de Alcalá,ubi sup.—Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Memorial hist. español, XXI, Append. p. 398).—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. espan. XVI, 81, 205).

[806]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 256.—Bibl. nacional,ubi sup.—Archivo de Alcalá,ubi sup.—Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Memorial hist. español, XXI, Append. p. 398).—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. espan. XVI, 81, 205).

[807]Archivo de Alcalá,ubi sup.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 33, fol. 846; Libro 35, fol. 509.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, T. 17.

[807]Archivo de Alcalá,ubi sup.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 33, fol. 846; Libro 35, fol. 509.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, T. 17.

[808]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Legajo 5442(Libro 10).—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS. G, 61, fol. 22.—Proceso criminal contra Fray Froylan Díaz, p. 222.

[808]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Legajo 5442(Libro 10).—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS. G, 61, fol. 22.—Proceso criminal contra Fray Froylan Díaz, p. 222.

[809]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 384.

[809]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 384.

[810]Ibidem, Libro 939, fol. 136.

[810]Ibidem, Libro 939, fol. 136.

[811]Ibidem, Libro 978, fol. 36.

[811]Ibidem, Libro 978, fol. 36.

[812]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 29, fol. 59.It is observable that the kings always addressed the Inquisition “por ruego y encargo” and never “por mandamiento.”

[812]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 29, fol. 59.

It is observable that the kings always addressed the Inquisition “por ruego y encargo” and never “por mandamiento.”

[813]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 17, fol. 9.

[813]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 17, fol. 9.

[814]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 20, fol. 340; Libro 26, fol. 37; Libro 43, fol. 297.

[814]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 20, fol. 340; Libro 26, fol. 37; Libro 43, fol. 297.

[815]Ibidem, Libro 3, fol. 24, 397; Libro 5, fol. 8, 16, 21.

[815]Ibidem, Libro 3, fol. 24, 397; Libro 5, fol. 8, 16, 21.

[816]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 248, 250, 252.

[816]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 248, 250, 252.

[817]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 76, fol. 227; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 139.

[817]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 76, fol. 227; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 139.

[818]Ibidem, Lib. 5, fol. 16.

[818]Ibidem, Lib. 5, fol. 16.

[819]Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 34.

[819]Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 34.

[820]Ibidem, Lib. 5, fol. 29; Lib. 73, fol. 106, 107, 301; Lib. 940, fol. 35, 36, 40, 41.

[820]Ibidem, Lib. 5, fol. 29; Lib. 73, fol. 106, 107, 301; Lib. 940, fol. 35, 36, 40, 41.

[821]Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 162.

[821]Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 162.

[822]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 107, 110; Lib. 939, fol. 134; Lib. 940, fol. 41, 42.A pragmática of 1534, abandoning the royal claim on the confiscations under the crown of Aragon, can only have been of temporary effect.—Ibidem, Lib. 939, fol. 9.

[822]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 107, 110; Lib. 939, fol. 134; Lib. 940, fol. 41, 42.

A pragmática of 1534, abandoning the royal claim on the confiscations under the crown of Aragon, can only have been of temporary effect.—Ibidem, Lib. 939, fol. 9.

[823]Ibidem, Lib. 939, fol. 134; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 164.

[823]Ibidem, Lib. 939, fol. 134; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 164.

[824]Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 80, fol. 2, p. 2; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 252.

[824]Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 80, fol. 2, p. 2; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 252.

[825]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 201, 203.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., R, 90.—Páramo, p. 138.

[825]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 201, 203.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., R, 90.—Páramo, p. 138.

[826]Danvila y Collado, Expulsion de los Moriscos, pp. 184-6 (Madrid, 1889).

[826]Danvila y Collado, Expulsion de los Moriscos, pp. 184-6 (Madrid, 1889).

[827]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 384.

[827]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 384.

[828]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 168, 169, 172.

[828]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 168, 169, 172.

[829]Recop. de las Indias, Lib.I, Tit. xix, leyes 10, 11, 12, 30, § 1.—Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern. Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 11.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol, 78; Libro 40, fol. 44, 57, 74, 77, 85, 91, 103, 128, 139.

[829]Recop. de las Indias, Lib.I, Tit. xix, leyes 10, 11, 12, 30, § 1.—Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern. Lib. III, cap. xxiv, n. 11.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol, 78; Libro 40, fol. 44, 57, 74, 77, 85, 91, 103, 128, 139.

[830]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 35, fol. 456.

[830]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 35, fol. 456.

[831]Ibidem, fol. 281; Libro 21, fol. 224, 251.

[831]Ibidem, fol. 281; Libro 21, fol. 224, 251.

[832]Ibidem, Libro 40, fol. 218, 328; Libro 36, fol. 74.

[832]Ibidem, Libro 40, fol. 218, 328; Libro 36, fol. 74.

[833]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 23, fol. 63.

[833]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 23, fol. 63.

[834]Ibidem, Libro 38, fol. 281, 303, 398; Legajo 1465, fol. 36-8, 50.

[834]Ibidem, Libro 38, fol. 281, 303, 398; Legajo 1465, fol. 36-8, 50.

[835]Ibidem, Libro 40, fol. 85, 139.

[835]Ibidem, Libro 40, fol. 85, 139.

[836]MSS. of Bibl. nacional of Lima, Legajo 225, Expediente 5278.

[836]MSS. of Bibl. nacional of Lima, Legajo 225, Expediente 5278.

[837]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 69, fol. 2, 69, 156, 563.

[837]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 69, fol. 2, 69, 156, 563.

[838]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS Q, 4.

[838]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS Q, 4.

[839]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 157.—Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 2843.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559.Jubilation, as we shall see hereafter, consisted in retirement on half-pay.

[839]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 157.—Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 2843.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559.

Jubilation, as we shall see hereafter, consisted in retirement on half-pay.

[840]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisition de Valencia, Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 6, 13, 17; Leg. 14, n. 1, fol. 42.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 87; Libro 28, fol. 275.

[840]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisition de Valencia, Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 6, 13, 17; Leg. 14, n. 1, fol. 42.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 87; Libro 28, fol. 275.

[841]Instruciones de 1484, §§ 3, 7 (Arguello, fol. 3, 4).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933. (See Appendix.)

[841]Instruciones de 1484, §§ 3, 7 (Arguello, fol. 3, 4).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933. (See Appendix.)

[842]Archivo gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 83, 89, 102.

[842]Archivo gén. de la C. de A., Reg. 3684, fol. 83, 89, 102.

[843]Boletin, XV, 594, 596.

[843]Boletin, XV, 594, 596.

[844]Instruciones de 1498, § 5. (Arguello, fol. 12.)

[844]Instruciones de 1498, § 5. (Arguello, fol. 12.)

[845]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 933.

[845]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 933.

[846]Ibidem, Libro 1; Libro 2, fol. 9.

[846]Ibidem, Libro 1; Libro 2, fol. 9.

[847]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 135, 137, 169, 270; Libro 933, fol. 125; Libro 72, P. 1, fol. 72; P. 2, fol. 20. (Arguello, fol. 20, 25.)

[847]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 135, 137, 169, 270; Libro 933, fol. 125; Libro 72, P. 1, fol. 72; P. 2, fol. 20. (Arguello, fol. 20, 25.)

[848]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 236.

[848]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 236.

[849]Simancæ de Cathol. Institt. Tit. xxiii.—Cf. R. Bellarmini de Potestate Papæ cap. 3.

[849]Simancæ de Cathol. Institt. Tit. xxiii.—Cf. R. Bellarmini de Potestate Papæ cap. 3.

[850]Solorzano de Jure Indiarum, Tom. I, Lib.III, cap. i, n. 92.—In this Solorzano exaggerates cap. 3 of the Sixth Council of Toledo (Aguirre, III, 409).All this is seriously brought forward by Antonio de Ayala, fiscal of Valencia, in an argument to prove the exemption from taxation of the Inquisition.—Arch. hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, no. 1, fol. 11.

[850]Solorzano de Jure Indiarum, Tom. I, Lib.III, cap. i, n. 92.—In this Solorzano exaggerates cap. 3 of the Sixth Council of Toledo (Aguirre, III, 409).

All this is seriously brought forward by Antonio de Ayala, fiscal of Valencia, in an argument to prove the exemption from taxation of the Inquisition.—Arch. hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, no. 1, fol. 11.

[851]Córtes de Madrigal, 1476 (Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, IV, 74, 80).—Nueva Recop. Lib.II, Tit. v, leyes 36-39.—Salgado de Somoza, De Regia Protectione, P.I, cap. 1, 2

[851]Córtes de Madrigal, 1476 (Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, IV, 74, 80).—Nueva Recop. Lib.II, Tit. v, leyes 36-39.—Salgado de Somoza, De Regia Protectione, P.I, cap. 1, 2

[852]This cédula is not included in the Recopilaciones, but is printed by Salgado de Somoza, De Retentione Bullarum, P. II, cap. xxxiii, n. 13, and by Portocarrero,op. cit., § 74. There are also copies in Bibl. nacional, MSS., Cc, 58, fol. 5; Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 30, fol. 146; Lib. 939, fol. 300, and in MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.

[852]This cédula is not included in the Recopilaciones, but is printed by Salgado de Somoza, De Retentione Bullarum, P. II, cap. xxxiii, n. 13, and by Portocarrero,op. cit., § 74. There are also copies in Bibl. nacional, MSS., Cc, 58, fol. 5; Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 30, fol. 146; Lib. 939, fol. 300, and in MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.

[853]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 20, fol. 340.

[853]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 20, fol. 340.

[854]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[854]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[855]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.

[855]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.

[856]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 16.—Llorente, Añales, I, 277.

[856]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 16.—Llorente, Añales, I, 277.

[857]Nueva Recop. LibroIV, Tit. 1, ley 18.—Consulta magna, 1696 (Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Q, 4).

[857]Nueva Recop. LibroIV, Tit. 1, ley 18.—Consulta magna, 1696 (Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Q, 4).

[858]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 927, fol. 323; Libro 21, fol. 84, 110; Libro 50, fol. 82.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.

[858]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 927, fol. 323; Libro 21, fol. 84, 110; Libro 50, fol. 82.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.

[859]Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia, etc., § 52.

[859]Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia, etc., § 52.

[860]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 940, fol. 196.

[860]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 940, fol. 196.

[861]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 20-4.

[861]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 20-4.

[862]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 73.

[862]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 73.

[863]Por la Jurisdiction de la Inquisicion de la Ciudad y Reyno de Granada, Granada, 1642 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S., 130).

[863]Por la Jurisdiction de la Inquisicion de la Ciudad y Reyno de Granada, Granada, 1642 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S., 130).

[864]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 151.

[864]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 151.

[865]Archivo gén. de la Corona de Aragon, Legajo 528.—For some extracts from this paper see Appendix.Various papers on both sides of these questions will be found in the Simancas archives, Libro 62, fol. 160, 312.

[865]Archivo gén. de la Corona de Aragon, Legajo 528.—For some extracts from this paper see Appendix.

Various papers on both sides of these questions will be found in the Simancas archives, Libro 62, fol. 160, 312.

[866]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 32, fol. 56, 58. (See Appendix.)

[866]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 32, fol. 56, 58. (See Appendix.)

[867]Ibidem, Libro 25, fol. 58

[867]Ibidem, Libro 25, fol. 58

[868]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 2-8.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. 17.

[868]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 2-8.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. 17.

[869]Instrucciones de 1484, § 21. (Arguello, fol. 7.)

[869]Instrucciones de 1484, § 21. (Arguello, fol. 7.)

[870]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 31, fol. 193, 194. (See Appendix.)

[870]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 31, fol. 193, 194. (See Appendix.)

[871]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. 3. n. 11.

[871]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. 3. n. 11.

[872]Pablo García, Orden de Procesar, fol. 73.—This is an official manual compiled by the Aragonese secretary of the Suprema. Originally issued about 1568 it was reprinted in 1592, 1607 and 1628. My references are to the last edition.A somewhat different formula of this oath is given by Páramo, p. 573.

[872]Pablo García, Orden de Procesar, fol. 73.—This is an official manual compiled by the Aragonese secretary of the Suprema. Originally issued about 1568 it was reprinted in 1592, 1607 and 1628. My references are to the last edition.

A somewhat different formula of this oath is given by Páramo, p. 573.

[873]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 514.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 1, Lib. 11, fol. 158.

[873]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 514.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 1, Lib. 11, fol. 158.

[874]Orden de Procesar, fol. 72.

[874]Orden de Procesar, fol. 72.

[875]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 12, fol. 29.—Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds français, 2881, fol. 7

[875]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 12, fol. 29.—Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds français, 2881, fol. 7

[876]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 41.

[876]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 41.

[877]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 1.—Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib.III, cap. xxiv, n. 16.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, Lib. 3, fol. 49-69.

[877]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 1.—Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib.III, cap. xxiv, n. 16.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, Lib. 3, fol. 49-69.

[878]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 939, fol. 63.—Cf. Concil. Trident. Sess.xxv, De Reform. cap. 3.—Ferraris, Prompta Bibliotheca, s. v.Excom.Art. 5, n. 17.

[878]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 939, fol. 63.—Cf. Concil. Trident. Sess.xxv, De Reform. cap. 3.—Ferraris, Prompta Bibliotheca, s. v.Excom.Art. 5, n. 17.

[879]C. Trident,ubi sup.

[879]C. Trident,ubi sup.

[880]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro I de copias, fol. 10, 13, 15.—“Et quibuscunque judicibus et personis quibus tibi inhibendum videbitur etiam sub censuris et privationis et inhabilitatis pœnis inhibendi.”

[880]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro I de copias, fol. 10, 13, 15.—“Et quibuscunque judicibus et personis quibus tibi inhibendum videbitur etiam sub censuris et privationis et inhabilitatis pœnis inhibendi.”

[881]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro IV, fol. 118, 137; Libro V, fol. 117, 136, 138, 151, 199, 200, 251, 264, 295.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 629.This clause probably explains a peculiarity in the issue of Manrique de Lara’s commission. After the death of Quiroga, Nov. 20, 1594, Clement VIII issued to Manrique, Feb. 10, 1595, a commission subrogating him to Quiroga, with the same powers, for six months until further letters could be made out. Then, August 1, 1595, the full elaborate commission is made out, containing this clause (Bulario,loc. cit., 118, 119). The new clause must have evoked prolonged debate, requiring five months for its settlement.

[881]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro IV, fol. 118, 137; Libro V, fol. 117, 136, 138, 151, 199, 200, 251, 264, 295.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 629.

This clause probably explains a peculiarity in the issue of Manrique de Lara’s commission. After the death of Quiroga, Nov. 20, 1594, Clement VIII issued to Manrique, Feb. 10, 1595, a commission subrogating him to Quiroga, with the same powers, for six months until further letters could be made out. Then, August 1, 1595, the full elaborate commission is made out, containing this clause (Bulario,loc. cit., 118, 119). The new clause must have evoked prolonged debate, requiring five months for its settlement.

[882]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 338.

[882]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 338.

[883]Páramo, p. 537.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.

[883]Páramo, p. 537.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. 17.

[884]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 65; Libro 941, fol. 5; Libro 71, fol. 143.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 300.—MSS of Bibl. nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expediente 5270.

[884]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 65; Libro 941, fol. 5; Libro 71, fol. 143.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 300.—MSS of Bibl. nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expediente 5270.

[885]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 318b, p. 302.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 170.

[885]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 318b, p. 302.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, fol. 170.

[886]Solorzano, De Gubernatione Indiarum, LibIII, Tit. xxiv, n. 53.—MSS. of Bibl. nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Expediente 5287.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 63.

[886]Solorzano, De Gubernatione Indiarum, LibIII, Tit. xxiv, n. 53.—MSS. of Bibl. nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Expediente 5287.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 63.

[887]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 2.

[887]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 2.

[888]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Memorial hist. español, XVII, 70-75).—Juan Gomez Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, p. 643.

[888]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Memorial hist. español, XVII, 70-75).—Juan Gomez Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, p. 643.

[889]Ariño, Sucesos de Sevilla, pp. 103, 105; Appendix (Sevilla, 1873).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 937, fol. 220.

[889]Ariño, Sucesos de Sevilla, pp. 103, 105; Appendix (Sevilla, 1873).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 937, fol. 220.

[890]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 46.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Libro 8.

[890]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 46.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Libro 8.

[891]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 57.

[891]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 57.

[892]Cap. 9 in Sexto, Lib.V, Tit. ii.

[892]Cap. 9 in Sexto, Lib.V, Tit. ii.

[893]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 3, fol. 25.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 289.

[893]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 3, fol. 25.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 289.

[894]MS.penes me.

[894]MS.penes me.

[895]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon. Leg. 528, n. 23.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 140.

[895]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon. Leg. 528, n. 23.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 21, fol. 140.

[896]Gratiani Decreti P. II, Caus.XVII, Q,IV, c. 29.

[896]Gratiani Decreti P. II, Caus.XVII, Q,IV, c. 29.

[897]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro I de copias, fol. 139.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Legajo 1049.For some reason a similar brief was obtained from Paul V, November 29, 1606.—Archivo de Alcalá,loc. cit.

[897]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro I de copias, fol. 139.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Legajo 1049.

For some reason a similar brief was obtained from Paul V, November 29, 1606.—Archivo de Alcalá,loc. cit.

[898]Bullar. Roman. II, 198.This was by no means allowed to be a dead letter in Italy. In 1590 we chance to hear of the Inquisitor of Cremona relaxing to the secular arm three offenders under the bull. In some cases however of wounding or threatening witnesses, the galleys were substituted for capital punishment. There was, moreover, a spirit of conciliation in the Roman Inquisition offering a marked contrast to that of Spain. When, in 1635, at Macerata, some laymen were arrested for wounding certain officials of the tribunal and a question arose as to jurisdiction, the Congregation ordered the civil governor to try the cases as its delegate and not to apply the bullSi de protegendis, as the wounding had not arisen out of hostility to the Holy Office.—Decreta Sacr. Congr. StiOfficii, pp. 34, 202 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).

[898]Bullar. Roman. II, 198.

This was by no means allowed to be a dead letter in Italy. In 1590 we chance to hear of the Inquisitor of Cremona relaxing to the secular arm three offenders under the bull. In some cases however of wounding or threatening witnesses, the galleys were substituted for capital punishment. There was, moreover, a spirit of conciliation in the Roman Inquisition offering a marked contrast to that of Spain. When, in 1635, at Macerata, some laymen were arrested for wounding certain officials of the tribunal and a question arose as to jurisdiction, the Congregation ordered the civil governor to try the cases as its delegate and not to apply the bullSi de protegendis, as the wounding had not arisen out of hostility to the Holy Office.—Decreta Sacr. Congr. StiOfficii, pp. 34, 202 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3).

[899]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 144.

[899]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 144.

[900]Pegnæ Comment. lxi in Eymerici Direct. Inquis. P.III.

[900]Pegnæ Comment. lxi in Eymerici Direct. Inquis. P.III.

[901]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20; Ibidem, Libro 940, fol. 45.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., P V, 3, n. 69.

[901]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20; Ibidem, Libro 940, fol. 45.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., P V, 3, n. 69.

[902]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 925, fol. 681.

[902]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 925, fol. 681.

[903]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 9.

[903]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 9.

[904]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 940, fol. 190.

[904]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 940, fol. 190.

[905]Franchina, Breve Rapporto della Inquisizione di Sicilia, pp. 72-5, 93 (Palermo, 1744).

[905]Franchina, Breve Rapporto della Inquisizione di Sicilia, pp. 72-5, 93 (Palermo, 1744).

[906]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 3.

[906]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 3.

[907]Nic. Antonii Bibl. nova, II, 140.—Llorente., Hist. crít. Cap.XXIX, Art. 2, n. 10.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[907]Nic. Antonii Bibl. nova, II, 140.—Llorente., Hist. crít. Cap.XXIX, Art. 2, n. 10.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[908]Novis. Recop., Lib.I, Tit. v, leyes 14, 15.

[908]Novis. Recop., Lib.I, Tit. v, leyes 14, 15.

[909]Cap. 3 in Sexto, Lib.III, Tit. xxiii.—Cap. 1 Clementin., Lib.III, Tit. xvii.

[909]Cap. 3 in Sexto, Lib.III, Tit. xxiii.—Cap. 1 Clementin., Lib.III, Tit. xvii.

[910]Dormer, Añales de Aragon, pp. 132, 155.

[910]Dormer, Añales de Aragon, pp. 132, 155.

[911]For the numerous and extensive privileges of the hidalgo, see Benito de Peñalosa y Mondragon, Las Cinco Excelencias del Español, fol. 88 (Barcelona, 1629).

[911]For the numerous and extensive privileges of the hidalgo, see Benito de Peñalosa y Mondragon, Las Cinco Excelencias del Español, fol. 88 (Barcelona, 1629).

[912]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 52.—Ibidem, Libro 13, fol. 386.

[912]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 52.—Ibidem, Libro 13, fol. 386.

[913]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 27; Libro 939, fol. 144.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, p. 102.—Modo de Proceder, fol. 45 (Bibl. nacional, D, 122).

[913]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 27; Libro 939, fol. 144.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, p. 102.—Modo de Proceder, fol. 45 (Bibl. nacional, D, 122).

[914]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., S, 88, p. 102.

[914]Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., S, 88, p. 102.

[915]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 21, fol. 37; Leg. 1465, fol. 27

[915]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 21, fol. 37; Leg. 1465, fol. 27

[916]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 168, 203, 212, 229, 294.—Modo de Proceder, fol. 9 (Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 122).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 42; Legajo 299.

[916]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 168, 203, 212, 229, 294.—Modo de Proceder, fol. 9 (Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 122).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 42; Legajo 299.

[917]Archivo hist. national, Inquisition de Valencia, Leg. 14, n. 2, fol. 28; Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 16, n. 9, fol. 7.

[917]Archivo hist. national, Inquisition de Valencia, Leg. 14, n. 2, fol. 28; Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 16, n. 9, fol. 7.

[918]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 11, 222.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, n. 2, fol. 17.

[918]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 11, 222.—Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., D, 118, n. 2, fol. 17.

[919]Modo de Proceder, fol. 44 (Bibl. nacional, D, 122).

[919]Modo de Proceder, fol. 44 (Bibl. nacional, D, 122).

[920]Modo de Proceder, fol. 45 (loc. cit.).

[920]Modo de Proceder, fol. 45 (loc. cit.).

[921]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 926, fol. 26.

[921]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 926, fol. 26.

[922]Constitutions del Cort de 1599, n. 51 (Barcelona, 1603, fol. xvii).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 5.

[922]Constitutions del Cort de 1599, n. 51 (Barcelona, 1603, fol. xvii).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 5.

[923]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 32, fol. 110.

[923]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 32, fol. 110.

[924]Consulta magna (Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Q, 4).

[924]Consulta magna (Bibl. nacional, Seccion de MSS., Q, 4).

[925]Ant. Rodríguez Villa, La Corte y Monarquía de España, p. 16.

[925]Ant. Rodríguez Villa, La Corte y Monarquía de España, p. 16.

[926]Consulta Magna of 1696 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4).

[926]Consulta Magna of 1696 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4).

[927]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 3, fol. 78.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 222.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 122.

[927]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 3, fol. 78.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 222.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 122.

[928]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 3, fol, 71, 76, 101, 109, 111, 121, 123, 124, 125, 188, 213; Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 71.

[928]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 3, fol, 71, 76, 101, 109, 111, 121, 123, 124, 125, 188, 213; Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 71.

[929]Ibidem, Leg. 14, n. 1, fol. 148.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 85.

[929]Ibidem, Leg. 14, n. 1, fol. 148.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 85.

[930]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 16, n. 6, fol. 10, 19, 38; Leg. 4, n. 3, fol. 103, 115, 142, 166, 311.

[930]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 16, n. 6, fol. 10, 19, 38; Leg. 4, n. 3, fol. 103, 115, 142, 166, 311.

[931]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta 58, n. 454 (Sevilla, 1860).

[931]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta 58, n. 454 (Sevilla, 1860).

[932]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 109.

[932]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 109.

[933]Modo de Proceder, fol. 77 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 17, fol. 20.

[933]Modo de Proceder, fol. 77 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 17, fol. 20.

[934]See the Libre dels quatre Senyals, Barcelona, 1634.

[934]See the Libre dels quatre Senyals, Barcelona, 1634.

[935]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 57.

[935]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 57.

[936]Sayas, Añales de Aragon, cap. 85, p. 567.

[936]Sayas, Añales de Aragon, cap. 85, p. 567.

[937]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 1, fol. 298,313, 339, 405.—Portocarrero,op. cit., § 58.

[937]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 1, fol. 298,313, 339, 405.—Portocarrero,op. cit., § 58.

[938]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 66.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 634; Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 73.

[938]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 66.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 634; Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 73.

[939]Gomesii de Rebus gestis a Fr. Ximenio, Lib. V, fol. 140.

[939]Gomesii de Rebus gestis a Fr. Ximenio, Lib. V, fol. 140.

[940]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 529.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 18.There was a similar arrangement in Barcelona and, in 1532, the Suprema orders the inquisitors not to allow familiars to be compelled to pay this assessment.—Archivo de Simancas, Libro 77, fol. 44.

[940]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 529.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 18.

There was a similar arrangement in Barcelona and, in 1532, the Suprema orders the inquisitors not to allow familiars to be compelled to pay this assessment.—Archivo de Simancas, Libro 77, fol. 44.

[941]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 19, fol. 289; Libro 688, fol. 66, 255.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 199.

[941]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 19, fol. 289; Libro 688, fol. 66, 255.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 199.

[942]Fueros y Actos de Corte in Barbastro y Calatayud, año de 1626 (Zaragoza, 1627, p. 20).—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 3.

[942]Fueros y Actos de Corte in Barbastro y Calatayud, año de 1626 (Zaragoza, 1627, p. 20).—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 3.

[943]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 54; Libro 62, fol. 457.

[943]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 54; Libro 62, fol. 457.

[944]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 3.

[944]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 3.

[945]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 22; Libro 62, fol. 457, 526, 528, 544; Lib. 922, fol. 453.

[945]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 22; Libro 62, fol. 457, 526, 528, 544; Lib. 922, fol. 453.

[946]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 464.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 45, 46.

[946]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 464.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 45, 46.

[947]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 47, 48.

[947]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 47, 48.

[948]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 63, 64.

[948]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 63, 64.

[949]Ibidem, Libro 940, fol. 220, 221. The excommunicationlatæ sententiæworked of itself when the act was committed and did not require to be published. It was one of the worst ecclesiastical abuses and during the later middle ages was so lavishly employed that men scarce knew whether or not they were excommunicate under some mandate of which they had never heard.

[949]Ibidem, Libro 940, fol. 220, 221. The excommunicationlatæ sententiæworked of itself when the act was committed and did not require to be published. It was one of the worst ecclesiastical abuses and during the later middle ages was so lavishly employed that men scarce knew whether or not they were excommunicate under some mandate of which they had never heard.

[950]This abuse existed in England under the name of Purveyance and Pre-emption, but there it was restricted to the royal household. It inevitably led to many abuses and was replaced, in 1660, with an excise on malt and spirituous liquors by 12 Carol. II, cap. 24, §§ 12-27.

[950]This abuse existed in England under the name of Purveyance and Pre-emption, but there it was restricted to the royal household. It inevitably led to many abuses and was replaced, in 1660, with an excise on malt and spirituous liquors by 12 Carol. II, cap. 24, §§ 12-27.

[951]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Libro 7 de Autos, Leg. fol. 391, 494; Leg. 2, n. 18; Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 11.

[951]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Libro 7 de Autos, Leg. fol. 391, 494; Leg. 2, n. 18; Leg. 13, n. 2, fol. 11.

[952]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, T. I, II (Madrid, 1861-3).—Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 122, 124, 136, 150, 162-3, 181, 193, 201, 277.

[952]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, T. I, II (Madrid, 1861-3).—Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 122, 124, 136, 150, 162-3, 181, 193, 201, 277.

[953]Fueros y Ordinacions del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.VII(Zaragoza, 1624, fol. 131.)

[953]Fueros y Ordinacions del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.VII(Zaragoza, 1624, fol. 131.)

[954]Arguello, fol. 22.

[954]Arguello, fol. 22.

[955]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 939, fol. 144.

[955]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1; Libro 939, fol. 144.

[956]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 304.

[956]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 304.

[957]Parets, Sucesos de Catalonia (Mem. hist. Español, XX, 150-182; Appendix, pp. 219, 299, 301, 312).

[957]Parets, Sucesos de Catalonia (Mem. hist. Español, XX, 150-182; Appendix, pp. 219, 299, 301, 312).

[958]Macanaz, Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, p. 111 (Madrid, 1879).

[958]Macanaz, Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, p. 111 (Madrid, 1879).

[959]Candamo,op. cit.(Valladares, Semanario erúd., IV, 13).

[959]Candamo,op. cit.(Valladares, Semanario erúd., IV, 13).

[960]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 144.

[960]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 144.

[961]Fueros y Actos de Corte de Zaragoza, 1645-6 (Zaragoza, 1647, p. 10).

[961]Fueros y Actos de Corte de Zaragoza, 1645-6 (Zaragoza, 1647, p. 10).

[962]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Fondos del Concejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.

[962]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Fondos del Concejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.

[963]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 20.—Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 96 (Zaragoza, 1664).

[963]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 20.—Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 96 (Zaragoza, 1664).

[964]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 23, fol. 42; Leg. 1157, fol. 23—Modo de Proceder, fol. 41-2 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).

[964]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 23, fol. 42; Leg. 1157, fol. 23—Modo de Proceder, fol. 41-2 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).

[965]Archivo hist, nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg 2, n. 18.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 23, fol. 42.

[965]Archivo hist, nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg 2, n. 18.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 23, fol. 42.

[966]Fueros y Actos de Corte, p. 12 (Zaragoza, 1647).—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 122.

[966]Fueros y Actos de Corte, p. 12 (Zaragoza, 1647).—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 122.

[967]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 26, fol. 69; Libro 66, fol. 78.—Archivo de la C. de Aragon, Fondos del Concejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.

[967]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 26, fol. 69; Libro 66, fol. 78.—Archivo de la C. de Aragon, Fondos del Concejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.

[968]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 18.

[968]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 18.

[969]Ibidem, Legajo 390.

[969]Ibidem, Legajo 390.

[970]Autos Acordados, Lib.VI, Tit. xiv, auto 4.

[970]Autos Acordados, Lib.VI, Tit. xiv, auto 4.

[971]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 14, n. 2, fol. 9.

[971]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 14, n. 2, fol. 9.

[972]Ibidem, Legajo 299.

[972]Ibidem, Legajo 299.

[973]Autos Acordados,ubi sup.

[973]Autos Acordados,ubi sup.

[974]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 2, fol. 79; Leg. 16, n. 5, fol. 4.

[974]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 2, fol. 79; Leg. 16, n. 5, fol. 4.

[975]Ibidem, Varios, Leg. 392; Leg. 492, n. 27.

[975]Ibidem, Varios, Leg. 392; Leg. 492, n. 27.

[976]Ibidem, Leg. 398; Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 22.

[976]Ibidem, Leg. 398; Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 22.

[977]See the Author’s Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 382sqq.

[977]See the Author’s Inquisition of the Middle Ages, I, 382sqq.

[978]See for example theVida de D. Diego, Duque de Estrada(Mem. hist, español, XII, 47).

[978]See for example theVida de D. Diego, Duque de Estrada(Mem. hist, español, XII, 47).

[979]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.IX, Tit. xix, cap. 3, 4 (Barcelona, 1588, p. 495).—Novís. Recop., Lib.XII, Tit. xix, leyes 2, 8, 15.

[979]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.IX, Tit. xix, cap. 3, 4 (Barcelona, 1588, p. 495).—Novís. Recop., Lib.XII, Tit. xix, leyes 2, 8, 15.

[980]Michael Albert, Repertorium de Pravitate Hæreticorum, s. v.Arma(Valentiæ, 1494).

[980]Michael Albert, Repertorium de Pravitate Hæreticorum, s. v.Arma(Valentiæ, 1494).

[981]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 89.

[981]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 89.

[982]Instrucciones de 1498, § 2 (Arguello, fol. 12).

[982]Instrucciones de 1498, § 2 (Arguello, fol. 12).

[983]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 96, 125.—Bibl. national, MSS., D. 118, fol. 20.

[983]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 96, 125.—Bibl. national, MSS., D. 118, fol. 20.

[984]Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 1, § 16.

[984]Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 1, § 16.

[985]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933.

[985]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933.

[986]Ibidem, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 98.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20.

[986]Ibidem, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 98.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20.

[987]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 33.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20; D, 146.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.This article however was omitted from the Valencia Concordia of 1568.

[987]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 33.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20; D, 146.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

This article however was omitted from the Valencia Concordia of 1568.

[988]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20.—Portocarrero, § 57.

[988]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20.—Portocarrero, § 57.

[989]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 146.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 76.

[989]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 146.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 76.

[990]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Legajo 15, fol. 20.

[990]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Legajo 15, fol. 20.

[991]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 19, fol. 161; Libro 927, fol. 329.

[991]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 19, fol. 161; Libro 927, fol. 329.

[992]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 48, 225.

[992]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 48, 225.

[993]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 94 (Zaragoza, 1664).—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 146.

[993]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 94 (Zaragoza, 1664).—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 146.

[994]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 405-7.

[994]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 405-7.

[995]Ibidem, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20; fol. 54, n. 21; Ibidem, D, 146.The commission as familiar issued March 7, 1642, by the tribunal of Toledo to Francisco de Gayeta of Madrid, says “y os damos licencia y facultad para que podais traer armas, asi ofensivas como defensivas, publica y secretamente, de dia y de noche, y mandamos en vertud de santa obediencia y so pena de excomunion mayor y de cincuenta mil mrs. para gastos desto Santo Oficio, á todas las dichas justicias y á sus alguaciles, executores y ministros no os toman las dichas armas ni os quebranten los dichos privilegios y exempciones de que los dichos familiares pueden y deben gozar, con sus personas y bienes, ni sobre ello os molesten ni ynquieten en manera alguna.”

[995]Ibidem, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20; fol. 54, n. 21; Ibidem, D, 146.

The commission as familiar issued March 7, 1642, by the tribunal of Toledo to Francisco de Gayeta of Madrid, says “y os damos licencia y facultad para que podais traer armas, asi ofensivas como defensivas, publica y secretamente, de dia y de noche, y mandamos en vertud de santa obediencia y so pena de excomunion mayor y de cincuenta mil mrs. para gastos desto Santo Oficio, á todas las dichas justicias y á sus alguaciles, executores y ministros no os toman las dichas armas ni os quebranten los dichos privilegios y exempciones de que los dichos familiares pueden y deben gozar, con sus personas y bienes, ni sobre ello os molesten ni ynquieten en manera alguna.”

[996]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 407; Leg. 9, n. 1, fol. 436, 476, 499.

[996]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 407; Leg. 9, n. 1, fol. 436, 476, 499.

[997]This was sound inquisitorial law, as the Suprema proved by citing the authorities. See, for instance, Pegnæ Comment. 105 in Eymerici Director. P.IIIand Bordoni Sacrum Tribunal, cap. 40, Q, 16, n. 24.

[997]This was sound inquisitorial law, as the Suprema proved by citing the authorities. See, for instance, Pegnæ Comment. 105 in Eymerici Director. P.IIIand Bordoni Sacrum Tribunal, cap. 40, Q, 16, n. 24.

[998]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49-69.

[998]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49-69.

[999]Ibidem.

[999]Ibidem.

[1000]Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 142.

[1000]Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 142.

[1001]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49, 59, 64.

[1001]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49, 59, 64.

[1002]Novís. Recop., LibroXII, Tit. xix, leyes 16-19.

[1002]Novís. Recop., LibroXII, Tit. xix, leyes 16-19.

[1003]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 15, n. 11, fol. 45.

[1003]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 15, n. 11, fol. 45.

[1004]Nueva Recop. LibroVI, Tit. iv, ley 7.

[1004]Nueva Recop. LibroVI, Tit. iv, ley 7.

[1005]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 979, fol. 26.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20.

[1005]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 979, fol. 26.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 20.

[1006]Valencia Concordia of 1568, Art. 14 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130).

[1006]Valencia Concordia of 1568, Art. 14 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130).

[1007]Ordinacions y Sumari dels Privilegis etc. del Regne de Mallorca, p. 323 (Mallorca, 1663).

[1007]Ordinacions y Sumari dels Privilegis etc. del Regne de Mallorca, p. 323 (Mallorca, 1663).

[1008]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 36, fol. 92, 98.

[1008]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 36, fol. 92, 98.

[1009]Ibidem, Libro 49, fol. 240; Libro 23, fol. 42.

[1009]Ibidem, Libro 49, fol. 240; Libro 23, fol. 42.

[1010]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 36, fol. 5, 92.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 222.

[1010]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 36, fol. 5, 92.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 222.

[1011]Ibidem, Libro 23, fol. 42; Libro 49, fol. 270.

[1011]Ibidem, Libro 23, fol. 42; Libro 49, fol. 270.

[1012]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 498.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 182.

[1012]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Legajo 498.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 182.

[1013]Novís. Recop., Lib.VI, Tit. vi, ley 7, § 2; ley 14, cap. 35, §§ 4, 28, n. 7.

[1013]Novís. Recop., Lib.VI, Tit. vi, ley 7, § 2; ley 14, cap. 35, §§ 4, 28, n. 7.

[1014]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559.

[1014]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 559.

[1015]For the elaborate process of insaculacion in Catalonia, which amounted, in some degree, to a primary election, see Capitols de Cort de 1585, cap. 5, 6, 71, 72 (Barcelona, 1685, fol. 5-9, 46).

[1015]For the elaborate process of insaculacion in Catalonia, which amounted, in some degree, to a primary election, see Capitols de Cort de 1585, cap. 5, 6, 71, 72 (Barcelona, 1685, fol. 5-9, 46).

[1016]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 67, fol. 22; Libro 68, fol. 59.

[1016]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 67, fol. 22; Libro 68, fol. 59.

[1017]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 57.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 68, fol. 61; Libro 919, fol. 59; Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 17, fol. 60.

[1017]Portocarrero,op. cit., § 57.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 68, fol. 61; Libro 919, fol. 59; Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 17, fol. 60.

[1018]Ibidem, Libro 919, fol. 58, 60, 65.

[1018]Ibidem, Libro 919, fol. 58, 60, 65.

[1019]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. lvi, cap. 15.

[1019]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. lvi, cap. 15.

[1020]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 20.

[1020]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 20.

[1021]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. lvi, cap. 16.

[1021]Constitutions de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. lvi, cap. 16.

[1022]Archivo de Simancas,ubi sup., fol. 56.

[1022]Archivo de Simancas,ubi sup., fol. 56.

[1023]Ibidem, fol. 2, 28, 5.

[1023]Ibidem, fol. 2, 28, 5.

[1024]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 87, 10, 92, 9.

[1024]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 87, 10, 92, 9.

[1025]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 2, 9, 14.

[1025]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 2, 9, 14.

[1026]Libro XIII de Cartas, fol. 215 (MSS. of American Philosophical Society).

[1026]Libro XIII de Cartas, fol. 215 (MSS. of American Philosophical Society).

[1027]Ordinacions del Reyne de Mallorca, p. 297.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 68, fol. 98; Libro 69, fol. 97.

[1027]Ordinacions del Reyne de Mallorca, p. 297.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 68, fol. 98; Libro 69, fol. 97.

[1028]Ibidem, Libro 68, fol. 32, 97, 224.

[1028]Ibidem, Libro 68, fol. 32, 97, 224.

[1029]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9.

[1029]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9.

[1030]Modo de Proceder, fol. 40 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).

[1030]Modo de Proceder, fol. 40 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).

[1031]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 11.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 918, fol. 1053.

[1031]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 11.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 918, fol. 1053.

[1032]Fueros y Actos de Corte en Zaragoza, 1645-6, pp. 11-12 (Zaragoza, 1647).

[1032]Fueros y Actos de Corte en Zaragoza, 1645-6, pp. 11-12 (Zaragoza, 1647).

[1033]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 299.

[1033]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 299.

[1034]Novís. Recop., Lib.I, Tit. iv, ley 4.

[1034]Novís. Recop., Lib.I, Tit. iv, ley 4.

[1035]Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 71 (Ed. Ribadeneira).

[1035]Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, p. 71 (Ed. Ribadeneira).

[1036]Fueros del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.I, Tit.De his qui ad ecclesias(Zaragoza, 1624).

[1036]Fueros del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.I, Tit.De his qui ad ecclesias(Zaragoza, 1624).

[1037]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 120.

[1037]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 120.

[1038]Ibidem, Libro 926, fol. 33.

[1038]Ibidem, Libro 926, fol. 33.

[1039]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1039]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1040]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.

[1040]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.

[1041]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1041]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1042]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 28.—Constitutions del Cort de 1599, Const. 50 (Barcelona, 1635, fol. xvii).

[1042]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 28.—Constitutions del Cort de 1599, Const. 50 (Barcelona, 1635, fol. xvii).

[1043]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 32, fol. 109.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.

[1043]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 32, fol. 109.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.

[1044]Fueros y Actos de Corte, p. 11 (Zaragoza, 1647).

[1044]Fueros y Actos de Corte, p. 11 (Zaragoza, 1647).

[1045]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.

[1045]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.

[1046]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 16, 406.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 169.

[1046]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 16, 406.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 169.

[1047]I have considered this subject in some detail in “Studies in Church History,” pp. 177sqq.

[1047]I have considered this subject in some detail in “Studies in Church History,” pp. 177sqq.

[1048]Breve Memoria (Döllinger, Beiträge zur politischen, kirchlichen u. Cultur-Geschichte, III, 207).

[1048]Breve Memoria (Döllinger, Beiträge zur politischen, kirchlichen u. Cultur-Geschichte, III, 207).

[1049]Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident., Tom. V, pp. 84, 565.

[1049]Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident., Tom. V, pp. 84, 565.

[1050]Coleccion de Documentos, V, 83, 85.—See also Carranza, Comentarios sobre el Catechismo, fol. 230.

[1050]Coleccion de Documentos, V, 83, 85.—See also Carranza, Comentarios sobre el Catechismo, fol. 230.

[1051]Ordenamientos Reales, Lib.III, Tit. 1, leyes 4, 5 (Salmanticæ, 1560, pp. 790, 793).—Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. i, leyes 6, 7, 8, 12; Lib.XII, Tit. xii, ley 6.

[1051]Ordenamientos Reales, Lib.III, Tit. 1, leyes 4, 5 (Salmanticæ, 1560, pp. 790, 793).—Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. i, leyes 6, 7, 8, 12; Lib.XII, Tit. xii, ley 6.

[1052]Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. ii, leyes 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 11, 18, 22, 23.

[1052]Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. ii, leyes 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 11, 18, 22, 23.

[1053]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 32, fol. 19.

[1053]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 32, fol. 19.

[1054]Instrucciones de 1498, § 2 (Arguello, fol. 12).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 144.

[1054]Instrucciones de 1498, § 2 (Arguello, fol. 12).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 939, fol. 144.

[1055]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[1055]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1.

[1056]Ibidem, Libro 13, fol. 385, 386; Lib. 2, fol. 7, 10.The tribunal of Murcia possessed a cédula of Ferdinand, February 28, 1505, ordering the payment of a debt to an official in which he used the expression that inquisitors are judges in all cases of officials and ministers. This seems to have been regarded as furnishing a foundation for the subsequent extension of jurisdiction, for the Suprema, November 22, 1635, ordered the original to be sent to it and a transcript was kept by the tribunal.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 204.

[1056]Ibidem, Libro 13, fol. 385, 386; Lib. 2, fol. 7, 10.

The tribunal of Murcia possessed a cédula of Ferdinand, February 28, 1505, ordering the payment of a debt to an official in which he used the expression that inquisitors are judges in all cases of officials and ministers. This seems to have been regarded as furnishing a foundation for the subsequent extension of jurisdiction, for the Suprema, November 22, 1635, ordered the original to be sent to it and a transcript was kept by the tribunal.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 204.

[1057]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 104, 151, 242.

[1057]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 104, 151, 242.

[1058]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 219.—Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 2.

[1058]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 219.—Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. 2.

[1059]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933.

[1059]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933.

[1060]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 925, fol. 680.

[1060]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 925, fol. 680.

[1061]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 452.

[1061]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 452.

[1062]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 1; Lib. 939, fol. 149.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1062]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 1; Lib. 939, fol. 149.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1063]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 939, fol. 147.

[1063]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 939, fol. 147.

[1064]Ibidem, fol. 144.

[1064]Ibidem, fol. 144.

[1065]Ibidem, Vistas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.—A summary of cases, apparently compiled about 1582, may be found in the Simancas Archives, Leg. 1465, fol. 79.

[1065]Ibidem, Vistas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.—A summary of cases, apparently compiled about 1582, may be found in the Simancas Archives, Leg. 1465, fol. 79.

[1066]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 7, fol. 6; Lib. 13, fol. 20, 370, 372; Lib. 688, fol. 18; Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 1, fol. 200.—Bibl. nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expediente, 5288.

[1066]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 7, fol. 6; Lib. 13, fol. 20, 370, 372; Lib. 688, fol. 18; Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 5, n. 1, fol. 200.—Bibl. nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expediente, 5288.

[1067]Archivo de Simancas, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 206.

[1067]Archivo de Simancas, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 206.

[1068]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.

[1068]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.

[1069]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 939, fol. 149.—All this shows how mistaken is the assertion of Llorente (Hist. crít. Cap.XLVII, Art. 1) repeated by Rodrigo (III, 365) and others, that Charles V, in 1535, suspended the royal jurisdiction (under which the Inquisition had cognizance of the affairs of its officials) and restored it in 1545. This action was confined to the tribunal of Sicily. The anonymous author of theDiscurso historico-legal sobre el Origen etc. de la Inquisicion, p. 93 (Valladolid, 1803) seems to be the only one who has recognized this.

[1069]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 939, fol. 149.—All this shows how mistaken is the assertion of Llorente (Hist. crít. Cap.XLVII, Art. 1) repeated by Rodrigo (III, 365) and others, that Charles V, in 1535, suspended the royal jurisdiction (under which the Inquisition had cognizance of the affairs of its officials) and restored it in 1545. This action was confined to the tribunal of Sicily. The anonymous author of theDiscurso historico-legal sobre el Origen etc. de la Inquisicion, p. 93 (Valladolid, 1803) seems to be the only one who has recognized this.

[1070]Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 217.

[1070]Colmeiro, Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 217.

[1071]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[1071]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[1072]Nueva Recop., Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 18.—Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 1.It is not without interest to observe that the privileges of officials and familiars of the Roman Inquisition were much more limited than in Spain. Familiars had no exemption from public burdens or duties or military service and were subject to the secular courts in all criminal cases. When, in 1633, those of Jesi asked to have their civil suits tried by the Inquisition, the Congregation did not even answer them. The only officials entitled to theforumwere those in continual active service, and there is nothing said about wives, children and servants sharing in the privilege. As in Spain, the number of familiars was excessive. Faenza was allowed 50, Ancona 40 and Rimini 30.—Decret. Sacr. Congr. StiOfficii, pp. 197-8, 200 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, vol. 3).

[1072]Nueva Recop., Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 18.—Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 1.

It is not without interest to observe that the privileges of officials and familiars of the Roman Inquisition were much more limited than in Spain. Familiars had no exemption from public burdens or duties or military service and were subject to the secular courts in all criminal cases. When, in 1633, those of Jesi asked to have their civil suits tried by the Inquisition, the Congregation did not even answer them. The only officials entitled to theforumwere those in continual active service, and there is nothing said about wives, children and servants sharing in the privilege. As in Spain, the number of familiars was excessive. Faenza was allowed 50, Ancona 40 and Rimini 30.—Decret. Sacr. Congr. StiOfficii, pp. 197-8, 200 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, vol. 3).

[1073]The only allusion that I have met to this is its citation in the argument of the alcaldes del crimen of Granada in the case of Gerónimo Palomino. A copy is in Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1073]The only allusion that I have met to this is its citation in the argument of the alcaldes del crimen of Granada in the case of Gerónimo Palomino. A copy is in Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1074]MSS. of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 202.

[1074]MSS. of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 202.

[1075]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 144.—Novís. Recop., Lib. II, Tit. viii, ley 10.

[1075]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 144.—Novís. Recop., Lib. II, Tit. viii, ley 10.

[1076]See the case of Montalvo and del Aguila, in 1642, when the arguments mainly turn on this point (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130). Also that of Francisco Cases, about 1650, when both sides were able to cite precedents in their favor.—Arch. hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 638.

[1076]See the case of Montalvo and del Aguila, in 1642, when the arguments mainly turn on this point (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130). Also that of Francisco Cases, about 1650, when both sides were able to cite precedents in their favor.—Arch. hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 638.

[1077]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 125.

[1077]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 125.

[1078]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 264.—Nueva Recop., Lib.V, Tit. xxi, Declaraciones, ley 21, §§ 9, 10.—Autos Acordados, Lib.V, Tit. xxi, Autos 13, 16, 21, 22, 25.

[1078]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 264.—Nueva Recop., Lib.V, Tit. xxi, Declaraciones, ley 21, §§ 9, 10.—Autos Acordados, Lib.V, Tit. xxi, Autos 13, 16, 21, 22, 25.

[1079]Autos Acordados, Lib.IX, Tit. viii, Auto 6.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 146.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 265.

[1079]Autos Acordados, Lib.IX, Tit. viii, Auto 6.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 146.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 265.

[1080]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 23, fol. 42.—Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 1, fol. 45.

[1080]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 23, fol. 42.—Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Legajo 1, fol. 45.

[1081]Ibidem, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 107.

[1081]Ibidem, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 107.

[1082]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 922, fol. 17; Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 75.

[1082]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 922, fol. 17; Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 75.

[1083]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1083]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1084]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 247.

[1084]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 247.

[1085]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 86.

[1085]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 86.

[1086]Gachard, Don Carlos et Philippe II, T. I, pp. 100-2.

[1086]Gachard, Don Carlos et Philippe II, T. I, pp. 100-2.

[1087]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 370-2.

[1087]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 13, fol. 370-2.

[1088]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1088]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1089]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 59.

[1089]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 688, fol. 59.

[1090]Rojas de Hæreticis, P.I, n. 446.

[1090]Rojas de Hæreticis, P.I, n. 446.

[1091]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 5, n. 1, fol. 150.

[1091]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Cartas del Consejo, Leg. 5, n. 1, fol. 150.

[1092]Ibidem.

[1092]Ibidem.

[1093]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 766; Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 171, 172, 200, 219, 277, 322, 440, 442.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 134-42.

[1093]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 766; Leg. 8, n. 2, fol. 171, 172, 200, 219, 277, 322, 440, 442.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 134-42.

[1094]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 14.

[1094]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 14.

[1095]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 26.

[1095]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 26.

[1096]Blancas, Aragonensium Rerum Commentarii, p. 26 (Cæsaraugustæ, 1598).—Julian Ribera, Orígines del Justicia de Aragon (Zaragoza, 1897).

[1096]Blancas, Aragonensium Rerum Commentarii, p. 26 (Cæsaraugustæ, 1598).—Julian Ribera, Orígines del Justicia de Aragon (Zaragoza, 1897).

[1097]Fueros y Observancias del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.I, fol. 21-3; Lib.III, fol. 69-84 (Zaragoza, 1624).—Actos de Cortes del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 1 (Zaragoza, 1664).—Blancas,op. cit., p. 361.

[1097]Fueros y Observancias del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.I, fol. 21-3; Lib.III, fol. 69-84 (Zaragoza, 1624).—Actos de Cortes del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 1 (Zaragoza, 1664).—Blancas,op. cit., p. 361.

[1098]Ribera,op. cit., p. 182.—Blancas,op. cit., p. 499.—Argensola, Informacion de los Sucesos del Reino de Aragon, cap. xlv, lv (Madrid, 1808).

[1098]Ribera,op. cit., p. 182.—Blancas,op. cit., p. 499.—Argensola, Informacion de los Sucesos del Reino de Aragon, cap. xlv, lv (Madrid, 1808).

[1099]Blasco de Lanuza, Historias de Aragon, II, 143 (Zaragoza, 1622).—Blancas,op. cit., Epist. prælim., p. 2.—Macanaz, Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, pp. 85, 91.

[1099]Blasco de Lanuza, Historias de Aragon, II, 143 (Zaragoza, 1622).—Blancas,op. cit., Epist. prælim., p. 2.—Macanaz, Regalías de los Reyes de Aragon, pp. 85, 91.

[1100]Fueros y Observancias del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.I, fol. 23.—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.II, cap. ix.—Blancas,op. cit., pp. 350-1.—Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 4.—Archivo de Simancas, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 262.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, fol. 122.

[1100]Fueros y Observancias del Reyno de Aragon, Lib.I, fol. 23.—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.II, cap. ix.—Blancas,op. cit., pp. 350-1.—Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 4.—Archivo de Simancas, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 262.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, fol. 122.

[1101]MS.penes me.

[1101]MS.penes me.

[1102]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 78, fol. 145, 192.

[1102]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 78, fol. 145, 192.

[1103]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 219.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 922, fol. 12.

[1103]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. I de copias, fol. 219.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 922, fol. 12.

[1104]Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 94-6 (Zaragoza, 1664).

[1104]Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 94-6 (Zaragoza, 1664).

[1105]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 108, n. 38; Dd, 145, fol. 352.

[1105]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 108, n. 38; Dd, 145, fol. 352.

[1106]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 82, fol. 84.—Fueros de Aragon, fol. 222 (Zaragoza, 1624). Cf. Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.II, cap. xxxviii.

[1106]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 82, fol. 84.—Fueros de Aragon, fol. 222 (Zaragoza, 1624). Cf. Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.II, cap. xxxviii.

[1107]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 464.

[1107]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 464.

[1108]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 474.

[1108]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 474.

[1109]Fueros y Actos de los Córtes de Barbastro y de Calatayud, pp. 20-22, 55-6 (Zaragoza, 1626).—Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 1, fol. 12.

[1109]Fueros y Actos de los Córtes de Barbastro y de Calatayud, pp. 20-22, 55-6 (Zaragoza, 1626).—Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 1, fol. 12.

[1110]Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 4.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 127; Lib. 38, fol. 205, 209, 262, 280, 290.

[1110]Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Leg. 528, n. 4.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 127; Lib. 38, fol. 205, 209, 262, 280, 290.

[1111]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 90.

[1111]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 90.

[1112]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.

[1112]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.

[1113]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.

[1113]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.

[1114]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 122.

[1114]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 122.

[1115]Fueros y Actos de Corte en 1645 y 1646, pp. 1-2, 11-12 (Zaragoza, 1647).

[1115]Fueros y Actos de Corte en 1645 y 1646, pp. 1-2, 11-12 (Zaragoza, 1647).

[1116]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 122 (see Appendix).—Joaquin Sánchez de Toca, Felipe IV y Sor María de Agreda, p. 282 (Madrid, 1887).

[1116]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 122 (see Appendix).—Joaquin Sánchez de Toca, Felipe IV y Sor María de Agreda, p. 282 (Madrid, 1887).

[1117]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Llorente tells us (Hist, crít., Cap. xxxviii, Art. 1, n. 27) that Choved (or Gobea) was caught and tried but escaped the gallows by steadfast denial under repeated torture.

[1117]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Llorente tells us (Hist, crít., Cap. xxxviii, Art. 1, n. 27) that Choved (or Gobea) was caught and tried but escaped the gallows by steadfast denial under repeated torture.

[1118]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 37, fol. 379.

[1118]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 37, fol. 379.

[1119]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 22.

[1119]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 22.

[1120]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Legajo 528.

[1120]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Legajo 528.

[1121]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 27, fol. 242.

[1121]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 27, fol. 242.

[1122]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 15.—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 708.

[1122]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 15.—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 708.

[1123]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[1123]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933.

[1124]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 308, 309; Lib. 72, fol. 2.

[1124]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 308, 309; Lib. 72, fol. 2.

[1125]Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.II, Tit. viii, § 3.—Archivo de Simaricas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 39, 41.

[1125]Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.II, Tit. viii, § 3.—Archivo de Simaricas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 39, 41.

[1126]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 5.

[1126]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 5.

[1127]Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib.I, Tit. iv (Barcelona, 1589).

[1127]Constitutions de Cathalunya superfluas, Lib.I, Tit. iv (Barcelona, 1589).

[1128]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 930, fol. 49.—Portocarrero, § 78.

[1128]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 930, fol. 49.—Portocarrero, § 78.

[1129]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 2.

[1129]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 2.

[1130]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9.

[1130]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9.

[1131]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.

[1131]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.

[1132]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 74.

[1132]Ibidem, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 74.

[1133]Ibidem, fol. 20, 81.

[1133]Ibidem, fol. 20, 81.

[1134]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 184.

[1134]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 184.

[1135]Valladares, Semanario erúdito, XXVIII, 219.—Salgado de Somoza, de Retentione Bullarum, P. II, cap. xxxiii, n. 137-8.—Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. VI, p. 367.

[1135]Valladares, Semanario erúdito, XXVIII, 219.—Salgado de Somoza, de Retentione Bullarum, P. II, cap. xxxiii, n. 137-8.—Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. VI, p. 367.

[1136]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 82, fol. 52; Lib. 65, fol. 184.

[1136]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 82, fol. 52; Lib. 65, fol. 184.

[1137]Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 31.

[1137]Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 31.

[1138]Constitutions fets en la primera Cort celebra als Cathalans en lo any de 1599 (Barcelona, 1603).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 2, 5, 28.

[1138]Constitutions fets en la primera Cort celebra als Cathalans en lo any de 1599 (Barcelona, 1603).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 2, 5, 28.

[1139]Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit., pp. 2, 5, 44.

[1139]Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit., pp. 2, 5, 44.

[1140]Bofarull y Broca, Historia de Cataluña, VII, 282-3.

[1140]Bofarull y Broca, Historia de Cataluña, VII, 282-3.

[1141]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9, 67.

[1141]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9, 67.

[1142]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 474; Inquisition de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 18, 67, 87.

[1142]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 474; Inquisition de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 18, 67, 87.

[1143]Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Fondos del Consejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 84.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[1143]Archivo de la Corona de Aragon, Fondos del Consejo de Aragon, Leg. 708.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 84.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[1144]Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Mem. hist. español, XX, 91).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 15, 18, 19.

[1144]Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Mem. hist. español, XX, 91).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 15, 18, 19.

[1145]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 83.

[1145]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 83.

[1146]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 1, fol. 561, 572, 573, 575.

[1146]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 1, fol. 561, 572, 573, 575.

[1147]Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Mem. hist. español, Tom. XX, 164-82; Append. 299, 301, 318, 426; Tom. XXI, Append. 158, 193, 409; Tom. XXII, 10, 27; Tom. XXV, Append. 290.)

[1147]Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Mem. hist. español, Tom. XX, 164-82; Append. 299, 301, 318, 426; Tom. XXI, Append. 158, 193, 409; Tom. XXII, 10, 27; Tom. XXV, Append. 290.)

[1148]Parets, Tom. XXII, p. 30; Append. p. 243.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 33, fol. 675.

[1148]Parets, Tom. XXII, p. 30; Append. p. 243.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 33, fol. 675.

[1149]Parets, T. XXII, Append. pp. 308, 330; XXV, Append. pp. 391, 403.

[1149]Parets, T. XXII, Append. pp. 308, 330; XXV, Append. pp. 391, 403.

[1150]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 33, fol. 175, 830; Lib. 21, fol. 309.

[1150]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 33, fol. 175, 830; Lib. 21, fol. 309.

[1151]Parets, Tom. XXIV, p. 316.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 65, fol. 41.

[1151]Parets, Tom. XXIV, p. 316.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 65, fol. 41.

[1152]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 41, 48; Lib. 22, fol. 83.

[1152]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 41, 48; Lib. 22, fol. 83.

[1153]Ibidem, Lib. 65, fol. 31, 50; Lib. 36, fol. 74.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 2, fol. 323.

[1153]Ibidem, Lib. 65, fol. 31, 50; Lib. 36, fol. 74.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 2, fol. 323.

[1154]Parets, T. XXIV, pp. 137, 147, 296.—Proceso contra Anthoni Morell (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[1154]Parets, T. XXIV, pp. 137, 147, 296.—Proceso contra Anthoni Morell (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[1155]Parets, T. XXV, p. 142.

[1155]Parets, T. XXV, p. 142.

[1156]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 390.

[1156]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 390.

[1157]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 81.

[1157]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 81.

[1158]Parets, T. XXV, p. 171.—MSS. of Am. Philos. Society.

[1158]Parets, T. XXV, p. 171.—MSS. of Am. Philos. Society.

[1159]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[1159]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[1160]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Fondos del Consejo, Leg. 708.—Libro XIII de Cartas (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[1160]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Fondos del Consejo, Leg. 708.—Libro XIII de Cartas (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[1161]Libro XIII de Cartas, p. 240.

[1161]Libro XIII de Cartas, p. 240.

[1162]Bibl. nacional, MSS., PV, 3, n. 69.—Libro XIII de Cartas (ubi sup.).

[1162]Bibl. nacional, MSS., PV, 3, n. 69.—Libro XIII de Cartas (ubi sup.).

[1163]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528. (The alguazil mayor was usually a man of rank.)

[1163]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528. (The alguazil mayor was usually a man of rank.)

[1164]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 708.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 66, fol. 179, 189, 228, 252, 283.—Bofarull y Broca, Hist. de Cataluña, VIII, 385.

[1164]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 708.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 66, fol. 179, 189, 228, 252, 283.—Bofarull y Broca, Hist. de Cataluña, VIII, 385.

[1165]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[1165]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.

[1166]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 66, fol. 460.

[1166]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 66, fol. 460.

[1167]Capitols de Cort en lo any 1706, cap. 34 (Barcelona, 1706, p. 70).

[1167]Capitols de Cort en lo any 1706, cap. 34 (Barcelona, 1706, p. 70).

[1168]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Seccion Varios, Leg. 390.

[1168]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Seccion Varios, Leg. 390.

[1169]Ibid., Legajo 13.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 23.

[1169]Ibid., Legajo 13.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 23.

[1170]Portocarrero, §§ 21, 22.

[1170]Portocarrero, §§ 21, 22.

[1171]Portocarrero §§ 51, 54, 58, 60, 61, 65, 96, 97.

[1171]Portocarrero §§ 51, 54, 58, 60, 61, 65, 96, 97.

[1172]Lafuente, Hist. gén. de España, XIV, 417, 432.

[1172]Lafuente, Hist. gén. de España, XIV, 417, 432.

[1173]This account is derived from the printed argument of the alcaldes, a very temperate and manly document, of which a copy is in the Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1173]This account is derived from the printed argument of the alcaldes, a very temperate and manly document, of which a copy is in the Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1174]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 5.

[1174]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 5.

[1175]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 45, 47.

[1175]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 45, 47.

[1176]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 349.

[1176]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 349.

[1177]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 30-45.

[1177]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 30-45.

[1178]The three passages cited were Simancas, de Cathol. Institt. Tit. xxxiv, n. 6; Sousa, Aphorismi Inquisit. Lib.I, cap. 1, n. 16, and Peña in Eymerici Directorium, P. III, Comment. 61. Of the three Sousa comes nearest to supplying what was wanted in saying that the officials of the Inquisition are punishable, for official delinquencies, by those who appoint them.

[1178]The three passages cited were Simancas, de Cathol. Institt. Tit. xxxiv, n. 6; Sousa, Aphorismi Inquisit. Lib.I, cap. 1, n. 16, and Peña in Eymerici Directorium, P. III, Comment. 61. Of the three Sousa comes nearest to supplying what was wanted in saying that the officials of the Inquisition are punishable, for official delinquencies, by those who appoint them.

[1179]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244; D, 118, fol. 151, 188.

[1179]Bibl. nacional, MSS., X, 157, fol. 244; D, 118, fol. 151, 188.

[1180]Consulta Magna (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4).

[1180]Consulta Magna (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4).

[1181]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 138.

[1181]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 138.

[1182]Ricci, Synopsis Decretorum S. Congr. Immunitatis s. v.Testis, n. 1.

[1182]Ricci, Synopsis Decretorum S. Congr. Immunitatis s. v.Testis, n. 1.

[1183]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 157.

[1183]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1, fol. 157.

[1184]Ibidem, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 3, 11, 25.

[1184]Ibidem, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 3, 11, 25.

[1185]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 145.

[1185]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 145.

[1186]Modo de Proceder, fol. 27-9 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122). The date of this is 1645.

[1186]Modo de Proceder, fol. 27-9 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122). The date of this is 1645.

[1187]Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 96 (Zaragoza, 1664).

[1187]Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 96 (Zaragoza, 1664).

[1188]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 27.

[1188]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 27.

[1189]These details are furnished by a memorial to the king, a copy of which is in the Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1189]These details are furnished by a memorial to the king, a copy of which is in the Bodleian Library, Arch. S, 130.

[1190]Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, p. 580.

[1190]Bravo, Catálogo de los Obispos de Córdova, p. 580.

[1191]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 29, fol. 177; Lib. 30, fol. 1 (see Appendix).

[1191]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 29, fol. 177; Lib. 30, fol. 1 (see Appendix).

[1192]Ibidem, Lib. 30, fol. 108.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 348.

[1192]Ibidem, Lib. 30, fol. 108.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 348.

[1193]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 52, fol. 34.

[1193]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 52, fol. 34.

[1194]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 346; Lib. 52, fol. 26, 37; Lib. 54, fol. 64.—Bullar. Roman.,V, 367.

[1194]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 346; Lib. 52, fol. 26, 37; Lib. 54, fol. 64.—Bullar. Roman.,V, 367.

[1195]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 52, fol. 86.

[1195]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 52, fol. 86.

[1196]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 25, fol. 23, 54, 86-105; Lib. 52, fol. 53, 86, 92, 100, 125, 335.

[1196]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 25, fol. 23, 54, 86-105; Lib. 52, fol. 53, 86, 92, 100, 125, 335.

[1197]Ibidem, Lib. 52, fol. 335.

[1197]Ibidem, Lib. 52, fol. 335.

[1198]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 52, fol. 292, 312, 335.

[1198]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 52, fol. 292, 312, 335.

[1199]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 161; Lib. 21, fol. 300.

[1199]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 161; Lib. 21, fol. 300.

[1200]Ibidem, Legajo 1473.

[1200]Ibidem, Legajo 1473.

[1201]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 425.

[1201]Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 425.

[1202]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 927, fol. 323.

[1202]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 927, fol. 323.

[1203]Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 161.

[1203]Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 161.

[1204]Ibidem, Lib. 52, fol. 222.

[1204]Ibidem, Lib. 52, fol. 222.

[1205]Cabrera, Felipe Segundo, Lib. X, cap. xviii.

[1205]Cabrera, Felipe Segundo, Lib. X, cap. xviii.

[1206]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 1, 20.

[1206]Archivo de Simancas, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 1, 20.

[1207]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 19.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1.

[1207]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 19.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 1.

[1208]Modo de Proceder, fol. 31-9, 86-97 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 365, n. 45.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 23.—Rojas de Hæret. P.I, n. 442.

[1208]Modo de Proceder, fol. 31-9, 86-97 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 365, n. 45.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 23.—Rojas de Hæret. P.I, n. 442.

[1209]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVII, Art. 1. n. 3, 4.

[1209]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVII, Art. 1. n. 3, 4.

[1210]Consulta Magna (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4).

[1210]Consulta Magna (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4).

[1211]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 188.

[1211]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 188.

[1212]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 4, cap. 13, 14, 18.—Novís Recop. Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 5.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 99.

[1212]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 4, cap. 13, 14, 18.—Novís Recop. Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 5.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 99.

[1213]I am not aware that this interesting document has been printed. There are copies of it in the Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4, and G, 344, and in the Library of the University of Halle, Yc, 17.

[1213]I am not aware that this interesting document has been printed. There are copies of it in the Bibl. nacional, MSS., Q, 4, and G, 344, and in the Library of the University of Halle, Yc, 17.

[1214]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 35; Cap.XXXIX, Art. ii, n. 17.

[1214]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 35; Cap.XXXIX, Art. ii, n. 17.

[1215]Riol, Informe (Semanario erúdito, III, 157).

[1215]Riol, Informe (Semanario erúdito, III, 157).

[1216]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 16.

[1216]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 16.

[1217]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 178.

[1217]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 178.

[1218]Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 147-60.

[1218]Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 147-60.

[1219]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. i, Gloss 1.

[1219]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. i, Gloss 1.

[1220]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5441(Libro 10).

[1220]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5441(Libro 10).

[1221]Ibidem, Estado, Leg. 2843.

[1221]Ibidem, Estado, Leg. 2843.

[1222]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 14, n. 3, fol. 132.

[1222]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 14, n. 3, fol. 132.

[1223]Ibidem, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 3, 16.

[1223]Ibidem, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 3, 16.

[1224]Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, leyes 9, 10.

[1224]Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, leyes 9, 10.

[1225]Archivo hist. national, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 15, n. 11, fol. 45.

[1225]Archivo hist. national, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 15, n. 11, fol. 45.

[1226]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 16.—Proceso contra Joaquin de Tunes (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[1226]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 13, fol. 16.—Proceso contra Joaquin de Tunes (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[1227]Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 96 (Zaragoza, 1664).

[1227]Actos de Corte del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 96 (Zaragoza, 1664).

[1228]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 942, fol. 22.

[1228]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 942, fol. 22.

[1229]Ibidem, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 17, fol. 20.

[1229]Ibidem, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 17, fol. 20.

[1230]Modo de Proceder, fol. 21-29 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.

[1230]Modo de Proceder, fol. 21-29 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.

[1231]Portocarrero,op. cit., fol. 47, 48.

[1231]Portocarrero,op. cit., fol. 47, 48.

[1232]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 16, n. 5, fol. 25, 27, 39, 52, 72.

[1232]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 16, n. 5, fol. 25, 27, 39, 52, 72.

[1233]Ibidem, Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 10.

[1233]Ibidem, Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 10.

[1234]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 559.

[1234]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 559.

[1235]Ibidem, Lib. 890.

[1235]Ibidem, Lib. 890.

[1236]Ibidem, Lib. 890; Lib. 4352.

[1236]Ibidem, Lib. 890; Lib. 4352.

[1237]Ibidem, Lib. 890.

[1237]Ibidem, Lib. 890.

[1238]Portocarrero,op. cit., fol. 52.

[1238]Portocarrero,op. cit., fol. 52.

[1239]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49; Leg. 8, n. 1, fol. 422, 423; Libro 7 de Autos, Leg. 2, fol. 178.

[1239]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 49; Leg. 8, n. 1, fol. 422, 423; Libro 7 de Autos, Leg. 2, fol. 178.

[1240]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 79.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 351.

[1240]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 79.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 351.

[1241]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 3 (Nueva Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 3).

[1241]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 3 (Nueva Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 3).

[1242]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 42.

[1242]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 42.

[1243]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 47; Lib. 918, fol. 830.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 157-8.—Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 5.

[1243]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 47; Lib. 918, fol. 830.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 102, fol. 157-8.—Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 5.

[1244]Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 5.

[1244]Novís. Recop., Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 5.

[1245]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Gloss 1.

[1245]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Gloss 1.

[1246]Novís. Recop., Lib.IV, Tit. 1, ley 18.

[1246]Novís. Recop., Lib.IV, Tit. 1, ley 18.

[1247]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 82; Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 50.—Llorente, Hist. crít., Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 3.

[1247]Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 621, fol. 82; Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 50.—Llorente, Hist. crít., Cap.XXVI, Art. ii, n. 3.

[1248]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 127.

[1248]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 127.

[1249]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 10.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 41.

[1249]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. 1, Auto 10.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, fol. 41.

[1250]Floridablanca, Memorial á Carlos III (MS.penes me).

[1250]Floridablanca, Memorial á Carlos III (MS.penes me).

[1251]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 939, fol. 64.

[1251]Archivo de Simancas, Libro 939, fol. 64.

[1252]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 44.

[1252]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 44.

[1253]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XVI, 366).

[1253]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XVI, 366).

[1254]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 141-7.

[1254]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 141-7.

[1255]Ibidem, fol. 179, 182, 195-6, 199, 201, 205, 212, 217.

[1255]Ibidem, fol. 179, 182, 195-6, 199, 201, 205, 212, 217.

[1256]Ibidem, fol. 255-61; Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 2.

[1256]Ibidem, fol. 255-61; Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 2.

[1257]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.

[1257]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.

[1258]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 125.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 32, fol. 109, 117.

[1258]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 125.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 32, fol. 109, 117.

[1259]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Logroño, Leg. 1, n. 21, 22; Inquisicion, Leg. 1157, fol. 90.

[1259]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Logroño, Leg. 1, n. 21, 22; Inquisicion, Leg. 1157, fol. 90.

[1260]Modo de Proceder, fol. 43 (Bibl. national, MSS., D, 122).

[1260]Modo de Proceder, fol. 43 (Bibl. national, MSS., D, 122).

[1261]Discurso en razon del acuerdo que se puede tomar entre las jurisdicciones (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld. A. Subt. 13; Arch. S, 130).

[1261]Discurso en razon del acuerdo que se puede tomar entre las jurisdicciones (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch. Seld. A. Subt. 13; Arch. S, 130).

[1262]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 201.

[1262]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 201.

[1263]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta X, n. 213 (Sevilla, 1860).

[1263]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta X, n. 213 (Sevilla, 1860).

[1264]Arguello, fol. 23.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 221.

[1264]Arguello, fol. 23.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 221.

[1265]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 88.

[1265]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 88.

[1266]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3. fol. 16.

[1266]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3. fol. 16.

[1267]Ibidem, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 157, 158.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 172.

[1267]Ibidem, Leg. 5, n. 2, fol. 157, 158.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 172.

[1268]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.

[1268]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.

[1269]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 15-26.

[1269]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 15-26.

[1270]Archivo hist. national, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 178.

[1270]Archivo hist. national, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 178.

[1271]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 215.

[1271]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 215.

[1272]Ibidem, fol. 180.

[1272]Ibidem, fol. 180.

[1273]Proceso contra Juan Requesens (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[1273]Proceso contra Juan Requesens (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[1274]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 464.—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 27, fol. 88.

[1274]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 464.—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Leg. 528.—Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 27, fol. 88.

[1275]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1157, fol. 90.

[1275]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1157, fol. 90.

[1276]Dépêches de M. de Fourquevaux, I, 166 (Paris, 1896).

[1276]Dépêches de M. de Fourquevaux, I, 166 (Paris, 1896).

[1277]Modo de Proceder, fol. 41-2 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 23, fol. 45, 57.

[1277]Modo de Proceder, fol. 41-2 (Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 122).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 23, fol. 45, 57.

[1278]Discurso historico-legal sobre el Origen, Progresos y Utilidad del Santo Oficio, Introd. pp. i-iv, p. 139 (Valladolid, 1803)

[1278]Discurso historico-legal sobre el Origen, Progresos y Utilidad del Santo Oficio, Introd. pp. i-iv, p. 139 (Valladolid, 1803)

[1279]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj, 28.—Llorente, Añales, I, 252.

[1279]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj, 28.—Llorente, Añales, I, 252.

[1280]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.

[1280]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.

[1281]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 58.

[1281]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 58.

[1282]Páramo, pp. 224-6.

[1282]Páramo, pp. 224-6.

[1283]Franchina, Breve Rapporto della Inquisizione di Sicilia, p. 98.—Juan Gómez de Mora, Relacion del Auto de Fe celebrado en Madrid, este año de 1632 (Madrid, 1632).

[1283]Franchina, Breve Rapporto della Inquisizione di Sicilia, p. 98.—Juan Gómez de Mora, Relacion del Auto de Fe celebrado en Madrid, este año de 1632 (Madrid, 1632).

[1284]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 3, fol 70; Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 5.

[1284]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 3, fol 70; Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 5.

[1285]Boletin, XV, 333-45; XXIII, 415-16.—Llorente, Añales, I, 253.

[1285]Boletin, XV, 333-45; XXIII, 415-16.—Llorente, Añales, I, 253.

[1286]Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticor. (Coll. de Doc. de la C. de Aragon, XXVIII, 137, 139).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 61; P.II, fol. 72, 110.

[1286]Carbonell de Gestis Hæreticor. (Coll. de Doc. de la C. de Aragon, XXVIII, 137, 139).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 61; P.II, fol. 72, 110.

[1287]Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds español, 80, fol. 44.—Llorente, Añales, II, 242.

[1287]Bibl. nacionale de France, fonds español, 80, fol. 44.—Llorente, Añales, II, 242.

[1288]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 4.—Proceso contra Estevan Ramoneda, fol. 72 (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[1288]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 4.—Proceso contra Estevan Ramoneda, fol. 72 (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[1289]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Leg. 1465, fol. 32; Lib. 56, fol. 605, Llorente, Añales,II, 5.

[1289]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Leg. 1465, fol. 32; Lib. 56, fol. 605, Llorente, Añales,II, 5.

[1290]Llorente, Añales, I, 213, 252; II, 3.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 4, fol. 1, 7, 104, 159, 162; Lib. 5, fol. 24; Lib. 73, fol. 211; Lib. 76, fol. 51, 53; Lib. 78, fol. 216, 258; Lib. 79, fol. 17, 226; Lib. 80, fol. 1.

[1290]Llorente, Añales, I, 213, 252; II, 3.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 4, fol. 1, 7, 104, 159, 162; Lib. 5, fol. 24; Lib. 73, fol. 211; Lib. 76, fol. 51, 53; Lib. 78, fol. 216, 258; Lib. 79, fol. 17, 226; Lib. 80, fol. 1.

[1291]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 2, fol. 8; Lib. 74, fol. 120.—Informe de Quesada (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj, 28).

[1291]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 2, fol. 8; Lib. 74, fol. 120.—Informe de Quesada (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj, 28).

[1292]W. de Gray Birch, Catalogue of MSS. of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands, I, xvi, 5, 6 (London, 1903).

[1292]W. de Gray Birch, Catalogue of MSS. of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands, I, xvi, 5, 6 (London, 1903).

[1293]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 939, fol. 62.

[1293]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 939, fol. 62.

[1294]Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de Córdova, pp. 1, 75.

[1294]Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de Córdova, pp. 1, 75.

[1295]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. III.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 113, n. 6.

[1295]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. III.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 113, n. 6.

[1296]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 206.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. VII.

[1296]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 206.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. VII.

[1297]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. VI, X.

[1297]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. VI, X.

[1298]Rodríguez de Villa, La Corte y Monarquia de España, p. 47.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XIV, 6).

[1298]Rodríguez de Villa, La Corte y Monarquia de España, p. 47.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XIV, 6).

[1299]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. IX, VI.

[1299]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. IX, VI.

[1300]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 146, n. 49.

[1300]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 146, n. 49.

[1301]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1024, fol. 28.

[1301]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1024, fol. 28.

[1302]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1474, fol. 67.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 1.

[1302]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1474, fol. 67.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 1.

[1303]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 2843.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1474, fol. 15.

[1303]Archivo de Alcalá, Estado, Leg. 2843.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1474, fol. 15.

[1304]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 84, 440, 445, 454; Lib. 4, fol. 9; Lib. 933; Lib. 939, fol. 63, 139; Lib. 9, fol. 29; Leg. 1157, fol. 144; Inquisicion de Corte, Leg. 359, fol. 3.—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.

[1304]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 84, 440, 445, 454; Lib. 4, fol. 9; Lib. 933; Lib. 939, fol. 63, 139; Lib. 9, fol. 29; Leg. 1157, fol. 144; Inquisicion de Corte, Leg. 359, fol. 3.—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.

[1305]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[1305]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1.

[1306]Llorente, Añales, II, 4.

[1306]Llorente, Añales, II, 4.

[1307]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 38, 39, 53; Lib. 76, fol. 74.

[1307]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 940, fol. 38, 39, 53; Lib. 76, fol. 74.

[1308]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 930, fol. 127; Lib. 926, fol. 141; Lib. 940, fol. 101.—Cf. Novís. Recop. Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 1, nota 9.

[1308]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 930, fol. 127; Lib. 926, fol. 141; Lib. 940, fol. 101.—Cf. Novís. Recop. Lib.II, Tit. vii, ley 1, nota 9.

[1309]Schäfer, Beiträge, II, 76, 77.—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XLVI, Art. i, n. 11.

[1309]Schäfer, Beiträge, II, 76, 77.—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XLVI, Art. i, n. 11.

[1310]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 80.

[1310]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 926, fol. 80.

[1311]Llorente, Añales, II, 242.

[1311]Llorente, Añales, II, 242.

[1312]Arguello, fol. 1.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 929, fol. 297; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol, 164.—Llorente, Añales, II, 2.—Rodrigo, Hist, verdadera, II, 261.—Juan Gómez de Mora, Relacion del Auto de la Fe de 1632.

[1312]Arguello, fol. 1.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 929, fol. 297; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol, 164.—Llorente, Añales, II, 2.—Rodrigo, Hist, verdadera, II, 261.—Juan Gómez de Mora, Relacion del Auto de la Fe de 1632.

[1313]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 381.

[1313]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 381.

[1314]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 24, 26.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 1; Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 2, 177, 198; Lib. 9, fol. 24, 68; Lib. 77, fol. 53.

[1314]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 24, 26.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 1; Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 2, 177, 198; Lib. 9, fol. 24, 68; Lib. 77, fol. 53.

[1315]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 498.

[1315]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 498.

[1316]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 447; Lib. 5, fol. 9, 27.—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.—Miscelanea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, XI, 59).

[1316]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 3, fol. 447; Lib. 5, fol. 9, 27.—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.—Miscelanea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, XI, 59).

[1317]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 28.—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 94.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 4, fol. 1; Legajo 1465, fol. 31, 32.—Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 107.

[1317]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. único, fol. 28.—Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 94.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 4, fol. 1; Legajo 1465, fol. 31, 32.—Cabrera, Relaciones, p. 107.

[1318]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib, 4, fol. 95, 96; Lib. 3, fol. 453.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 61.—Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 55.

[1318]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib, 4, fol. 95, 96; Lib. 3, fol. 453.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 61.—Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 55.

[1319]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 316, 366; Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 116; Lib. 73, fol. 142, 247, 248.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.

[1319]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 316, 366; Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 116; Lib. 73, fol. 142, 247, 248.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 498.

[1320]Páramo, p. 159.—Llorente, Añales, II, 91.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 3, fol. 453.

[1320]Páramo, p. 159.—Llorente, Añales, II, 91.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 3, fol. 453.

[1321]Llorente, Añales, II, 5.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 332, 333.

[1321]Llorente, Añales, II, 5.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 332, 333.

[1322]Informe de Quesada (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj, 28).

[1322]Informe de Quesada (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj, 28).

[1323]Carbonell de Gestis Hæret. (op. cit.XXVIII, 83).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 72, P.II, fol. 57, 59; Lib. 930, fol. 40; Lib. 13, fol. 372.

[1323]Carbonell de Gestis Hæret. (op. cit.XXVIII, 83).—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 72, P.II, fol. 57, 59; Lib. 930, fol. 40; Lib. 13, fol. 372.

[1324]Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xlv (London, 1862).

[1324]Bergenroth, Calendar of Spanish State Papers, I, xlv (London, 1862).

[1325]Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, Cap. xxxiv, § 18.—Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XXIII, 415).—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.—Proceso contra Mari Naranja; Proceso contra Catalina Machado (MSS.penes me).

[1325]Colmenares, Historia de Segovia, Cap. xxxiv, § 18.—Padre Fidel Fita (Boletin, XXIII, 415).—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.—Proceso contra Mari Naranja; Proceso contra Catalina Machado (MSS.penes me).

[1326]Llorente, Añales, I, 217, 317, II, 3.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Corte, Leg. 359, fol. 1.

[1326]Llorente, Añales, I, 217, 317, II, 3.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Corte, Leg. 359, fol. 1.

[1327]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 24; Lib. 926, fol. 141.

[1327]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 9, fol. 24; Lib. 926, fol. 141.

[1328]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 31, 50; Lib. 36, fol. 74.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 2, fol. 323.

[1328]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 65, fol. 31, 50; Lib. 36, fol. 74.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 2, fol. 323.

[1329]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 2, fol. 16; Lib. 72, P.II, fol. 40, 169; Lib. 74, fol. 133; Inquisicion de Barcelona, Cortes, Leg. 17, fol. 47, 48.

[1329]Archivo gén. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 2, fol. 16; Lib. 72, P.II, fol. 40, 169; Lib. 74, fol. 133; Inquisicion de Barcelona, Cortes, Leg. 17, fol. 47, 48.

[1330]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 939, fol. 62.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. VIII.

[1330]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 939, fol. 62.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, Tom. VIII.

[1331]Proceso contra Ignacia——; contra Estevanillo F. (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Seccion Varios, Leg. 13.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 23.

[1331]Proceso contra Ignacia——; contra Estevanillo F. (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Valencia, Seccion Varios, Leg. 13.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 39, Leg. 4, fol. 23.

[1332]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 4, fol. 1; Lib. 929, fol. 63.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. VIII.—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, 354, fol. 242.

[1332]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1; Lib. 4, fol. 1; Lib. 929, fol. 63.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. VIII.—Llorente, Añales, II, 3.—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, 354, fol. 242.

[1333]Informe de Quesada (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj., 28).—Llorente, Añales, I, 252.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 423.

[1333]Informe de Quesada (Bibl. nacional, MSS., Tj., 28).—Llorente, Añales, I, 252.—Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 423.

[1334]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 388, 400 (Madrid, 1829).

[1334]Coleccion de Cédulas, IV, 388, 400 (Madrid, 1829).

[1335]As an incident to this fictitious valuation of the vellón coinage, counterfeiting flourished to an enormous extent, unrepressed by the severest penalties. The importation of coins manufactured abroad added to the confusion, for it was too lucrative to be prevented by even the most rigorous measures. In 1614 a chronicler states that since the recent doubling of the nominal value of thecuartosfive or six millions in vellón money had been brought from England and Holland, stowed in vessels under wheat. It was exchanged for silver at 30 per cent. discount and the silver exported. The remedy devised was to bring inland twenty leagues from the coast the foreign traders engaged in the business, but this remedy was found to be worse than the disease and was abandoned (Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 551, 553). We shall see hereafter that the Inquisition was invoked to put an end to this traffic.

[1335]As an incident to this fictitious valuation of the vellón coinage, counterfeiting flourished to an enormous extent, unrepressed by the severest penalties. The importation of coins manufactured abroad added to the confusion, for it was too lucrative to be prevented by even the most rigorous measures. In 1614 a chronicler states that since the recent doubling of the nominal value of thecuartosfive or six millions in vellón money had been brought from England and Holland, stowed in vessels under wheat. It was exchanged for silver at 30 per cent. discount and the silver exported. The remedy devised was to bring inland twenty leagues from the coast the foreign traders engaged in the business, but this remedy was found to be worse than the disease and was abandoned (Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 551, 553). We shall see hereafter that the Inquisition was invoked to put an end to this traffic.

[1336]Under these perpetual changes it will be readily understood how difficult it is to estimate values at any special period. In a document of 1670 I find thedoblonconverted intoreales de vellónat the rate of 1 to 81, although in this case thedoblonwas of 4pesosor 32reales de plata. Similar to this is the conversion in another item of 162reales de platainto 405reales de vellón, showing that vellón was at a discount of 60 per cent. or specie at a premium of 150.—Arch. de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1476, fol. 2, 61.The unutterable confusion produced by these sudden and arbitrary changes in the legal value of the coinage is illustrated by a contention, in 1683, between the auditor-general and the receiver-general of the Suprema, respecting the accountability of the latter for funds on hand and receipts and payments at the time when thepragmáticaof February 10, 1680, went into effect, involving points of which the equities were not easy to determine.—Ibid., Leg. 1480, fol. 129.

[1336]Under these perpetual changes it will be readily understood how difficult it is to estimate values at any special period. In a document of 1670 I find thedoblonconverted intoreales de vellónat the rate of 1 to 81, although in this case thedoblonwas of 4pesosor 32reales de plata. Similar to this is the conversion in another item of 162reales de platainto 405reales de vellón, showing that vellón was at a discount of 60 per cent. or specie at a premium of 150.—Arch. de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1476, fol. 2, 61.

The unutterable confusion produced by these sudden and arbitrary changes in the legal value of the coinage is illustrated by a contention, in 1683, between the auditor-general and the receiver-general of the Suprema, respecting the accountability of the latter for funds on hand and receipts and payments at the time when thepragmáticaof February 10, 1680, went into effect, involving points of which the equities were not easy to determine.—Ibid., Leg. 1480, fol. 129.

[1337]It was probably from this that the custom arose in giving receipts for money to reserve or to renounce, as the case might be, “las leyes y excepciones de la non numerata pecunia.”

[1337]It was probably from this that the custom arose in giving receipts for money to reserve or to renounce, as the case might be, “las leyes y excepciones de la non numerata pecunia.”

[1338]Full information as to the coinage of the fifteenth century will be found in Saez, Demostracion del Valor de las Monedas que corrian durante el Reinado de Don Enrique IV (Madrid, 1805).For the subsequent period reference is made to the very voluminous series of laws and decrees preserved in theNueva Recopilacion, Lib. V, Tit. xxi; theAutos Acordados, Lib. V, Tit. xxi and xxii, and theNovisima Recopilacion, Lib.IX, Tit. xvii.

[1338]Full information as to the coinage of the fifteenth century will be found in Saez, Demostracion del Valor de las Monedas que corrian durante el Reinado de Don Enrique IV (Madrid, 1805).

For the subsequent period reference is made to the very voluminous series of laws and decrees preserved in theNueva Recopilacion, Lib. V, Tit. xxi; theAutos Acordados, Lib. V, Tit. xxi and xxii, and theNovisima Recopilacion, Lib.IX, Tit. xvii.

[1339]These instructions are supplementary to those issued by the assembly of Inquisitors in Seville, Nov. 29, 1484. Some of them are printed by Arguello, but they are not in the Granada edition of 1537 of the Instructions.

[1339]These instructions are supplementary to those issued by the assembly of Inquisitors in Seville, Nov. 29, 1484. Some of them are printed by Arguello, but they are not in the Granada edition of 1537 of the Instructions.

[1340]These instructions partly repeat and partly supplement those of December, 1484. So far as I am aware they are inedited. They are not in the Granada edition of the Instructions, nor do they correspond with the fragments printed by Arguello (Instrucciones del Santo Oficio, Madrid, 1630, fol. 16-23) as the Instructions of January, 1485, and by Llorente, Añales, I, 96-99, 388-94.

[1340]These instructions partly repeat and partly supplement those of December, 1484. So far as I am aware they are inedited. They are not in the Granada edition of the Instructions, nor do they correspond with the fragments printed by Arguello (Instrucciones del Santo Oficio, Madrid, 1630, fol. 16-23) as the Instructions of January, 1485, and by Llorente, Añales, I, 96-99, 388-94.

[1341]Both the Granada edition of 1537 and Arguello print only the first four articles of these Instructions. Llorente describes them (Añales, I, 261) as being in seven articles of which the last two are not in this original document.

[1341]Both the Granada edition of 1537 and Arguello print only the first four articles of these Instructions. Llorente describes them (Añales, I, 261) as being in seven articles of which the last two are not in this original document.

[1342]The date of Bologna fixes the time of this brief between Nov. 10, 1506, when Julius II entered that city, and Feb. 22, 1507, when he left it.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1506, n. 30; 1507, n. 2.

[1342]The date of Bologna fixes the time of this brief between Nov. 10, 1506, when Julius II entered that city, and Feb. 22, 1507, when he left it.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1506, n. 30; 1507, n. 2.

[1343]The end of the document is torn.

[1343]The end of the document is torn.

[1344]This MS. I procured from a bookseller in Madrid, and I know nothing of itsprovenance. It is in small quarto, with 62 unnumbered pages of a handwriting which I should attribute to the seventeenth or early eighteenth century; about three pages towards the middle are in a different hand, with some blanks filled in by the scribe of the rest of the MS., as though the copying had been entrusted to a second writer who had proved unable to decypher the original. The record bears on its face every mark of authenticity. There are occasional discrepancies in names and dates between it and the list at the end of the Libro Verde, but in general they correspond, as it also does with such trials of the period as I have examined from the Llorente MSS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale. It supplies much that is lacking, and the abstracts of the sentences of the murderers of San Pedro Arbués are sufficient to render it a document of interest, besides the light which the sentences in general throw upon the business of the Inquisition. I transcribe in full the earlier portion, with the final “Resumen.” Of the remainder, which consists of little more than lists of names of convicts and penitents, I only give a summary.The MS. has much in common with the anonymousOrígen de la Inquisicioncited by Llorente (Añales, I, 76, 94, 114, etc.) which he says is in theAcademia de la Historiaand was written in 1652.

[1344]This MS. I procured from a bookseller in Madrid, and I know nothing of itsprovenance. It is in small quarto, with 62 unnumbered pages of a handwriting which I should attribute to the seventeenth or early eighteenth century; about three pages towards the middle are in a different hand, with some blanks filled in by the scribe of the rest of the MS., as though the copying had been entrusted to a second writer who had proved unable to decypher the original. The record bears on its face every mark of authenticity. There are occasional discrepancies in names and dates between it and the list at the end of the Libro Verde, but in general they correspond, as it also does with such trials of the period as I have examined from the Llorente MSS. in the Bibliothèque Nationale. It supplies much that is lacking, and the abstracts of the sentences of the murderers of San Pedro Arbués are sufficient to render it a document of interest, besides the light which the sentences in general throw upon the business of the Inquisition. I transcribe in full the earlier portion, with the final “Resumen.” Of the remainder, which consists of little more than lists of names of convicts and penitents, I only give a summary.

The MS. has much in common with the anonymousOrígen de la Inquisicioncited by Llorente (Añales, I, 76, 94, 114, etc.) which he says is in theAcademia de la Historiaand was written in 1652.

[1345]Amin was a kind of Jewish broth. In the trial of Juan de la Caballeria, in 1488, there is an allusion to “hamin y otras potages de Judios.”—MSS. Bib. Nat. de Paris, fonds espagnol, 81.

[1345]Amin was a kind of Jewish broth. In the trial of Juan de la Caballeria, in 1488, there is an allusion to “hamin y otras potages de Judios.”—MSS. Bib. Nat. de Paris, fonds espagnol, 81.

[1346]Unleavened bread—“panem azmum sivecotacocomedendo”—Trial of Beatrix de la Cavallería, MSS. Bib. Nat. de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 175.

[1346]Unleavened bread—“panem azmum sivecotacocomedendo”—Trial of Beatrix de la Cavallería, MSS. Bib. Nat. de France, fonds espagnol, 80, fol. 175.

[1347]The total number is 614. There is a mistake of 3 in the addition, and errors in several years.

[1347]The total number is 614. There is a mistake of 3 in the addition, and errors in several years.

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