Chapter 38

[715]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 152, 159, 160, 163, 164, 166, 210.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1547, n. 131, 132.[716]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 220.[717]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 219-21.[718]Ibidem, VI, 250-2.[719]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 248-9.—Ronchini, p. 41.There is some satisfaction in knowing that Cardinal Farnese made but little out of this wretched business. The death of his grandfather, in November, 1549, deprived him of influence and, in 1550, João had the effrontery to demand his resignation of the see of Viseu. Farnese interposed difficulties but, in 1552, Gonsalvo Pinheiro was installed in his place. Soon afterwards, in September 1552, we hear of his taking refuge in his legation of Avignon, partly for safety and partly on account of his necessities.—Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 422, 423; VII, 151, 165, 174, 184.João’s malignity towards Cardinal Silva was unquenchable. On the accession of Julius III, he heard that the new pope felt compassion for Silva and he instructed his ambassador to tell him that any honor or grace conferred on Silva would be regarded as an injury. By this time Silva was reduced to penury and the ambassador out of compassion forbore to deliver the message, when João angrily repeated his instructions with additional emphasis. In spite of this Julius wrote, some three years later, asking João to pardon Silva, who was borne down with age and infirmities. João left the letter unanswered for eight months, until March, 1554, and then wrote with studied evasiveness. Silva died in June, 1556.—Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 389; VII, 25, 244, 330.[720]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 391, 392; VIII, 291.[721]Corpo Diplomatico, VII, 49, 255, 291, 336, 437, 458, 479; VIII, 82, 94, 108, 142, 150, 161, 181, 185, 195, 197, 205, 225, 239, 275, 289, 296, 310, 460, 466, 475, 476, 491; IX, 40, 81, 120, 125, 150.[722]Historia dos principaes actos, etc., pp. 256-9, 292-5, 312-13.The numbers in the respective tribunals are—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon372270Evora87121023Coimbra4537705169511998The interesting list of autos, from which I have summarized this and succeeding tables, is probably based on the compilation from the records made about 1767, by Diogo Barbosa Machado, of which there are copies in the Public Library of Coimbra. See Professor R. J. H. Gottheil, inJewish Quarterly Review, October, 1901, pp. 90-1.These lists are probably defective for the early years. A contemporary, writing in 1564, states that for a number of years there had been burnt annually from twenty to forty persons and two hundred penanced.—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien 430, fol. 109.[723]Corpo Diplomatico, IX, 150; X, 315, 546, 556.[724]Sousa, Aphor. Inquis., De Origíne, § 6.—TheRelation de l’Inquisition de Goaby Dr. C. Dellon (Paris, 1688) giving an account of his sufferings there, is well known. It has been translated into Portuguese, with copious notes and documents, by Miguel Vicente d’Abreu (Nova-Goa, 1866), to whom we shall have occasion to refer.[725]Corpo Diplomatico, IX, 112.[726]Ibidem, XII, 77. A similar brief was issued by Urban VIII, April 22, 1625 (Ibid. p. 246) but, as it makes no reference to any preceding act, the presumption is that these were sporadic and not continuous grants of power.[727]For these forgotten struggles see some elaborate papers by the Rev. George Edmundson in theEnglish Historical Reviewfor 1899 and 1900.[728]In the Lisbon auto of March 14, 1723, there are few Judaizers and all are residents of Portugal. In that of October 10, 1723, the Judaizers are numerous and a large portion of them are from Brazil. Evidently a fleet had arrived during the interval.—Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.In 1618, however, we hear of an inquisitor sent from Portugal to Brazil, whose operations speedily drove numerous New Christians to seek refuge in Spanish territory.—J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata, pp. 155-61 (Santiago de Chile, 1900).[729]Miguel Vicente d’Abreu, p. 115.[730]Did. Guerreiro Camacho de Aboym, De Privilegiis Familiarum etc., pp. 12-18, 21 (Ulyssipone, 1759).[731]Francisco de Castro, Regimento do Santo Officio da Inquisição dos Reynos de Portugal, Liv. I, Tit. i, § 1; Tit. iii, §§ 13, 14; Tit. v, § 6; Liv. II, Tit. ii, § 13 (Lisboa, 1640).—Sousa Aphor. Inq. Lib. I, Cap. i, n. 14.[732]De Castro, Regimento, Liv. II, Tit. xxiii.[733]Georgii Buchanani Vita ab ipso scripta.—Lopez de Mendonça, Damião de Goes e a Inquisição de Portugal, p. 21 (Lisboa, 1859).The poem on the Franciscans was written at the request of James V of Scotland. It forced Buchanan to leave the country and, before venturing to Portugal, he made his excuses for it to King João. A brief extract will show its temper:—At nunc posteritas, vera pietate relicta,Degenerem quæstum sordesque secuta, caducasCogit opes, ficta et sub relligione pudendosOccultat mores et, fama innixa parentum,Seducit stolidum pietatis imagine vulgus.[734]Mendonça, Damião de Goes e a Inquisição de Portugal.[735]Corpo Diplomatico, X, 537, 569.[736]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap. XIX, Art. iii, n. 6.[737]Corpo Diplomatico, XII, 23. As Cardinal Albrecht was only 25 years of age a special derogation of the minimum rule was necessary in his case. More remarkable is the fact that his commission granted him jurisdiction over bishops.When Albrecht left Portugal, the commission of his successor, Antonio Bishop of Elvas July 12, 1596, contained no such provision; it enlarged his jurisdiction however from simple heresy to sorcery and divination and the censorship of the press.—Ibidem, p. 70.[738]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 258-61, 294-7, 312-15. The numbers in the respective tribunals are—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon296559Evora98161384Coimbra35371036162592979[739]Corpo Diplomatico, XII, 14.[740]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 449.[741]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[742]Páramo, p. 304.[743]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 135, 141, 152, 227, 229.—Historia dos principaes Actos, p. 261.The wealth of the Portuguese New Christians rendered such a payment an easy matter. In the memorial praying for pardon they admitted themselves to be worth eighty millions of ducats and, when Juan Nuñez Correa made an assessment among them, it was on the basis of seventy five millions.—Verdades Catholicas contra Ficciones Judaicas § 9 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld A, Subt. 17).This is a memorial by Luys de Melo, dean of the Chapter of Braga, written in 1652, when he was a refugee in the Spanish court. He had probably been involved in the conspiracy against the Braganza dynasty, for which the Archbishop of Braga, Sebastian de Noronha, was executed in 1641. His paper is bitter against the New Christians but, as we shall have occasion to see, it contains much that throws light on the subject.[744]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 926, fol. 119.—Corpo Diplomatico Portugues, XII, 121.[745]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 230-1.[746]MSS. of Archivo municipal de Sevilla, Seccion especial, Siglo XVIII, Letra A, Tomo 4.A quarter of a century later, in an argument against granting a similar pardon, we are told that the displeasure of God was not delayed for, on the very day when this auto was postponed, the silver fleet under Don Luis de Córdova was destroyed, inflicting an irreparable loss on Spain.—MSS. of E. N. Adler (Revue des Etudes Juives, No 99, p. 56).[747]Historia dos principaes actos, pp. 261, 297, 315.[748]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[749]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 942, fol. 60.[750]Revista de Archivos, Marzo, 1903, p. 216.[751]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 6.[752]Pro Cautione Christiana, § 1 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld, 130).[753]Luys de Melo, Verdades Cathólicas, § 4—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 257, n. 68.[754]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 6, n. 2, fol. 281, 341, 342.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 250, n. 66.[755]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 257, n. 68.[756]Breve Discurso contra a heretica perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 67, 172 (Lisboa, 1623).[757]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 812, Lima, fol. 17.—In 1628 we find five refugees from Montemor earning their livelihood at Huelva.—Ib. fol. 18.[758]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 262-7, 298-301, 316-21. The statistics of the respective tribunals are:—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon75511231Evora73561891Coimbra825418732301614995The pardons of 1627 and 1630 are indicated by the discharge of all the prisoners in the three Inquisitions (Ibidem, pp. 265, 299, 301, 319). These pardons were bitterly fought over. See the documents printed by E. N. Adler inRevue des Etudes Juives, No. 97, p. 66; No. 99, p. 54; No. 100, pp. 212, 216; No. 101, p. 99.[759]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1260. fol. 1,I, § 11.[760]See Adler’s Documents,Revue des Etudes Juives, No. 100, p. 231.[761]Luys de Melo, Verdades Cathólicas, § 4. This statement is confirmed by a memorial of the New Christians, who complain that there is scarce a town that is not depopulated; a single arrest suffices to bring about the imprisonment of all the people.—Adler’s Documents (Revue des Etudes Juives, No. 97, p. 63).[762]Verdades Cathólicas, § 5.—See Appendix.[763]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 250, n. 66.[764]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 250, n. 66.[765]Verdades Cathólicas, § 6. The suggestions of the bishops, and especially the expulsion of the New Christians, were the subject of much debate and long consultas. See Adler’s Documents inRevue des Etudes Juives, No. 97, p. 67; No. 100, p. 217; No. 101, pp. 98, 115; No. 102, p. 251.[766]Verdades, § 7. There is probably an error as to the payment for permission to emigrate. The New Christians in a memorial state that to obtain it they took 240,000 ducats of government loans, and they complain bitterly of the obstacles thrown in the way of their leaving the kingdom.—Adler’s Documents (Revue des Etudes Juives, No. 97, pp. 58-63; No. 100, pp. 224, 228).[767]Verdades, ibidem, § 7.—It is remarkable that, at this period, there was no arrangement for extradition between the two institutions under the same crown. We have seen (Vol. I, p. 253) the concordia entered into in 1544, which continued in force at least until 1580. Subsequently it fell into abeyance and, in 1637, we find the Suprema asking the tribunals what was their custom (Arch. hist. nac., Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 1, fol. 295). This was evidently in preparation for an agreement made in 1638 for mutual extradition. The rebellion of 1640 of course put an end to it, but after the independence of Portugal was recognized, it was revived in 1669, though consultation with the Suprema was prescribed before surrendering persons claimed. All information asked for was to be freely exchanged, especially as regarded limpieza (Ibidem, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 78).[768]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1260, fol. 1,I, §§ 11; 30;II, §§ 5, 31; fonds latin, 12930, fol. 131.[769]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 20, fol. 150.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 240.[770]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 21, fol. 67.[771]Verdades Cathólicas, § 4, n. 4.[772]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 49, fol. 45.[773]Pellicer, Avisos históricos (Semanario erúdito, XXXI, 123).[774]Corpo Diplomatico, XII, 360, 412, 416.—Historia dos principaes Actos, pp 268-71, 300-1, 320-1.There was some falling off in the work of the tribunals during the decade 1641-50. The aggregates are:—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon3714341Evora59632Coimbra83614350591116[775]Pellicer, Avisos históricos (Semanario erúdito, XXXII, 66, 188).—Llorente, Hist, crít., Cap.XIX, Art. iii, n. 7.[776]Antonio de Vieira, S. J., asserts this in a letter to the Regent Pedro.—Relação exactissima, p. 140 (Veneza, 1750).[777]Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 102.—Anno historico Portuguez, II, 557.—Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Felipe IV, Parte VII, pp. 485, 650.[778]Printed in the “Noticias reconditas y posthumas del Procedimiento de las Inquisiciones de España y Portugal,” pp. 1-8 (Villafranca, 1722).[779]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds latin, 12930, fol. 11. Under this, Padre Antonio Vieira, S. J., must have been excommunicated for, in the Public Library of Evora there is a MS. entitled “Razoes que o Padre Antonio Vieira representou a D. João 4 a favor dos christãos novos para se lhes perdoar a confisção dos bens sendo sentenceados no Santo Officio.”—Prof. Gottheil inJewish Quarterly Review, Oct., 1901, p. 89.[780]Relação exactissima, p. 93 (Veneza, 1750).[781]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 270-5, 300-3, 320-5. For the years 1651-1673 the statistics are:—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon6818868Evora54412201Coimbra62—1724184594793[782]Padre Vieira, Discurso demonstrativo, p 121 (Veneza, 1750).[783]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds latin, 12930, fol. 108.[784]Ibidem, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 76.[785]J. Mendes dos Remedios, Os Judeus em Portugal, I, 347-52 (Coimbra, 1895).[786]In the Lisbon auto of May 10, 1682, the acquittals were read of eight victims who were pronounced innocent, after perishing in prison (Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A, Subt. 16). In one at Coimbra, February 4, 1685, there were fifteen effigies burnt of prisoners who had died during trial.—Historia dos principaes Actos, p. 327.[787]I see no reason to doubt that the “Noticias reconditas y posthumas del Procedimiento de las Inquisiciones de España y Portugal con sus presos. En Villafranca, 1722” is an elaborate statement drawn up by Vieira for Innocent XI. It appeared again under the title of “Relação exactissima.... do Procedimento das Inquisiçois de Portugal. Presentada a o Papa Ignocencio XI pello P. Antonio Vieira, Da Companhia de Jesus. En Veneza con Licença do Santo Officio MDCCL.” It is no more bitter than his other writings on the subject, and its somewhat florid style is natural to so popular a preacher.The author of the “Authentic Memoirs concerning the Portuguese Inquisition” (London, 1761 and 1769) gives on p. 47 a translation of a passage of this work which he says he made from a well-attested MS. in Portugal. There were, he adds, several copies in the handwriting of Vieira, and also in that of a secretary of the Inquisition who fled to Venice.The Venice edition contains also two shorter papers by Vieira, one entitled “Discurso Demonstrativo,” addressed to a friend, and the other “Discurso Segundo,” addressed to the Regent Dom Pedro. They bear internal evidence of genuineness and the latter is included in the list of De Backer (Bibliothèque des Ecrivains de la Compagnie de Jésus, V, 761-2), together with other MS. works of his in favor of the New Christians. A number of such MSS. are preserved in the Public Library of Evora.—Prof. Gottheil inJewish Quarterly Review, October, 1901, p. 89.[788]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 44.These official papers relating to the discussion in Rome were brought to Paris by Cardinal d’Estrées, at that time ambassador to the papal court.[789]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1260, fol. 34.[790]Ibidem, No. 1260, fol. 1, I, §§ 10, 12, 13, 14, 16, 19, 24, 34, 36; fol. 34; No. 1241, fol. 34.[791]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 12, 22, 24, 30, 33.Vieira, in his letter to the Regent Pedro, asserts that of a hundred negativos burnt there was not a single one guilty, and that this must continue so long as the procedure remained unchanged.—Discurso segundo, pp. 136-7.[792]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 8, 9, 23.[793]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 127.[794]Ibidem, fol. 42, 81, 159.[795]Bullar. Roman. XI, 102, 198.—Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 274, 324.[796]Bullar. Roman. XI, 102, 198, 260; VII, 38.—Discurso demonstrativo, p. 116.[797]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 275-9, 303-5, 325-9. The statistics are as follows:—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon1212422Evora818366Coimbra393156359611351[798]Centinela contra Judíos, puesto en la Torre de la Iglesia, Barcelona, 1731.[799]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 227.[800]Feyjoo, Theatro, T. VII, Discurso V, § vi.—Englishmen were long reputed to have tails, in punishment for the murder of Thomas Becket.[801]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XVIII, 237, 255, 371).[802]Juan Adan de la Parra, Pro Cautione Christiana, fol. 31-2, 34, 38 (Matriti, 1633).[803]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XIII, 85).—Historia de Felipe IV, Lib. VI (Coleccion de Documentos, LXXVII, 380).—Adolfo de Castro, Olivares y el Rey Felipe IV, pp. 133-4 (Cadiz, 1846).—Amador de los Rios, III, 546-7.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 2, fol. 224.[804]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 3, fol. 222.—For the document containing the royal decision I am indebted to Elkan N. Adler Esq.[805]Amador de los Rios, III, 521.[806]Reusch, Die Indices des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts, pp. 235, 436.[807]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 26, 28, 29, 31, 36.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XVII, 419, 493).—Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, IX, 744 (La Haye, 1716).—Pellicer, Avisos históricos (Semanario erúdito, XXXIII, 210).[808]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 33, 37.[809]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 1.[810]Ibidem, Lib. 812, Llerena, fol. 2-7. Cf. Ibidem, Cuenca, fol. 1-11; Lima, fol. 1 sqq.[811]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg, 552, fol. 38.[812]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.[813]Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, pp. 94-8 (Sevilla, 1849).[814]Procesos contra Diego Rodríguez Silva y Ana Enríquez (MSS.penes me).[815]Catálogo de las causas seguidas ante el tribunal de Toledo, p. 212 (Madrid, 1903).[816]Proceso contra Angela Pérez (MS.penes me).[817]Proceso contra Angela Núñez Marques (MS.penes me). Angela’s brother, Doctor Gerónimo Núñez Marques, was reconciled in the Madrid auto of 1680, where he is described as “Médico de familia de su Magestad.”—Olmo, Relacion, p. 209.[818]Proceso contra Angela Núñez Marques (MS.penes me).—Angela was No. 17 of the Madrid auto of 1680 (Olmo, p. 211).[819]Ubi sup.(MSS.penes me).[820]Exortacion al Herege, fol. 6 (Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130).—Sermam do Auto da fé em 6 de Setembro do anno de 1705, p. 5 (Lisboa, 1705). This sermon was translated by Moses Mocatta, together with a reply to it by Carlos Vero, London, 1845.[821]Matute y Luquin, Autos de fe de Córdova.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 1.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552.[822]Archivo hist. nacional, Leg. 2, n. 10, fol. 1.[823]Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Carlos II, Parte I, p. 306.[824]Libro XIII de Cartas, fol. 158, 191 (MSS. of Am. Phil. Society).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 11, n. 2, fol. 117; Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.[825]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 89.[826]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 49, fol. 345.[827]Gabriel Llabrés (Boletin, XL, 152-4).

[715]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 152, 159, 160, 163, 164, 166, 210.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1547, n. 131, 132.

[716]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 220.

[717]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 219-21.

[718]Ibidem, VI, 250-2.

[719]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 248-9.—Ronchini, p. 41.There is some satisfaction in knowing that Cardinal Farnese made but little out of this wretched business. The death of his grandfather, in November, 1549, deprived him of influence and, in 1550, João had the effrontery to demand his resignation of the see of Viseu. Farnese interposed difficulties but, in 1552, Gonsalvo Pinheiro was installed in his place. Soon afterwards, in September 1552, we hear of his taking refuge in his legation of Avignon, partly for safety and partly on account of his necessities.—Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 422, 423; VII, 151, 165, 174, 184.João’s malignity towards Cardinal Silva was unquenchable. On the accession of Julius III, he heard that the new pope felt compassion for Silva and he instructed his ambassador to tell him that any honor or grace conferred on Silva would be regarded as an injury. By this time Silva was reduced to penury and the ambassador out of compassion forbore to deliver the message, when João angrily repeated his instructions with additional emphasis. In spite of this Julius wrote, some three years later, asking João to pardon Silva, who was borne down with age and infirmities. João left the letter unanswered for eight months, until March, 1554, and then wrote with studied evasiveness. Silva died in June, 1556.—Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 389; VII, 25, 244, 330.

[719]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 248-9.—Ronchini, p. 41.

There is some satisfaction in knowing that Cardinal Farnese made but little out of this wretched business. The death of his grandfather, in November, 1549, deprived him of influence and, in 1550, João had the effrontery to demand his resignation of the see of Viseu. Farnese interposed difficulties but, in 1552, Gonsalvo Pinheiro was installed in his place. Soon afterwards, in September 1552, we hear of his taking refuge in his legation of Avignon, partly for safety and partly on account of his necessities.—Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 422, 423; VII, 151, 165, 174, 184.

João’s malignity towards Cardinal Silva was unquenchable. On the accession of Julius III, he heard that the new pope felt compassion for Silva and he instructed his ambassador to tell him that any honor or grace conferred on Silva would be regarded as an injury. By this time Silva was reduced to penury and the ambassador out of compassion forbore to deliver the message, when João angrily repeated his instructions with additional emphasis. In spite of this Julius wrote, some three years later, asking João to pardon Silva, who was borne down with age and infirmities. João left the letter unanswered for eight months, until March, 1554, and then wrote with studied evasiveness. Silva died in June, 1556.—Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 389; VII, 25, 244, 330.

[720]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 391, 392; VIII, 291.

[721]Corpo Diplomatico, VII, 49, 255, 291, 336, 437, 458, 479; VIII, 82, 94, 108, 142, 150, 161, 181, 185, 195, 197, 205, 225, 239, 275, 289, 296, 310, 460, 466, 475, 476, 491; IX, 40, 81, 120, 125, 150.

[722]Historia dos principaes actos, etc., pp. 256-9, 292-5, 312-13.The numbers in the respective tribunals are—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon372270Evora87121023Coimbra4537705169511998The interesting list of autos, from which I have summarized this and succeeding tables, is probably based on the compilation from the records made about 1767, by Diogo Barbosa Machado, of which there are copies in the Public Library of Coimbra. See Professor R. J. H. Gottheil, inJewish Quarterly Review, October, 1901, pp. 90-1.These lists are probably defective for the early years. A contemporary, writing in 1564, states that for a number of years there had been burnt annually from twenty to forty persons and two hundred penanced.—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien 430, fol. 109.

[722]Historia dos principaes actos, etc., pp. 256-9, 292-5, 312-13.

The numbers in the respective tribunals are—

The interesting list of autos, from which I have summarized this and succeeding tables, is probably based on the compilation from the records made about 1767, by Diogo Barbosa Machado, of which there are copies in the Public Library of Coimbra. See Professor R. J. H. Gottheil, inJewish Quarterly Review, October, 1901, pp. 90-1.

These lists are probably defective for the early years. A contemporary, writing in 1564, states that for a number of years there had been burnt annually from twenty to forty persons and two hundred penanced.—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien 430, fol. 109.

[723]Corpo Diplomatico, IX, 150; X, 315, 546, 556.

[724]Sousa, Aphor. Inquis., De Origíne, § 6.—TheRelation de l’Inquisition de Goaby Dr. C. Dellon (Paris, 1688) giving an account of his sufferings there, is well known. It has been translated into Portuguese, with copious notes and documents, by Miguel Vicente d’Abreu (Nova-Goa, 1866), to whom we shall have occasion to refer.

[725]Corpo Diplomatico, IX, 112.

[726]Ibidem, XII, 77. A similar brief was issued by Urban VIII, April 22, 1625 (Ibid. p. 246) but, as it makes no reference to any preceding act, the presumption is that these were sporadic and not continuous grants of power.

[727]For these forgotten struggles see some elaborate papers by the Rev. George Edmundson in theEnglish Historical Reviewfor 1899 and 1900.

[728]In the Lisbon auto of March 14, 1723, there are few Judaizers and all are residents of Portugal. In that of October 10, 1723, the Judaizers are numerous and a large portion of them are from Brazil. Evidently a fleet had arrived during the interval.—Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.In 1618, however, we hear of an inquisitor sent from Portugal to Brazil, whose operations speedily drove numerous New Christians to seek refuge in Spanish territory.—J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata, pp. 155-61 (Santiago de Chile, 1900).

In 1618, however, we hear of an inquisitor sent from Portugal to Brazil, whose operations speedily drove numerous New Christians to seek refuge in Spanish territory.—J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata, pp. 155-61 (Santiago de Chile, 1900).

[729]Miguel Vicente d’Abreu, p. 115.

[730]Did. Guerreiro Camacho de Aboym, De Privilegiis Familiarum etc., pp. 12-18, 21 (Ulyssipone, 1759).

[731]Francisco de Castro, Regimento do Santo Officio da Inquisição dos Reynos de Portugal, Liv. I, Tit. i, § 1; Tit. iii, §§ 13, 14; Tit. v, § 6; Liv. II, Tit. ii, § 13 (Lisboa, 1640).—Sousa Aphor. Inq. Lib. I, Cap. i, n. 14.

[732]De Castro, Regimento, Liv. II, Tit. xxiii.

[733]Georgii Buchanani Vita ab ipso scripta.—Lopez de Mendonça, Damião de Goes e a Inquisição de Portugal, p. 21 (Lisboa, 1859).The poem on the Franciscans was written at the request of James V of Scotland. It forced Buchanan to leave the country and, before venturing to Portugal, he made his excuses for it to King João. A brief extract will show its temper:—At nunc posteritas, vera pietate relicta,Degenerem quæstum sordesque secuta, caducasCogit opes, ficta et sub relligione pudendosOccultat mores et, fama innixa parentum,Seducit stolidum pietatis imagine vulgus.

[733]Georgii Buchanani Vita ab ipso scripta.—Lopez de Mendonça, Damião de Goes e a Inquisição de Portugal, p. 21 (Lisboa, 1859).

The poem on the Franciscans was written at the request of James V of Scotland. It forced Buchanan to leave the country and, before venturing to Portugal, he made his excuses for it to King João. A brief extract will show its temper:—

At nunc posteritas, vera pietate relicta,Degenerem quæstum sordesque secuta, caducasCogit opes, ficta et sub relligione pudendosOccultat mores et, fama innixa parentum,Seducit stolidum pietatis imagine vulgus.

[734]Mendonça, Damião de Goes e a Inquisição de Portugal.

[735]Corpo Diplomatico, X, 537, 569.

[736]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap. XIX, Art. iii, n. 6.

[737]Corpo Diplomatico, XII, 23. As Cardinal Albrecht was only 25 years of age a special derogation of the minimum rule was necessary in his case. More remarkable is the fact that his commission granted him jurisdiction over bishops.When Albrecht left Portugal, the commission of his successor, Antonio Bishop of Elvas July 12, 1596, contained no such provision; it enlarged his jurisdiction however from simple heresy to sorcery and divination and the censorship of the press.—Ibidem, p. 70.

When Albrecht left Portugal, the commission of his successor, Antonio Bishop of Elvas July 12, 1596, contained no such provision; it enlarged his jurisdiction however from simple heresy to sorcery and divination and the censorship of the press.—Ibidem, p. 70.

[738]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 258-61, 294-7, 312-15. The numbers in the respective tribunals are—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon296559Evora98161384Coimbra35371036162592979

[738]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 258-61, 294-7, 312-15. The numbers in the respective tribunals are—

[739]Corpo Diplomatico, XII, 14.

[740]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 449.

[741]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[742]Páramo, p. 304.

[743]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 135, 141, 152, 227, 229.—Historia dos principaes Actos, p. 261.The wealth of the Portuguese New Christians rendered such a payment an easy matter. In the memorial praying for pardon they admitted themselves to be worth eighty millions of ducats and, when Juan Nuñez Correa made an assessment among them, it was on the basis of seventy five millions.—Verdades Catholicas contra Ficciones Judaicas § 9 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld A, Subt. 17).This is a memorial by Luys de Melo, dean of the Chapter of Braga, written in 1652, when he was a refugee in the Spanish court. He had probably been involved in the conspiracy against the Braganza dynasty, for which the Archbishop of Braga, Sebastian de Noronha, was executed in 1641. His paper is bitter against the New Christians but, as we shall have occasion to see, it contains much that throws light on the subject.

[743]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 135, 141, 152, 227, 229.—Historia dos principaes Actos, p. 261.

The wealth of the Portuguese New Christians rendered such a payment an easy matter. In the memorial praying for pardon they admitted themselves to be worth eighty millions of ducats and, when Juan Nuñez Correa made an assessment among them, it was on the basis of seventy five millions.—Verdades Catholicas contra Ficciones Judaicas § 9 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld A, Subt. 17).

This is a memorial by Luys de Melo, dean of the Chapter of Braga, written in 1652, when he was a refugee in the Spanish court. He had probably been involved in the conspiracy against the Braganza dynasty, for which the Archbishop of Braga, Sebastian de Noronha, was executed in 1641. His paper is bitter against the New Christians but, as we shall have occasion to see, it contains much that throws light on the subject.

[744]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 926, fol. 119.—Corpo Diplomatico Portugues, XII, 121.

[745]Cabrera, Relaciones, pp. 230-1.

[746]MSS. of Archivo municipal de Sevilla, Seccion especial, Siglo XVIII, Letra A, Tomo 4.A quarter of a century later, in an argument against granting a similar pardon, we are told that the displeasure of God was not delayed for, on the very day when this auto was postponed, the silver fleet under Don Luis de Córdova was destroyed, inflicting an irreparable loss on Spain.—MSS. of E. N. Adler (Revue des Etudes Juives, No 99, p. 56).

[746]MSS. of Archivo municipal de Sevilla, Seccion especial, Siglo XVIII, Letra A, Tomo 4.

A quarter of a century later, in an argument against granting a similar pardon, we are told that the displeasure of God was not delayed for, on the very day when this auto was postponed, the silver fleet under Don Luis de Córdova was destroyed, inflicting an irreparable loss on Spain.—MSS. of E. N. Adler (Revue des Etudes Juives, No 99, p. 56).

[747]Historia dos principaes actos, pp. 261, 297, 315.

[748]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[749]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 942, fol. 60.

[750]Revista de Archivos, Marzo, 1903, p. 216.

[751]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 6.

[752]Pro Cautione Christiana, § 1 (MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld, 130).

[753]Luys de Melo, Verdades Cathólicas, § 4—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 257, n. 68.

[754]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 6, n. 2, fol. 281, 341, 342.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 250, n. 66.

[755]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 257, n. 68.

[756]Breve Discurso contra a heretica perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 67, 172 (Lisboa, 1623).

[757]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 812, Lima, fol. 17.—In 1628 we find five refugees from Montemor earning their livelihood at Huelva.—Ib. fol. 18.

[758]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 262-7, 298-301, 316-21. The statistics of the respective tribunals are:—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon75511231Evora73561891Coimbra825418732301614995The pardons of 1627 and 1630 are indicated by the discharge of all the prisoners in the three Inquisitions (Ibidem, pp. 265, 299, 301, 319). These pardons were bitterly fought over. See the documents printed by E. N. Adler inRevue des Etudes Juives, No. 97, p. 66; No. 99, p. 54; No. 100, pp. 212, 216; No. 101, p. 99.

[758]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 262-7, 298-301, 316-21. The statistics of the respective tribunals are:—

The pardons of 1627 and 1630 are indicated by the discharge of all the prisoners in the three Inquisitions (Ibidem, pp. 265, 299, 301, 319). These pardons were bitterly fought over. See the documents printed by E. N. Adler inRevue des Etudes Juives, No. 97, p. 66; No. 99, p. 54; No. 100, pp. 212, 216; No. 101, p. 99.

[759]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1260. fol. 1,I, § 11.

[760]See Adler’s Documents,Revue des Etudes Juives, No. 100, p. 231.

[761]Luys de Melo, Verdades Cathólicas, § 4. This statement is confirmed by a memorial of the New Christians, who complain that there is scarce a town that is not depopulated; a single arrest suffices to bring about the imprisonment of all the people.—Adler’s Documents (Revue des Etudes Juives, No. 97, p. 63).

[762]Verdades Cathólicas, § 5.—See Appendix.

[763]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 250, n. 66.

[764]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 250, n. 66.

[765]Verdades Cathólicas, § 6. The suggestions of the bishops, and especially the expulsion of the New Christians, were the subject of much debate and long consultas. See Adler’s Documents inRevue des Etudes Juives, No. 97, p. 67; No. 100, p. 217; No. 101, pp. 98, 115; No. 102, p. 251.

[766]Verdades, § 7. There is probably an error as to the payment for permission to emigrate. The New Christians in a memorial state that to obtain it they took 240,000 ducats of government loans, and they complain bitterly of the obstacles thrown in the way of their leaving the kingdom.—Adler’s Documents (Revue des Etudes Juives, No. 97, pp. 58-63; No. 100, pp. 224, 228).

[767]Verdades, ibidem, § 7.—It is remarkable that, at this period, there was no arrangement for extradition between the two institutions under the same crown. We have seen (Vol. I, p. 253) the concordia entered into in 1544, which continued in force at least until 1580. Subsequently it fell into abeyance and, in 1637, we find the Suprema asking the tribunals what was their custom (Arch. hist. nac., Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 1, fol. 295). This was evidently in preparation for an agreement made in 1638 for mutual extradition. The rebellion of 1640 of course put an end to it, but after the independence of Portugal was recognized, it was revived in 1669, though consultation with the Suprema was prescribed before surrendering persons claimed. All information asked for was to be freely exchanged, especially as regarded limpieza (Ibidem, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 78).

[768]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1260, fol. 1,I, §§ 11; 30;II, §§ 5, 31; fonds latin, 12930, fol. 131.

[769]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 20, fol. 150.—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 240.

[770]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 21, fol. 67.

[771]Verdades Cathólicas, § 4, n. 4.

[772]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 49, fol. 45.

[773]Pellicer, Avisos históricos (Semanario erúdito, XXXI, 123).

[774]Corpo Diplomatico, XII, 360, 412, 416.—Historia dos principaes Actos, pp 268-71, 300-1, 320-1.There was some falling off in the work of the tribunals during the decade 1641-50. The aggregates are:—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon3714341Evora59632Coimbra83614350591116

[774]Corpo Diplomatico, XII, 360, 412, 416.—Historia dos principaes Actos, pp 268-71, 300-1, 320-1.

There was some falling off in the work of the tribunals during the decade 1641-50. The aggregates are:—

[775]Pellicer, Avisos históricos (Semanario erúdito, XXXII, 66, 188).—Llorente, Hist, crít., Cap.XIX, Art. iii, n. 7.

[776]Antonio de Vieira, S. J., asserts this in a letter to the Regent Pedro.—Relação exactissima, p. 140 (Veneza, 1750).

[777]Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 102.—Anno historico Portuguez, II, 557.—Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Felipe IV, Parte VII, pp. 485, 650.

[778]Printed in the “Noticias reconditas y posthumas del Procedimiento de las Inquisiciones de España y Portugal,” pp. 1-8 (Villafranca, 1722).

[779]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds latin, 12930, fol. 11. Under this, Padre Antonio Vieira, S. J., must have been excommunicated for, in the Public Library of Evora there is a MS. entitled “Razoes que o Padre Antonio Vieira representou a D. João 4 a favor dos christãos novos para se lhes perdoar a confisção dos bens sendo sentenceados no Santo Officio.”—Prof. Gottheil inJewish Quarterly Review, Oct., 1901, p. 89.

[780]Relação exactissima, p. 93 (Veneza, 1750).

[781]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 270-5, 300-3, 320-5. For the years 1651-1673 the statistics are:—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon6818868Evora54412201Coimbra62—1724184594793

[781]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 270-5, 300-3, 320-5. For the years 1651-1673 the statistics are:—

[782]Padre Vieira, Discurso demonstrativo, p 121 (Veneza, 1750).

[783]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds latin, 12930, fol. 108.

[784]Ibidem, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 76.

[785]J. Mendes dos Remedios, Os Judeus em Portugal, I, 347-52 (Coimbra, 1895).

[786]In the Lisbon auto of May 10, 1682, the acquittals were read of eight victims who were pronounced innocent, after perishing in prison (Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A, Subt. 16). In one at Coimbra, February 4, 1685, there were fifteen effigies burnt of prisoners who had died during trial.—Historia dos principaes Actos, p. 327.

[787]I see no reason to doubt that the “Noticias reconditas y posthumas del Procedimiento de las Inquisiciones de España y Portugal con sus presos. En Villafranca, 1722” is an elaborate statement drawn up by Vieira for Innocent XI. It appeared again under the title of “Relação exactissima.... do Procedimento das Inquisiçois de Portugal. Presentada a o Papa Ignocencio XI pello P. Antonio Vieira, Da Companhia de Jesus. En Veneza con Licença do Santo Officio MDCCL.” It is no more bitter than his other writings on the subject, and its somewhat florid style is natural to so popular a preacher.The author of the “Authentic Memoirs concerning the Portuguese Inquisition” (London, 1761 and 1769) gives on p. 47 a translation of a passage of this work which he says he made from a well-attested MS. in Portugal. There were, he adds, several copies in the handwriting of Vieira, and also in that of a secretary of the Inquisition who fled to Venice.The Venice edition contains also two shorter papers by Vieira, one entitled “Discurso Demonstrativo,” addressed to a friend, and the other “Discurso Segundo,” addressed to the Regent Dom Pedro. They bear internal evidence of genuineness and the latter is included in the list of De Backer (Bibliothèque des Ecrivains de la Compagnie de Jésus, V, 761-2), together with other MS. works of his in favor of the New Christians. A number of such MSS. are preserved in the Public Library of Evora.—Prof. Gottheil inJewish Quarterly Review, October, 1901, p. 89.

The author of the “Authentic Memoirs concerning the Portuguese Inquisition” (London, 1761 and 1769) gives on p. 47 a translation of a passage of this work which he says he made from a well-attested MS. in Portugal. There were, he adds, several copies in the handwriting of Vieira, and also in that of a secretary of the Inquisition who fled to Venice.

The Venice edition contains also two shorter papers by Vieira, one entitled “Discurso Demonstrativo,” addressed to a friend, and the other “Discurso Segundo,” addressed to the Regent Dom Pedro. They bear internal evidence of genuineness and the latter is included in the list of De Backer (Bibliothèque des Ecrivains de la Compagnie de Jésus, V, 761-2), together with other MS. works of his in favor of the New Christians. A number of such MSS. are preserved in the Public Library of Evora.—Prof. Gottheil inJewish Quarterly Review, October, 1901, p. 89.

[788]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 44.These official papers relating to the discussion in Rome were brought to Paris by Cardinal d’Estrées, at that time ambassador to the papal court.

[788]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 44.

These official papers relating to the discussion in Rome were brought to Paris by Cardinal d’Estrées, at that time ambassador to the papal court.

[789]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1260, fol. 34.

[790]Ibidem, No. 1260, fol. 1, I, §§ 10, 12, 13, 14, 16, 19, 24, 34, 36; fol. 34; No. 1241, fol. 34.

[791]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 12, 22, 24, 30, 33.Vieira, in his letter to the Regent Pedro, asserts that of a hundred negativos burnt there was not a single one guilty, and that this must continue so long as the procedure remained unchanged.—Discurso segundo, pp. 136-7.

[791]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 12, 22, 24, 30, 33.

Vieira, in his letter to the Regent Pedro, asserts that of a hundred negativos burnt there was not a single one guilty, and that this must continue so long as the procedure remained unchanged.—Discurso segundo, pp. 136-7.

[792]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 8, 9, 23.

[793]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 1241, fol. 127.

[794]Ibidem, fol. 42, 81, 159.

[795]Bullar. Roman. XI, 102, 198.—Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 274, 324.

[796]Bullar. Roman. XI, 102, 198, 260; VII, 38.—Discurso demonstrativo, p. 116.

[797]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 275-9, 303-5, 325-9. The statistics are as follows:—RelaxedIn person.In effigy.Penanced.Lisbon1212422Evora818366Coimbra393156359611351

[797]Historia dos principaes Actos, pp. 275-9, 303-5, 325-9. The statistics are as follows:—

[798]Centinela contra Judíos, puesto en la Torre de la Iglesia, Barcelona, 1731.

[799]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 227.

[800]Feyjoo, Theatro, T. VII, Discurso V, § vi.—Englishmen were long reputed to have tails, in punishment for the murder of Thomas Becket.

[801]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XVIII, 237, 255, 371).

[802]Juan Adan de la Parra, Pro Cautione Christiana, fol. 31-2, 34, 38 (Matriti, 1633).

[803]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XIII, 85).—Historia de Felipe IV, Lib. VI (Coleccion de Documentos, LXXVII, 380).—Adolfo de Castro, Olivares y el Rey Felipe IV, pp. 133-4 (Cadiz, 1846).—Amador de los Rios, III, 546-7.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 9, n. 2, fol. 224.

[804]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 4, n. 3, fol. 222.—For the document containing the royal decision I am indebted to Elkan N. Adler Esq.

[805]Amador de los Rios, III, 521.

[806]Reusch, Die Indices des sechszehnten Jahrhunderts, pp. 235, 436.

[807]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 26, 28, 29, 31, 36.—Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XVII, 419, 493).—Basnage, Histoire des Juifs, IX, 744 (La Haye, 1716).—Pellicer, Avisos históricos (Semanario erúdito, XXXIII, 210).

[808]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 33, 37.

[809]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 1.

[810]Ibidem, Lib. 812, Llerena, fol. 2-7. Cf. Ibidem, Cuenca, fol. 1-11; Lima, fol. 1 sqq.

[811]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg, 552, fol. 38.

[812]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.

[813]Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, pp. 94-8 (Sevilla, 1849).

[814]Procesos contra Diego Rodríguez Silva y Ana Enríquez (MSS.penes me).

[815]Catálogo de las causas seguidas ante el tribunal de Toledo, p. 212 (Madrid, 1903).

[816]Proceso contra Angela Pérez (MS.penes me).

[817]Proceso contra Angela Núñez Marques (MS.penes me). Angela’s brother, Doctor Gerónimo Núñez Marques, was reconciled in the Madrid auto of 1680, where he is described as “Médico de familia de su Magestad.”—Olmo, Relacion, p. 209.

[818]Proceso contra Angela Núñez Marques (MS.penes me).—Angela was No. 17 of the Madrid auto of 1680 (Olmo, p. 211).

[819]Ubi sup.(MSS.penes me).

[820]Exortacion al Herege, fol. 6 (Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130).—Sermam do Auto da fé em 6 de Setembro do anno de 1705, p. 5 (Lisboa, 1705). This sermon was translated by Moses Mocatta, together with a reply to it by Carlos Vero, London, 1845.

[821]Matute y Luquin, Autos de fe de Córdova.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 1.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552.

[822]Archivo hist. nacional, Leg. 2, n. 10, fol. 1.

[823]Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Carlos II, Parte I, p. 306.

[824]Libro XIII de Cartas, fol. 158, 191 (MSS. of Am. Phil. Society).—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 11, n. 2, fol. 117; Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.

[825]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 89.

[826]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 49, fol. 345.

[827]Gabriel Llabrés (Boletin, XL, 152-4).

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