Chapter 47

[517]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.—Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.[518]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 390.[519]Ibidem, Leg. 365, n. 45, fol. 34.[520]Ibidem, Leg. 100.It is asserted by some writers that a woman was burnt as a witch at Seville in 1780, but this is an erroneous reference to María de Dolores, relaxed there in 1780 for Molinism (supra, p. 89).[521]Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 493.[522]The sentence is printed by Frère Michaelis, at the end of hisPneumatologie(Paris, 1587).[523]Ragguaglio su la Sentenza di Morte in Salesburgo, p. 173(Venezia, 1751).[524]Collect. Decret. S. Congr. StiInquisit., p. 333 (MS.penes me).—Decret. S. Congr. S. Inquisit. pp. 385-88 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Officio, Vol. 3).The inquisitor of Milan took no part in the trials of those accused of causing and spreading the terrible pestilence of 1630, by the use of unguents and powders furnished by the demon. His only act was to return a negative answer to the question whether it was licit to employ diabolic arts to save the city. The reckless prosecutions and savage punishments were wholly the work of the civil magistracy.—Processo originale degli Untori (Milano, 1839).The pestilence did not extend to Spain, but the panic did, leading to the most extravagant precautions against all foreigners.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A, Subt. 11.[525]Decret. S. Congr. S. Inquis.,ubi sup.[526]Decret. S. Congr. S. Inquis.,ubi sup.[527]Gregor. PP. XV, Const.Omnipotentis Dei, 20 Mart. 1623 (Bullar. Roman., III, 498).Urban VIII was equally savage in 1631, in ordering relaxation for any one who should consult diviners or astrologers about the state of the Christian Republic, or the life of the pope or of any of his kindred to the third degree (Bullar. IV, 184).It was probably under this that the Inquisition, in 1634, relaxed Giacinto Centini and two of his accomplices and condemned four others to the galleys. He was nephew of the Cardinal of Ascoli, and procured from a diviner a forecast that Urban would die in a few years and would be succeeded by his uncle. To hasten accomplishment, figurines of wax were made representing Urban and were melted. Centini, as a noble, was beheaded and his two most guilty accomplices were hanged, before being burnt.—Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 29, fol. 104-18.[528]Instructio pro formandis processibus in causis Strygum, cum Carenæ Annotationibus (Carenæ Tract. de Off. SS. Inquisit., Lugduni, 1669, pp. 487 sqq). Carena’s comments show how differently these cases were treated in Italy from the practice beyond the Alps.See also Masini’s rule forbidding action on the denunciation of those seen in the Sabbat.—Sacro Arsenale, Decima Parte, n. 141.[529]Ristretto circa li Delitti più frequenti nel S. Offizio, pp. 57-9 (MS.penes me).[530]Casus Conscientiæ Benedicti XIV, Dec. 1743, Cas. iii (Ferrariæ, 1764, p. 155).—De Servorum Dei Beatificatione, Lib.IV, P. i, cap. 3, n. 3.[531]S. Alphonsi Liguori Theol. Moralis, Lib.III, n. 26.[532]Nic. Remigii Demonolatreiæ Libri Tres. Colon. Agrip. 1596.[533]G. Plitt Henke in Realencyclopädie, VI, 97.[534]Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l’inconstance des mauvais Anges, pp. 114, 119 (Paris, 1613).De Lancre was a learned conseiller of the Parlement of Bordeaux and his colleague on the commission was the President d’ Espaignet. It is instructive to observe that while he was drawing up his terrific relation of the manner in which they had intensified the witchcraft craze, until the churches at night would be filled with children brought there by their mothers to prevent their being carried off to the aquellares (p. 193), Inquisitor Salazar, on the other side of the Pyrenees, was extinguishing it by simple rational treatment.[535]Rogers, Scotland, Social and Domestic, p. 302. (London, 1869).[536]Commentaries, IV, 60 (Oxford, 1775).[537]Lettres à un Gentilhomme Russe, Let.I.—“L’Inquisition est un instrument purement royal; it est tout entier en la main du roi, et jamais il ne peut nuire que par la faute des ministres du prince.”[538]“Sie ist kein kirchliches, sondern ein Staats institut, theilweise mit kirchlichen Formen.” (Gams, Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, BuchXIII, Kap. 1, § 3.) “Das neue Herrscherpaar ... gestaltete die Inquisition zu einem wichtigen Staatsinstitut.” (Hergenrother, Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte, II, 765. Freiburg, 1885).[539]Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes,XVIII, p. 265 (Tübingen, 1851).The most recent apologist, who assures us that the Church never used other than moral force, displays his accuracy by telling us that, in 1521, Leo X excommunicated Torquemada on account of his cruelty, against the protests of Charles V, and also that in England Henry VIII executed 70,000 victims and Queen Elizabeth 43,000.—G. Romain, L’Inquisition, son rôle religieux, politique et social, pp. 10, 11, 2eEdition, Paris, 1900.[540]Ranke, Die Osmanen und die Spanische Monarchie, pp. 195-8 (Leipzig, 1877).—Maurenbrecher, Geschichte der Katholischen Reformation, I, 45 (Nördlingen, 1880).[541]Rodrigo, Historia verdadera, I, 264; II, 87; III, 363.—Ortí y Lara, La Inquisicion, p. 2 (Madrid, 1877).—Cappa, S. J., La Inquisicion española, p. 28 (Madrid, 1888).—Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 584.[542]Llorente, Añales, II, 209, 229.—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib. I, cap. 27.[543]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 43, fol. 297.—Críticos Documentos que sirven como de segunda Parte al Proceso de Fr. Froilan Diaz, pp. 7-8 (Madrid, 1788).[544]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 270.At the same time there is no doubt that contemporary statesmen, disposed to regard with cynical incredulity the fervor of Philip’s fanaticism, were apt to look upon the Inquisition as an artful instrumentality to keep the people in subjection. See the remarks of Giovanni Soranzo in Vol. I, p. 442.[545]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1.[546]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1; Lib. 2, fol. 4.[547]Llorente, Hist. crít., cap.XXVII, art. iii.[548]Danvila y Collado, La Germanía de Valencia, pp. 178, 492.[549]Llorente, Hist. crít., cap.XXVII, art. iv, n. 5-10.[550]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 279.—Miscelanea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, XI, 244).[551]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 19, fol. 48.[552]Few episodes in Spanish history have been more exhaustively investigated than the career of Antonio Pérez and its consequences. Ample materials for its elucidation exist in the Spanish archives, in the Llorente collections preserved in the Bibliothèque nationale of France, at The Hague and in the British Museum, and these have been industriously utilized by modern writers. The contemporary sources are—Las Obras y Relaciones de Antonio Pérez, Paris, 1654.Proceso criminel que se fulminó contra Antonio Pérez, Madrid, 1788.Argensola, Informacion de los sucesos del Reino de Aragon en los años de 1590 y 1591. Madrid, 1808.Coleccion de Documentos inéditos, Vols. XII, XV, LVI.Giambattista Confalonieri, in Spicilegio Vaticano, Vol. I, P.II, pp. 226 sqq.Tommaso Contarini, in Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 401.Cabrera, Historia de Felipe II, T. II, pp. 448, 540; T. III, pp. 529 sqq (Ed. 1876-77).Lanuza, Historias eclesiasticas y seculares de Aragon, T. II, Lib.II,III. (Zaragoza, 1622).The principal modern authorities are—Llorente, Historia crítica, cap.XXXV,XXXVI.Mignet, Antonio Pérez et Philippe II, Paris, 1854.Pidal, Historia de las Alteraciones de Aragon en el Reinado de Felipe II, 3 vols, Madrid, 1862-3.Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli, Madrid, 1877.Philippson (Ein Ministerium unter Philipp II, Berlin, 1895) and Major Hume (Españoles é Ingleses, Madrid, 1903) give interesting details as to the earlier events.[553]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 485.The assertion of the co-operation of the Inquisition and the Royal Council, which were habitually antagonistic, shows how little the envoy knew of the inner working of Spanish administration.[554]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[555]Vida y Escritos del P. Juan de Mariana, pp. lxix-lxxviii (Historia de España, Valencia, 1783, T. I).—Alegambe, Scriptt. Soc. Jesu, p. 258.—De Backer, V, 518.The “Tratado y Discurso sobre la Moneda de Vellon” of course was suppressed and became scarce. My copy is in MS., transcribed in 1799.Mariana did not conceal from himself the danger to be incurred. In his address to the Reader he says—“Bien veo que algunos me tendrian por atrevido, otros por inconsiderado, pues no advierto el riesgo que corro.”[556]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9.—Libro XIII de Cartas, fol. 195 (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).[557]Llorente, Hist. crítica, cap.XXXVIII, n. 17, 19.[558]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 153.[559]Bibl. nacional, MSS., H, 177, fol. 251.[560]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 56, fol. 605.[561]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 383.[562]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 130.[563]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.[564]Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 496.[565]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.[566]MS. penes me.[567]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.[568]Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, p. 49 (Sevilla, 1849).[569]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, I, 450.—Nueva Recop., Lib.VI, Tit. xviii, ley 12.[570]Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.II, cap. xli.[571]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 79, fol. 75.[572]Fueros y Observancias del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 215. Cf. fol. 194 (Zaragoza, 1624).[573]Lib. V in Sexto, Tit. vi, cap. 6.—Digard, Registres de Boniface VIII, n. 2354.—Bullar. Roman. I, 507, 718; II, 496.[574]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 16, fol. 272.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 82, fol. 130; Lib. 939, fol. 115.[575]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 83, fol. 26.[576]Argensola, op. cit., p. 199.[577]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 8.[578]Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xxv, xxvi.[579]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, T. 85, fol. 7.[580]Libro XIII de Cartas (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).[581]MSS. of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 259.—Novís. Recop., Lib.IX, Tit. xii, ley 11.[582]Urbani PP. VIII Bull.In eminenti, 6 Mart. 1641.—Innocent PP X. Bull.Cum occasione, 31 Maii, 1653 (Bullar. V, 369, 486).A precursor of Jansen was Michel de Bay or Baius, a theologian of Louvain, whose seventy-nine propositions were condemned by Pius V and Gregory XIII and were publicly abjured by him before the University, May 24, 1580. His name does not occur in the Spanish Indexes before that of 1632, (p. 761) where he is spoken of as a man of high reputation who abandoned his errors.[583]Letter of Benedict XIV to Inquisitor-general Prado y Cuesta (Semanário erúdito, XXX, 53).[584]Indice de 1707, I, 19, 28, 231-2, 478.[585]Nic. Anton. Biblioth. Vet. Lib.VI, cap. xi, n. 268.[586]Memorial espagnol presenté á sa Majesté Catholique contre les pretendus Jansenistes du Pays-Bas, p. 45 (s. 1. 1699).This is a memorial drawn up by Juan de Palazol, S. J., in the name and by order of Tirso González, the Jesuit General. To it I am indebted for the details that follow.In January 1691 a congregation of the Flemish bishops addressed to the Roman Inquisition an urgent appeal for help in their struggle with the Jansenists, whose missionary and controversial efforts were incessant and successful. It illustrates the elusory character of the theological subtilties involved that the bishops sent, as a specially successful exposure of Jansenist devices, a little book under the name of Cornelis van Cranebergh, but Rome thought differently of it and condemned it by decree of March 19, 1692. Its real author was the Jesuit Jacques de la Fontaine, who was one of the most zealous champions against Jansenism.—Collectio Synodorum Archiep. Mechliniensis, I, 575.—Reusch, Der Index, II, 645.—De Backer, IV, 230.[587]Le Tellier, Recueil des Bulles et Constitutions etc. p. 125 (Mons, 1697).[588]These details are not without interest as indicating the causes which led to the establishment of the still existing schismatic see of Utrecht.[589]Suplemento á el Indice, 1739, p. 36.—Manuel F. Miguélez, Jansenismo y Regalismo en España, pp. 98 sqq. (Valladolid, 1895). Fray Miguélez is an Augustinian, seeking to vindicate St. Augustin and his Order from Jesuit attacks. His work is based on inedited documentary material.[590]Miguélez,op. cit., pp. 90-5.—Semanário erúdito, XXX, 53.[591]Miguélez,op. cit.—In connection with Padre Rábago it may be mentioned that, in 1747, when already royal confessor, he was denounced to the Santiago tribunal for solicitation, but escaped trial under the rule requiring two denunciations. Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 233, n. 108, fol. 60.The Indice Ultimo of 1790 (p. 192) records the removal of Noris’s books and prohibits all writings on both sides of the affair.[592]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 484.[593]Jo. Nic. von Hontheim, De Statu Ecclesiæ et legitima Potestate Romani Pontificis. Bullioni, 1763.[594]Miguélez,op. cit., pp. 274, 364, 366, 380.[595]Rafael de Vélez, Apología del Altar y del Trono, I, 442 (Madrid, 1825).-Clément, Journal de Correspondances et de Voyages pour la Paix de l’Eglise, II, 31 (Paris, 1802).Clément, then canon and treasurer of Auxerre, and subsequently Bishop of Versailles, was a self-appointed negotiator in 1768 to prevent the schism, which he thought was impending, and to unite all the courts in opposition to Ultramontanism. His candid self-complacency and belief in his own importance give a certain life to his otherwise formless account of his mission, while his dread lest the Inquisition should obtain knowledge of what he was doing shows how thoroughly it was on the Ultramontane side.[596]Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 32.[597]Muriel, Historia de Carlos IV (Mem. hist. español, XXXIV, 119).[598]Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 245.[599]Clément, II, 102.[600]Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. xxix, art. iii, n. 1, 2; cap.XLIII, art. iii, n. 1.[601]Clément,op. cit., II, 44, 83-5, 296-7.[602]Ferrer del Rio, Historia de Carlos III, Lib.II, cap. ii, iv.The trial of Dr. Benito Navarro, a Jesuit Tertiary, was printed at the time and indicates the participation of the Jesuits in the troubles, with the object of forcing the restoration to power of the Marquis of la Ensenada. Incidentally the evidence shows the enormous influence wielded by the Jesuits through having their creatures in governmental positions, where they could mislead and betray their superiors. To statesmen like Aranda, Campomanes, Roda and Floridablanca, the continued existence of the Jesuits in Spain was a manifest impossibility.The documents connected with the expulsion are printed by Miraflores in his “Documentos á los qué se hace referencia en los apuntes historico-críticos sobre la Revolucion de España,” II, 38-71 (Londres, 1834).[603]Novís. Recop., Lib. viii, Tit. i-ix.—Carta de Josef Clíment, Obispo de Barcelona, 26 de Junio, 1767.[604]MSS of Am. Philos. Society.[605]Art de Vérifier les Dates depuis l’année 1770, III, 358. A subsequent decree of March 11, 1798, permitted the ex-Jesuits to live with their kindred or in convents, provided that this was not in any royal residence (Originalpenes me).[606]Muriel, Hist. de Carlos IV,loc. cit.—Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 34.—Vélez, Apología, I, 44-6.Yet theActa et Decreta Synodi Diœcesance Pistoriensis anni 1786, against which the bullAuctorem fideiwas directed, were not prohibited until March 18, 1801.—Suplemento al Indice Expurgatorio, p. 1 (Madrid, 1805).On May 18, 1801, the Commissioners of the Canary tribunal at Orotava report to it that the edict has been duly read and affixed to the doors of the parish churches.—Birch, Catalogue of the MSS. of the Inq. in the Canary Islands, II, 1008.[607]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 16.[608]Llorente, Hist. crít., cap.XXV, n. 33, 34; cap.XXIX, art. iii, n. 5; cap.XLIII, art. iii, n. 5.[609]Se vió á todos los jansenistas, impios y hombres desmoralizados ponerse del lado de los invasores.—Vic. de la Fuente, Hist. eclesiastica, III, 463.—Cf. Cartas del Filósofo rancio,passim.[610]Vélez. Apología del Altar y del Trono, I, 391-2.[611]G. de Castro, Il Monde Segreto, IV, 59 (Milano, 1864).—Précis historique de l’Ordre de la Franc-Maçonnerie, par J. C. B.... (Paris, 1829).—Luigi Parascandalo, La Frammassoneria figlia e erede del Manicheismo, 4 vols, 8vo (Napoli, 1865).—Ch. Van Dusen, S. J., Rome et la Franc-Maçonnerie (1896).—L’Abbé V. Davin, Les Jansénistes politiques et la Franc-Maçonnerie, p. 5 (Paris, s. d.).[612]Mariano Tirado y Rojas, La Masonería en España, I, 241-3, 252, 255-6 (Madrid, 1893).[613][Thory] Acta Latomorum, I, 35 (Paris, 1815).[614]Bullar. Roman., XV, 184.[615]Acta Latomorum, I, 43-44.[616]Compendio della vita di Giuseppe Balsamo, denominato il Conte Cagliostro, che si è estratto dal Processo contra di lui formato in Roma l’anno 1790 (Roma, 1791).The importance attached to the case is indicated by the formal removal of the seal of secrecy and the semi-official publication of the volume. The edict imposing the death-penalty is quoted on p. 80.[617]Bullar. Bened. PP. XIV, III, 167 (Romæ, 1761).[618]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. V, fol. 280.[619]Acta Latomorum, I, 47.[620]Fray Joseph Torrubia, Centinela contra Francs Massones, Segunda Edicion, Madrid, 1754. From the dates of the approbations it would appear that the first edition was issued in 1751 or 1752.[621]Feyjoo, Cartas, T. IV, Cart. xvi. This letter must have been written between 1751 and 1754, as it alludes to theCentinelo, while the second edition of the latter alludes to the letter. Feyjoo refers to another recent book on the subject by Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, which I have not seen.[622]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 879, fol. 301 B; Lib. 1024, fol 10.—Llorente, Hist. crít., cap.XLI, art. ii, n. 10-16.[623]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 108, n. 1.The Portuguese Inquisition was as prompt as the Spanish. See “The Sufferings of John Coustos for Free-masonry,” London, 1740, and it continued after the reforms of Pombal, as appears from “A Narrative of the Persecution of Hippolyto Joseph da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendoza ... for the pretended crime of Free-masonry,” 2 vols., London, 1811.[624]Tirado y Rojas, I, 269-73, 354.[625]Ibidem, I, 274-8, 289-99, 355.[626]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1473; Lib. 559.[627]Acta Latomorum, I, 265.[628]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.[629]Ibidem, Lib. 4352; Lib. 890.[630]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.[631]Ibidem.[632]Archive hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.In this list is not included the curious case of the Bishop of Havana, Juan José Díaz de la Espada y Landa, accused of Free-Masonry in Cuba by the zealous inquisitor Elosua in 1815. The matter was transferred to Spain and was suspended November 11, 1819 (J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias, p. 416). It does not seem to have interfered with the position of the good bishop, who retained his see until his death, Sept. 12, 1832 (Gams, Series Episcopp., p. 152).[633]Tirado y Rojas, II, 46, 72-3, 81-88.—Miraflores, Apuntes historico-críticos, p. 28.—Modesto Lafuente, Hist. de España, XXIX, 213-15, 333-4.The “Memoirs of Don Juan van Halen” (London, 1830) which had an extensive circulation in many languages, are of no historical value. He was a real personage however, whose dextrous treachery in deserting the French, in 1814, is described by Toreno (Historia del Llevamiento etc., III, 323). In 1822 he was on the staff of Gen. Mina in Catalonia (Memorias del Gen. Espoz y Mina, III, 7) and, in 1838, was in high command in Valencia (Manifestacion del Gen. Córdova, p. 13).In 1818 his name occurs as on trial in Toledo (not in Madrid, as he represents) and the charge was impeding the Inquisition, not Masonry and conspiracy—Catálogo de las causas etc., p. 131 (Madrid, 1903).[634][Martinez de la Rosa] Examen crítico de las Revoluciones de España, I, 417-18 (Paris, 1837).[635]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.[636]Vélez, Apología del Altar y del Trono, I, 41.

[517]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.—Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.

[518]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 390.

[519]Ibidem, Leg. 365, n. 45, fol. 34.

[520]Ibidem, Leg. 100.It is asserted by some writers that a woman was burnt as a witch at Seville in 1780, but this is an erroneous reference to María de Dolores, relaxed there in 1780 for Molinism (supra, p. 89).

[520]Ibidem, Leg. 100.

It is asserted by some writers that a woman was burnt as a witch at Seville in 1780, but this is an erroneous reference to María de Dolores, relaxed there in 1780 for Molinism (supra, p. 89).

[521]Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 493.

[522]The sentence is printed by Frère Michaelis, at the end of hisPneumatologie(Paris, 1587).

[523]Ragguaglio su la Sentenza di Morte in Salesburgo, p. 173(Venezia, 1751).

[524]Collect. Decret. S. Congr. StiInquisit., p. 333 (MS.penes me).—Decret. S. Congr. S. Inquisit. pp. 385-88 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Officio, Vol. 3).The inquisitor of Milan took no part in the trials of those accused of causing and spreading the terrible pestilence of 1630, by the use of unguents and powders furnished by the demon. His only act was to return a negative answer to the question whether it was licit to employ diabolic arts to save the city. The reckless prosecutions and savage punishments were wholly the work of the civil magistracy.—Processo originale degli Untori (Milano, 1839).The pestilence did not extend to Spain, but the panic did, leading to the most extravagant precautions against all foreigners.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A, Subt. 11.

The inquisitor of Milan took no part in the trials of those accused of causing and spreading the terrible pestilence of 1630, by the use of unguents and powders furnished by the demon. His only act was to return a negative answer to the question whether it was licit to employ diabolic arts to save the city. The reckless prosecutions and savage punishments were wholly the work of the civil magistracy.—Processo originale degli Untori (Milano, 1839).

The pestilence did not extend to Spain, but the panic did, leading to the most extravagant precautions against all foreigners.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A, Subt. 11.

[525]Decret. S. Congr. S. Inquis.,ubi sup.

[526]Decret. S. Congr. S. Inquis.,ubi sup.

[527]Gregor. PP. XV, Const.Omnipotentis Dei, 20 Mart. 1623 (Bullar. Roman., III, 498).Urban VIII was equally savage in 1631, in ordering relaxation for any one who should consult diviners or astrologers about the state of the Christian Republic, or the life of the pope or of any of his kindred to the third degree (Bullar. IV, 184).It was probably under this that the Inquisition, in 1634, relaxed Giacinto Centini and two of his accomplices and condemned four others to the galleys. He was nephew of the Cardinal of Ascoli, and procured from a diviner a forecast that Urban would die in a few years and would be succeeded by his uncle. To hasten accomplishment, figurines of wax were made representing Urban and were melted. Centini, as a noble, was beheaded and his two most guilty accomplices were hanged, before being burnt.—Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 29, fol. 104-18.

[527]Gregor. PP. XV, Const.Omnipotentis Dei, 20 Mart. 1623 (Bullar. Roman., III, 498).

Urban VIII was equally savage in 1631, in ordering relaxation for any one who should consult diviners or astrologers about the state of the Christian Republic, or the life of the pope or of any of his kindred to the third degree (Bullar. IV, 184).

It was probably under this that the Inquisition, in 1634, relaxed Giacinto Centini and two of his accomplices and condemned four others to the galleys. He was nephew of the Cardinal of Ascoli, and procured from a diviner a forecast that Urban would die in a few years and would be succeeded by his uncle. To hasten accomplishment, figurines of wax were made representing Urban and were melted. Centini, as a noble, was beheaded and his two most guilty accomplices were hanged, before being burnt.—Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 29, fol. 104-18.

[528]Instructio pro formandis processibus in causis Strygum, cum Carenæ Annotationibus (Carenæ Tract. de Off. SS. Inquisit., Lugduni, 1669, pp. 487 sqq). Carena’s comments show how differently these cases were treated in Italy from the practice beyond the Alps.See also Masini’s rule forbidding action on the denunciation of those seen in the Sabbat.—Sacro Arsenale, Decima Parte, n. 141.

See also Masini’s rule forbidding action on the denunciation of those seen in the Sabbat.—Sacro Arsenale, Decima Parte, n. 141.

[529]Ristretto circa li Delitti più frequenti nel S. Offizio, pp. 57-9 (MS.penes me).

[530]Casus Conscientiæ Benedicti XIV, Dec. 1743, Cas. iii (Ferrariæ, 1764, p. 155).—De Servorum Dei Beatificatione, Lib.IV, P. i, cap. 3, n. 3.

[531]S. Alphonsi Liguori Theol. Moralis, Lib.III, n. 26.

[532]Nic. Remigii Demonolatreiæ Libri Tres. Colon. Agrip. 1596.

[533]G. Plitt Henke in Realencyclopädie, VI, 97.

[534]Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l’inconstance des mauvais Anges, pp. 114, 119 (Paris, 1613).De Lancre was a learned conseiller of the Parlement of Bordeaux and his colleague on the commission was the President d’ Espaignet. It is instructive to observe that while he was drawing up his terrific relation of the manner in which they had intensified the witchcraft craze, until the churches at night would be filled with children brought there by their mothers to prevent their being carried off to the aquellares (p. 193), Inquisitor Salazar, on the other side of the Pyrenees, was extinguishing it by simple rational treatment.

[534]Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l’inconstance des mauvais Anges, pp. 114, 119 (Paris, 1613).

De Lancre was a learned conseiller of the Parlement of Bordeaux and his colleague on the commission was the President d’ Espaignet. It is instructive to observe that while he was drawing up his terrific relation of the manner in which they had intensified the witchcraft craze, until the churches at night would be filled with children brought there by their mothers to prevent their being carried off to the aquellares (p. 193), Inquisitor Salazar, on the other side of the Pyrenees, was extinguishing it by simple rational treatment.

[535]Rogers, Scotland, Social and Domestic, p. 302. (London, 1869).

[536]Commentaries, IV, 60 (Oxford, 1775).

[537]Lettres à un Gentilhomme Russe, Let.I.—“L’Inquisition est un instrument purement royal; it est tout entier en la main du roi, et jamais il ne peut nuire que par la faute des ministres du prince.”

[538]“Sie ist kein kirchliches, sondern ein Staats institut, theilweise mit kirchlichen Formen.” (Gams, Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, BuchXIII, Kap. 1, § 3.) “Das neue Herrscherpaar ... gestaltete die Inquisition zu einem wichtigen Staatsinstitut.” (Hergenrother, Handbuch der Kirchengeschichte, II, 765. Freiburg, 1885).

[539]Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes,XVIII, p. 265 (Tübingen, 1851).The most recent apologist, who assures us that the Church never used other than moral force, displays his accuracy by telling us that, in 1521, Leo X excommunicated Torquemada on account of his cruelty, against the protests of Charles V, and also that in England Henry VIII executed 70,000 victims and Queen Elizabeth 43,000.—G. Romain, L’Inquisition, son rôle religieux, politique et social, pp. 10, 11, 2eEdition, Paris, 1900.

[539]Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes,XVIII, p. 265 (Tübingen, 1851).

The most recent apologist, who assures us that the Church never used other than moral force, displays his accuracy by telling us that, in 1521, Leo X excommunicated Torquemada on account of his cruelty, against the protests of Charles V, and also that in England Henry VIII executed 70,000 victims and Queen Elizabeth 43,000.—G. Romain, L’Inquisition, son rôle religieux, politique et social, pp. 10, 11, 2eEdition, Paris, 1900.

[540]Ranke, Die Osmanen und die Spanische Monarchie, pp. 195-8 (Leipzig, 1877).—Maurenbrecher, Geschichte der Katholischen Reformation, I, 45 (Nördlingen, 1880).

[541]Rodrigo, Historia verdadera, I, 264; II, 87; III, 363.—Ortí y Lara, La Inquisicion, p. 2 (Madrid, 1877).—Cappa, S. J., La Inquisicion española, p. 28 (Madrid, 1888).—Pastor, Geschichte der Päpste, II, 584.

[542]Llorente, Añales, II, 209, 229.—Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib. I, cap. 27.

[543]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 43, fol. 297.—Críticos Documentos que sirven como de segunda Parte al Proceso de Fr. Froilan Diaz, pp. 7-8 (Madrid, 1788).

[544]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 270.At the same time there is no doubt that contemporary statesmen, disposed to regard with cynical incredulity the fervor of Philip’s fanaticism, were apt to look upon the Inquisition as an artful instrumentality to keep the people in subjection. See the remarks of Giovanni Soranzo in Vol. I, p. 442.

[544]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 270.

At the same time there is no doubt that contemporary statesmen, disposed to regard with cynical incredulity the fervor of Philip’s fanaticism, were apt to look upon the Inquisition as an artful instrumentality to keep the people in subjection. See the remarks of Giovanni Soranzo in Vol. I, p. 442.

[545]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1.

[546]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1; Lib. 2, fol. 4.

[547]Llorente, Hist. crít., cap.XXVII, art. iii.

[548]Danvila y Collado, La Germanía de Valencia, pp. 178, 492.

[549]Llorente, Hist. crít., cap.XXVII, art. iv, n. 5-10.

[550]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 279.—Miscelanea de Zapata (Mem. hist. español, XI, 244).

[551]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 19, fol. 48.

[552]Few episodes in Spanish history have been more exhaustively investigated than the career of Antonio Pérez and its consequences. Ample materials for its elucidation exist in the Spanish archives, in the Llorente collections preserved in the Bibliothèque nationale of France, at The Hague and in the British Museum, and these have been industriously utilized by modern writers. The contemporary sources are—Las Obras y Relaciones de Antonio Pérez, Paris, 1654.Proceso criminel que se fulminó contra Antonio Pérez, Madrid, 1788.Argensola, Informacion de los sucesos del Reino de Aragon en los años de 1590 y 1591. Madrid, 1808.Coleccion de Documentos inéditos, Vols. XII, XV, LVI.Giambattista Confalonieri, in Spicilegio Vaticano, Vol. I, P.II, pp. 226 sqq.Tommaso Contarini, in Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 401.Cabrera, Historia de Felipe II, T. II, pp. 448, 540; T. III, pp. 529 sqq (Ed. 1876-77).Lanuza, Historias eclesiasticas y seculares de Aragon, T. II, Lib.II,III. (Zaragoza, 1622).The principal modern authorities are—Llorente, Historia crítica, cap.XXXV,XXXVI.Mignet, Antonio Pérez et Philippe II, Paris, 1854.Pidal, Historia de las Alteraciones de Aragon en el Reinado de Felipe II, 3 vols, Madrid, 1862-3.Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli, Madrid, 1877.Philippson (Ein Ministerium unter Philipp II, Berlin, 1895) and Major Hume (Españoles é Ingleses, Madrid, 1903) give interesting details as to the earlier events.

Las Obras y Relaciones de Antonio Pérez, Paris, 1654.

Proceso criminel que se fulminó contra Antonio Pérez, Madrid, 1788.

Argensola, Informacion de los sucesos del Reino de Aragon en los años de 1590 y 1591. Madrid, 1808.

Coleccion de Documentos inéditos, Vols. XII, XV, LVI.

Giambattista Confalonieri, in Spicilegio Vaticano, Vol. I, P.II, pp. 226 sqq.

Tommaso Contarini, in Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 401.

Cabrera, Historia de Felipe II, T. II, pp. 448, 540; T. III, pp. 529 sqq (Ed. 1876-77).

Lanuza, Historias eclesiasticas y seculares de Aragon, T. II, Lib.II,III. (Zaragoza, 1622).

The principal modern authorities are—

Llorente, Historia crítica, cap.XXXV,XXXVI.

Mignet, Antonio Pérez et Philippe II, Paris, 1854.

Pidal, Historia de las Alteraciones de Aragon en el Reinado de Felipe II, 3 vols, Madrid, 1862-3.

Muro, Vida de la Princesa de Eboli, Madrid, 1877.

Philippson (Ein Ministerium unter Philipp II, Berlin, 1895) and Major Hume (Españoles é Ingleses, Madrid, 1903) give interesting details as to the earlier events.

[553]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 485.The assertion of the co-operation of the Inquisition and the Royal Council, which were habitually antagonistic, shows how little the envoy knew of the inner working of Spanish administration.

[553]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 485.

The assertion of the co-operation of the Inquisition and the Royal Council, which were habitually antagonistic, shows how little the envoy knew of the inner working of Spanish administration.

[554]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[555]Vida y Escritos del P. Juan de Mariana, pp. lxix-lxxviii (Historia de España, Valencia, 1783, T. I).—Alegambe, Scriptt. Soc. Jesu, p. 258.—De Backer, V, 518.The “Tratado y Discurso sobre la Moneda de Vellon” of course was suppressed and became scarce. My copy is in MS., transcribed in 1799.Mariana did not conceal from himself the danger to be incurred. In his address to the Reader he says—“Bien veo que algunos me tendrian por atrevido, otros por inconsiderado, pues no advierto el riesgo que corro.”

[555]Vida y Escritos del P. Juan de Mariana, pp. lxix-lxxviii (Historia de España, Valencia, 1783, T. I).—Alegambe, Scriptt. Soc. Jesu, p. 258.—De Backer, V, 518.

The “Tratado y Discurso sobre la Moneda de Vellon” of course was suppressed and became scarce. My copy is in MS., transcribed in 1799.

Mariana did not conceal from himself the danger to be incurred. In his address to the Reader he says—“Bien veo que algunos me tendrian por atrevido, otros por inconsiderado, pues no advierto el riesgo que corro.”

[556]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 9.—Libro XIII de Cartas, fol. 195 (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[557]Llorente, Hist. crítica, cap.XXXVIII, n. 17, 19.

[558]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 153.

[559]Bibl. nacional, MSS., H, 177, fol. 251.

[560]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 56, fol. 605.

[561]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 383.

[562]Bibl. nacional, MSS., Mm, 130.

[563]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.

[564]Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 496.

[565]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.

[566]MS. penes me.

[567]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.

[568]Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, p. 49 (Sevilla, 1849).

[569]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, I, 450.—Nueva Recop., Lib.VI, Tit. xviii, ley 12.

[570]Dormer, Añales de Aragon, Lib.II, cap. xli.

[571]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 79, fol. 75.

[572]Fueros y Observancias del Reyno de Aragon, fol. 215. Cf. fol. 194 (Zaragoza, 1624).

[573]Lib. V in Sexto, Tit. vi, cap. 6.—Digard, Registres de Boniface VIII, n. 2354.—Bullar. Roman. I, 507, 718; II, 496.

[574]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 16, fol. 272.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 82, fol. 130; Lib. 939, fol. 115.

[575]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 83, fol. 26.

[576]Argensola, op. cit., p. 199.

[577]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 8.

[578]Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xxv, xxvi.

[579]Bibl. nationale de France, fonds espagnol, T. 85, fol. 7.

[580]Libro XIII de Cartas (MSS. of Am. Philos. Society).

[581]MSS. of the Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 259.—Novís. Recop., Lib.IX, Tit. xii, ley 11.

[582]Urbani PP. VIII Bull.In eminenti, 6 Mart. 1641.—Innocent PP X. Bull.Cum occasione, 31 Maii, 1653 (Bullar. V, 369, 486).A precursor of Jansen was Michel de Bay or Baius, a theologian of Louvain, whose seventy-nine propositions were condemned by Pius V and Gregory XIII and were publicly abjured by him before the University, May 24, 1580. His name does not occur in the Spanish Indexes before that of 1632, (p. 761) where he is spoken of as a man of high reputation who abandoned his errors.

[582]Urbani PP. VIII Bull.In eminenti, 6 Mart. 1641.—Innocent PP X. Bull.Cum occasione, 31 Maii, 1653 (Bullar. V, 369, 486).

A precursor of Jansen was Michel de Bay or Baius, a theologian of Louvain, whose seventy-nine propositions were condemned by Pius V and Gregory XIII and were publicly abjured by him before the University, May 24, 1580. His name does not occur in the Spanish Indexes before that of 1632, (p. 761) where he is spoken of as a man of high reputation who abandoned his errors.

[583]Letter of Benedict XIV to Inquisitor-general Prado y Cuesta (Semanário erúdito, XXX, 53).

[584]Indice de 1707, I, 19, 28, 231-2, 478.

[585]Nic. Anton. Biblioth. Vet. Lib.VI, cap. xi, n. 268.

[586]Memorial espagnol presenté á sa Majesté Catholique contre les pretendus Jansenistes du Pays-Bas, p. 45 (s. 1. 1699).This is a memorial drawn up by Juan de Palazol, S. J., in the name and by order of Tirso González, the Jesuit General. To it I am indebted for the details that follow.In January 1691 a congregation of the Flemish bishops addressed to the Roman Inquisition an urgent appeal for help in their struggle with the Jansenists, whose missionary and controversial efforts were incessant and successful. It illustrates the elusory character of the theological subtilties involved that the bishops sent, as a specially successful exposure of Jansenist devices, a little book under the name of Cornelis van Cranebergh, but Rome thought differently of it and condemned it by decree of March 19, 1692. Its real author was the Jesuit Jacques de la Fontaine, who was one of the most zealous champions against Jansenism.—Collectio Synodorum Archiep. Mechliniensis, I, 575.—Reusch, Der Index, II, 645.—De Backer, IV, 230.

[586]Memorial espagnol presenté á sa Majesté Catholique contre les pretendus Jansenistes du Pays-Bas, p. 45 (s. 1. 1699).

This is a memorial drawn up by Juan de Palazol, S. J., in the name and by order of Tirso González, the Jesuit General. To it I am indebted for the details that follow.

In January 1691 a congregation of the Flemish bishops addressed to the Roman Inquisition an urgent appeal for help in their struggle with the Jansenists, whose missionary and controversial efforts were incessant and successful. It illustrates the elusory character of the theological subtilties involved that the bishops sent, as a specially successful exposure of Jansenist devices, a little book under the name of Cornelis van Cranebergh, but Rome thought differently of it and condemned it by decree of March 19, 1692. Its real author was the Jesuit Jacques de la Fontaine, who was one of the most zealous champions against Jansenism.—Collectio Synodorum Archiep. Mechliniensis, I, 575.—Reusch, Der Index, II, 645.—De Backer, IV, 230.

[587]Le Tellier, Recueil des Bulles et Constitutions etc. p. 125 (Mons, 1697).

[588]These details are not without interest as indicating the causes which led to the establishment of the still existing schismatic see of Utrecht.

[589]Suplemento á el Indice, 1739, p. 36.—Manuel F. Miguélez, Jansenismo y Regalismo en España, pp. 98 sqq. (Valladolid, 1895). Fray Miguélez is an Augustinian, seeking to vindicate St. Augustin and his Order from Jesuit attacks. His work is based on inedited documentary material.

[590]Miguélez,op. cit., pp. 90-5.—Semanário erúdito, XXX, 53.

[591]Miguélez,op. cit.—In connection with Padre Rábago it may be mentioned that, in 1747, when already royal confessor, he was denounced to the Santiago tribunal for solicitation, but escaped trial under the rule requiring two denunciations. Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 233, n. 108, fol. 60.The Indice Ultimo of 1790 (p. 192) records the removal of Noris’s books and prohibits all writings on both sides of the affair.

The Indice Ultimo of 1790 (p. 192) records the removal of Noris’s books and prohibits all writings on both sides of the affair.

[592]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 484.

[593]Jo. Nic. von Hontheim, De Statu Ecclesiæ et legitima Potestate Romani Pontificis. Bullioni, 1763.

[594]Miguélez,op. cit., pp. 274, 364, 366, 380.

[595]Rafael de Vélez, Apología del Altar y del Trono, I, 442 (Madrid, 1825).-Clément, Journal de Correspondances et de Voyages pour la Paix de l’Eglise, II, 31 (Paris, 1802).Clément, then canon and treasurer of Auxerre, and subsequently Bishop of Versailles, was a self-appointed negotiator in 1768 to prevent the schism, which he thought was impending, and to unite all the courts in opposition to Ultramontanism. His candid self-complacency and belief in his own importance give a certain life to his otherwise formless account of his mission, while his dread lest the Inquisition should obtain knowledge of what he was doing shows how thoroughly it was on the Ultramontane side.

[595]Rafael de Vélez, Apología del Altar y del Trono, I, 442 (Madrid, 1825).-Clément, Journal de Correspondances et de Voyages pour la Paix de l’Eglise, II, 31 (Paris, 1802).

Clément, then canon and treasurer of Auxerre, and subsequently Bishop of Versailles, was a self-appointed negotiator in 1768 to prevent the schism, which he thought was impending, and to unite all the courts in opposition to Ultramontanism. His candid self-complacency and belief in his own importance give a certain life to his otherwise formless account of his mission, while his dread lest the Inquisition should obtain knowledge of what he was doing shows how thoroughly it was on the Ultramontane side.

[596]Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 32.

[597]Muriel, Historia de Carlos IV (Mem. hist. español, XXXIV, 119).

[598]Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 245.

[599]Clément, II, 102.

[600]Llorente, Hist. crít., cap. xxix, art. iii, n. 1, 2; cap.XLIII, art. iii, n. 1.

[601]Clément,op. cit., II, 44, 83-5, 296-7.

[602]Ferrer del Rio, Historia de Carlos III, Lib.II, cap. ii, iv.The trial of Dr. Benito Navarro, a Jesuit Tertiary, was printed at the time and indicates the participation of the Jesuits in the troubles, with the object of forcing the restoration to power of the Marquis of la Ensenada. Incidentally the evidence shows the enormous influence wielded by the Jesuits through having their creatures in governmental positions, where they could mislead and betray their superiors. To statesmen like Aranda, Campomanes, Roda and Floridablanca, the continued existence of the Jesuits in Spain was a manifest impossibility.The documents connected with the expulsion are printed by Miraflores in his “Documentos á los qué se hace referencia en los apuntes historico-críticos sobre la Revolucion de España,” II, 38-71 (Londres, 1834).

[602]Ferrer del Rio, Historia de Carlos III, Lib.II, cap. ii, iv.

The trial of Dr. Benito Navarro, a Jesuit Tertiary, was printed at the time and indicates the participation of the Jesuits in the troubles, with the object of forcing the restoration to power of the Marquis of la Ensenada. Incidentally the evidence shows the enormous influence wielded by the Jesuits through having their creatures in governmental positions, where they could mislead and betray their superiors. To statesmen like Aranda, Campomanes, Roda and Floridablanca, the continued existence of the Jesuits in Spain was a manifest impossibility.

The documents connected with the expulsion are printed by Miraflores in his “Documentos á los qué se hace referencia en los apuntes historico-críticos sobre la Revolucion de España,” II, 38-71 (Londres, 1834).

[603]Novís. Recop., Lib. viii, Tit. i-ix.—Carta de Josef Clíment, Obispo de Barcelona, 26 de Junio, 1767.

[604]MSS of Am. Philos. Society.

[605]Art de Vérifier les Dates depuis l’année 1770, III, 358. A subsequent decree of March 11, 1798, permitted the ex-Jesuits to live with their kindred or in convents, provided that this was not in any royal residence (Originalpenes me).

[606]Muriel, Hist. de Carlos IV,loc. cit.—Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 34.—Vélez, Apología, I, 44-6.Yet theActa et Decreta Synodi Diœcesance Pistoriensis anni 1786, against which the bullAuctorem fideiwas directed, were not prohibited until March 18, 1801.—Suplemento al Indice Expurgatorio, p. 1 (Madrid, 1805).On May 18, 1801, the Commissioners of the Canary tribunal at Orotava report to it that the edict has been duly read and affixed to the doors of the parish churches.—Birch, Catalogue of the MSS. of the Inq. in the Canary Islands, II, 1008.

[606]Muriel, Hist. de Carlos IV,loc. cit.—Cartas del Filósofo rancio, II, 34.—Vélez, Apología, I, 44-6.

Yet theActa et Decreta Synodi Diœcesance Pistoriensis anni 1786, against which the bullAuctorem fideiwas directed, were not prohibited until March 18, 1801.—Suplemento al Indice Expurgatorio, p. 1 (Madrid, 1805).

On May 18, 1801, the Commissioners of the Canary tribunal at Orotava report to it that the edict has been duly read and affixed to the doors of the parish churches.—Birch, Catalogue of the MSS. of the Inq. in the Canary Islands, II, 1008.

[607]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 17, n. 3, fol. 16.

[608]Llorente, Hist. crít., cap.XXV, n. 33, 34; cap.XXIX, art. iii, n. 5; cap.XLIII, art. iii, n. 5.

[609]Se vió á todos los jansenistas, impios y hombres desmoralizados ponerse del lado de los invasores.—Vic. de la Fuente, Hist. eclesiastica, III, 463.—Cf. Cartas del Filósofo rancio,passim.

[610]Vélez. Apología del Altar y del Trono, I, 391-2.

[611]G. de Castro, Il Monde Segreto, IV, 59 (Milano, 1864).—Précis historique de l’Ordre de la Franc-Maçonnerie, par J. C. B.... (Paris, 1829).—Luigi Parascandalo, La Frammassoneria figlia e erede del Manicheismo, 4 vols, 8vo (Napoli, 1865).—Ch. Van Dusen, S. J., Rome et la Franc-Maçonnerie (1896).—L’Abbé V. Davin, Les Jansénistes politiques et la Franc-Maçonnerie, p. 5 (Paris, s. d.).

[612]Mariano Tirado y Rojas, La Masonería en España, I, 241-3, 252, 255-6 (Madrid, 1893).

[613][Thory] Acta Latomorum, I, 35 (Paris, 1815).

[614]Bullar. Roman., XV, 184.

[615]Acta Latomorum, I, 43-44.

[616]Compendio della vita di Giuseppe Balsamo, denominato il Conte Cagliostro, che si è estratto dal Processo contra di lui formato in Roma l’anno 1790 (Roma, 1791).The importance attached to the case is indicated by the formal removal of the seal of secrecy and the semi-official publication of the volume. The edict imposing the death-penalty is quoted on p. 80.

[616]Compendio della vita di Giuseppe Balsamo, denominato il Conte Cagliostro, che si è estratto dal Processo contra di lui formato in Roma l’anno 1790 (Roma, 1791).

The importance attached to the case is indicated by the formal removal of the seal of secrecy and the semi-official publication of the volume. The edict imposing the death-penalty is quoted on p. 80.

[617]Bullar. Bened. PP. XIV, III, 167 (Romæ, 1761).

[618]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. V, fol. 280.

[619]Acta Latomorum, I, 47.

[620]Fray Joseph Torrubia, Centinela contra Francs Massones, Segunda Edicion, Madrid, 1754. From the dates of the approbations it would appear that the first edition was issued in 1751 or 1752.

[621]Feyjoo, Cartas, T. IV, Cart. xvi. This letter must have been written between 1751 and 1754, as it alludes to theCentinelo, while the second edition of the latter alludes to the letter. Feyjoo refers to another recent book on the subject by Fray Juan de la Madre de Dios, which I have not seen.

[622]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 879, fol. 301 B; Lib. 1024, fol 10.—Llorente, Hist. crít., cap.XLI, art. ii, n. 10-16.

[623]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 108, n. 1.The Portuguese Inquisition was as prompt as the Spanish. See “The Sufferings of John Coustos for Free-masonry,” London, 1740, and it continued after the reforms of Pombal, as appears from “A Narrative of the Persecution of Hippolyto Joseph da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendoza ... for the pretended crime of Free-masonry,” 2 vols., London, 1811.

[623]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 108, n. 1.

The Portuguese Inquisition was as prompt as the Spanish. See “The Sufferings of John Coustos for Free-masonry,” London, 1740, and it continued after the reforms of Pombal, as appears from “A Narrative of the Persecution of Hippolyto Joseph da Costa Pereira Furtado de Mendoza ... for the pretended crime of Free-masonry,” 2 vols., London, 1811.

[624]Tirado y Rojas, I, 269-73, 354.

[625]Ibidem, I, 274-8, 289-99, 355.

[626]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1473; Lib. 559.

[627]Acta Latomorum, I, 265.

[628]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.

[629]Ibidem, Lib. 4352; Lib. 890.

[630]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.

[631]Ibidem.

[632]Archive hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.In this list is not included the curious case of the Bishop of Havana, Juan José Díaz de la Espada y Landa, accused of Free-Masonry in Cuba by the zealous inquisitor Elosua in 1815. The matter was transferred to Spain and was suspended November 11, 1819 (J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias, p. 416). It does not seem to have interfered with the position of the good bishop, who retained his see until his death, Sept. 12, 1832 (Gams, Series Episcopp., p. 152).

[632]Archive hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.

In this list is not included the curious case of the Bishop of Havana, Juan José Díaz de la Espada y Landa, accused of Free-Masonry in Cuba by the zealous inquisitor Elosua in 1815. The matter was transferred to Spain and was suspended November 11, 1819 (J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias, p. 416). It does not seem to have interfered with the position of the good bishop, who retained his see until his death, Sept. 12, 1832 (Gams, Series Episcopp., p. 152).

[633]Tirado y Rojas, II, 46, 72-3, 81-88.—Miraflores, Apuntes historico-críticos, p. 28.—Modesto Lafuente, Hist. de España, XXIX, 213-15, 333-4.The “Memoirs of Don Juan van Halen” (London, 1830) which had an extensive circulation in many languages, are of no historical value. He was a real personage however, whose dextrous treachery in deserting the French, in 1814, is described by Toreno (Historia del Llevamiento etc., III, 323). In 1822 he was on the staff of Gen. Mina in Catalonia (Memorias del Gen. Espoz y Mina, III, 7) and, in 1838, was in high command in Valencia (Manifestacion del Gen. Córdova, p. 13).In 1818 his name occurs as on trial in Toledo (not in Madrid, as he represents) and the charge was impeding the Inquisition, not Masonry and conspiracy—Catálogo de las causas etc., p. 131 (Madrid, 1903).

[633]Tirado y Rojas, II, 46, 72-3, 81-88.—Miraflores, Apuntes historico-críticos, p. 28.—Modesto Lafuente, Hist. de España, XXIX, 213-15, 333-4.

The “Memoirs of Don Juan van Halen” (London, 1830) which had an extensive circulation in many languages, are of no historical value. He was a real personage however, whose dextrous treachery in deserting the French, in 1814, is described by Toreno (Historia del Llevamiento etc., III, 323). In 1822 he was on the staff of Gen. Mina in Catalonia (Memorias del Gen. Espoz y Mina, III, 7) and, in 1838, was in high command in Valencia (Manifestacion del Gen. Córdova, p. 13).

In 1818 his name occurs as on trial in Toledo (not in Madrid, as he represents) and the charge was impeding the Inquisition, not Masonry and conspiracy—Catálogo de las causas etc., p. 131 (Madrid, 1903).

[634][Martinez de la Rosa] Examen crítico de las Revoluciones de España, I, 417-18 (Paris, 1837).

[635]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.

[636]Vélez, Apología del Altar y del Trono, I, 41.

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