Chapter 51

[1057]Colmeiro, Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 223.[1058]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. III, p. 256, 287; V, 18; VI, 360.[1059]Relazioni Lucchese, pp. 58, 70.[1060]Discurso político (Semanario erúdito, II, 143).A modern writer attributes to the infusion of Saracen blood this characteristic—“este carácter indolente y apático, que nos impede llegar á tiempo en nuestras empresas, ó que no nos consiente llevarlas á termino bien cumplido.”—Madrazo, El pueblo español ha muerto? p. 29 (Santander, 1903).[1061]Francisco Santos, El No Importe de España, pp. 149, 203 (Madrid, 1668).[1062]Dávila, Vida de Felipe III, p. 216.[1063]Pedro Fernández Navarrete, Discursos políticos, fol. 66 (Barcelona, 1621).See also his laterConservacion de Monarquias, DiscursoXLVI(Madrid, 1626) where he states that there were thirty-two universities and more than four thousand grammar-schools where Latin was taught.[1064]Semanário erúdito, XXVI, 108.—Jovellanos, Informe, p. 154.[1065]Relazioni Lucchese, p. 89.[1066]Semanário erúdito, VII, 167, 169.[1067]Juan de Valera, Disertaciones y Judicios literários, p. 201 (Madrid, 1878).—Reconstitucion de España, p. 29.[1068]See the very instructive sketch by D. Antonio Rodríguez Villa, “Patiño y Campillo,” Madrid, 1882.[1069]Vida política y ministerial del Conde de Floridablanca. This, I believe, has never been printed. My copy is in MS.[1070]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 605; II, 55, 66, 134, 140, 143.[1071]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, 1, 2, 24, 42, 43, 51, 244, 246, 289, 291, 360-1, 470.—Fuero viejo, Lib. v, Tit. ii, ley 1; Lib. I, Tit. i, ley 3.[1072]Córtes etc. III, 339-40.[1073]Ibidem, 516-18.—Autos acordados, Lib.V, Tit. x, Auto 1.[1074]Colmeiro, Córtes, II, 88, 98, 121, 147, 163, 168, 180, 192, 199, 207.—Córtes de Madrid del año de Setenta y tres, Peticion 57 (Alcalá. 1575).[1075]Bleda, Coronica de los Moros, pp. 864, 1025.[1076]Salazar, Crónica del Gran Cardenal de España, Lib.I, cap. 68 (Madrid, 1625).[1077]Dávila, Vida de Felipe III, p. 216.[1078]Cespedes y Meneses, Don Felipe Quarto, Lib,II, cap. 10.[1079]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XIII, 86).[1080]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. i, Auto 4.[1081]Llorente, Coleccion diplomática, p. 44.[1082]Autos Acordados, Lib.V, Tit. x, Auto 3.[1083]C. Trident. Sess.XXI, De Reform. cap. 2; Sess.XXIII, De Reform. cap. 4, 5, 7, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14; Sess.XXV, De Reg. et Mon. cap. 3.[1084]Innocent. PP. XIII, Constit.Apostolici ministerii, 13 Maii, 1723. Confirmed by Benedict XIII, September 23, 1724 (Bullar. Roman. XIII, 60).[1085]Semanário erúdito, X, 149-58.[1086]Ibidem, VII, 172, 182-4; VIII, 231-33.[1087]Novís. Recop., Lib. 1, Tit. v, leyes 14, 15, 17, 18. Under Carlos III the numbers of the clergy were:1768.1787.Parish priests15,63916,689Beneficed clergy, vicars etc.51,40842,707Regular clergy, males55,45347,515Do. Do. females27,66524,559Servants, sacristans, acolytes, etc.25,24816,376Treasurers of religious houses8,5524,127183,965151,973The falling off in 1787 is probably due to greater rigor in scrutinizing claims to exemption.[1088]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 19.[1089]Ricordi sulla Spagna nell’anno 1853 (Ibidem, III, 469).[1090]Conservacion de Monarquías, DiscursoXLV.[1091]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 146, n 49.[1092]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 450.[1093]Ibidem, T. VI, p. 378.—Zanetornato, p. 88.Thesubsidiowas a grant from Paul IV to arm sixty galleys, a purpose which was speedily forgotten. Theexcusadowas a grant from Paul V empowering the king to claim in each parish the tithe of the largest tithe-payer, but it led to difficulties in collecting and was commuted.[1094]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Granada, Expedientes varios, Leg. 2.[1095]Jovellanos, Informe, p. 88.[1096]Marina, Teoria de las Córtes, P.I, cap. xiii, n. 24 (Madrid, 1820).The burden of the tithe was the same in France under theancien régime. As a recent writer remarks “Les dimes étaient une des plus lourdes, peutêtre même celle qui pesait sur les campagnes de la façon la plus générale et la plus fâcheuse ... on ne devrait pas oublier que le droit en lui-même était, le plus souvent, bien moins odieux, moins funeste, que les abus auxquels il donnait lieu ou servait de prétexte.”—Edme Champion, La Séparation de l’Eglise et de l’Etat en 1794 (Paris, 1903).The tithes and first fruits were by no means the only ecclesiastical exaction which impoverished the husbandman. An anonymousPresbítero secularwho, in 1828, vigorously defended the temporalities of the Church, candidly admits the oppressiveness of some of its revenues. Among those enumerated was one known asLuctuosa—the right to the best head of cattle on the death of the peasant. The lay lords had mostly commuted this for a small money payment, but the clergy farmed it out and the farmers exacted it with the utmost rigor, not only on the death of the head of a family but on that of every member, so that the survivors, in the hour of bereavement, were often stripped of the means of cultivating their holdings. In 1787 the people of the see of Lugo, after a long struggle, obtained from Carlos III a decree restricting it to the death of the head of the family and commuting it to a money payment of sixty reales when four head of cattle were owned and lesser sums for a smaller number.—Historia y Origen de las Rentas de la Iglesia de España, pp. 90-7 (Madrid, 1828).This exaction was by no means confined to Spain. See Burn’s Law Dictionary s. v. Heriot and Du Cange s. vv.Hereotum,Luctuosa.[1097]Breve Memoria (Döllinger, Beiträge zur polit. kirchl. u. Cultur-Geschichte, III, 203).[1098]C. Hispalens. ann. 1512, cap. 13, 17, 23, 26, 27 (Aguirre, T. V).—Barrantes, Aparato para la Hist. de Extremadura, I, 469.[1099]De justa Hæreticorum punitione, Lib.III, cap. 5.[1100]Comentarios, fol. 167, 260.[1101]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inq., Leg. único, fol. 76.[1102]Synod. Oriolan., ann. 1600, cap. xxviii (Aguirre, VI, 457).[1103]Alphonsus a Castro adversus Hæreses, Lib.I, cap. xii.[1104]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 79.[1105]Col. de Doc. inéd., V, 83, 85.[1106]Bleda, Corónica de los Moros, p. 910.—See Bonifacii PP. VIII. Bull.Unam Sanctam(Extrav. Commun., Lib.I, Tit.VIII, cap. 1). Also theDe Regimine Principum, Lib.III, cap. x, xiii, xix, which passes under the name of Aquinas.[1107]Picatoste, La Grandeza y Decadencia de España, III, 192 (Madrid, 1887).[1108]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. II, p. 208.[1109]Dávila, Hist. de Felipe III, Lib.II, cap. lvii.[1110]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib.V, fol. 93, 95, 97.[1111]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. I, pp. 341-2; II, 61, 213; III, 222-3.[1112]Sandoval, Vida del Emp. Carlos V, II, 740, 777, 792 (Barcelona, 1625).[1113]Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II, Tom. II, 27, 44, 58; III, 588.[1114]Pallavicini, Hist. Conc. Trident., Lib.XIV, cap. xi, n. 2.See also the letter of St. Pius V, April 26, 1569, to the Duke of Anjou (Henry III) congratulating him on his victory over the Huguenots at Jarnac, and urging him to show himself inexorable to those who should plead for mercy towards heretics and rebels.—Pii Quinti Epistolar. Lib.V, p. 168 (Antverpiæ, 1640).[1115]Testamento y Codicilo del Rey Don Felipe II, p. 14 (Madrid, 1882).[1116]Relazioni Lucchese, p. 16.[1117]In his instructions to Colonel Lockhart, his envoy to France after the negotiation of the treaty of 1656, Cromwell tells him to explain to Cardinal Mazarin “what my principles are which led me to a closure with France rather than with Spaine ... viz. that the one gives libertie of conscience to the professors of the Protestant religion and the other persecuteing it with losse of life and estate.”—Prof. C. H. Firth, in English Historical Review, October, 1906, p. 744.[1118]Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Phelipe IV, P. VII, p. 685.[1119]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld., 130.[1120]A. de Castro adv. Hæreses, Lib.I, cap. xiii.[1121]Comentarios, fol. 209.Spain was not exceptional in this. In 1700, a pastoral of Archbishop Precipiano of Mechlin describes with equal energy this profanation of saints’ days.—Collectio Synodorum Archiep. Mechliniensis, II, 434 (Mechliniæ, 1829).[1122]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 18.—In 1565, Giovanni Soranzo makes the same statement and both remark on the facility with which Spanish troops passed over to the infidel—Ibid, p. 82.[1123]Aspilcueta de Oratione, cap. v, n. 25-35.It was not until 1772 that Carlos III prohibited, in the churches of Madrid, the dances andgigantonesandtarascas, or great pasteboard figures of giants and serpents, in the processions, as causing disorder and interfering with devotion; and in 1780 this was extended over the whole kingdom.—Novís. Recop., Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 12.[1124]Santos, El no Importe, pp. 107-31.—For a similar description by Juan de Zabaleta see his “El dia de fiesta,” Obras, p. 166 (Madrid, 1728). TheEl no Importewas reprinted in 1787.These profanities were not confined to Spain and were condemned by the Council of Tours in 1583 and by Archbishop Precipiano of Mechlin, in 1700.—Concil. Turonens., ann. 1583, Tit. xv (Harduin X, 1424).—(Collect. Synod. Mechlin., II, 436).[1125]Bibliothèque nationale de France, fonds Dupuy, no. 589, fol. 30.[1126]Relacion del Auto de fe de 1733. Discurso isagogico, § 2 (Lima, 1733).[1127]P. Ricardo Cappa, S. J., La Inquisicion española, Madrid, 1888.[1128]Don A. Rodríguez Villa has printed the essential portions of this memorial in theBoletinfor July—September 1906, pp. 87-103. It is anonymous and without date, though he tells us that a note on the MS., in a contemporary hand, attributes it to P. Hernando de Salazar or to D. Diego Serrano de Silva, of the Suprema. It is unquestionably by a member of the Suprema, for no one else would have such knowledge of the internal affairs of the Inquisition or discourse of them so freely, even to the sovereign. Allusion to the successes of the Dutch in Brazil assign it to the time, between 1620 and 1630, when there was so much discussion as to the Portuguese New Christians (see Vol. III, p. 275), to which this paper was doubtless a contribution.[1129]Oligarquía y Caciquismo, pp. 22, 679 (Madrid, 1903).[1130]Doctor Madrazo, while deploring the antinational policy of the ecclesiastical establishment, bears emphatic testimony to the individual virtues of the clergy, regular and secular and their efforts to realize, each in his own sphere, the ideal of Christianity. He attributes their influence on Spanish policy to the power possessed by the papacy of precipitating through them at any moment a Carlist revolt.—El Pueblo español ha muerto? pp. 140-6 (Santander, 1903).In a very thoughtful paper, Professor Rafael Altamira and his colleagues of the University of Oviedo allude to the theocratic reaction which opposes all progress in the direction of toleration and culture and which threatens a civil war that would be the end of Spain.—Oligarquía y Caciquismo, p. 192.[1131]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. VI, p. 371; T. V, p. 288.—Spicilegio Vaticano, I, 461.—Relazioni Lucchese, p. 21.[1132]Ortí y Lara, La Inquisicion, p. xiv.—Macias Picavea, El Problema, p. 229.[1133]This is largely the case in the detail often given of the practices of sorcery. For these there might be some excuse offered, but there is none when wholly superfluous descriptions are included of vice too nauseous to bear transcription.[1134]Corella, Praxis Confeseionis, P.II, Perorat. n. 3.—Picatoste, III, 113-23, 158, 162.—Villa, La Corte y Monarquía, p. xvi.[1135]Chapters from the Religious History of Spain, p. 102.[1136]Döllinger u. Reusch, Moral-Streitigkeiten, I, 319.[1137]For this social anarchy see Picatoste, III, 86-9.[1138]Roda, Dictamen á una Consulta (MS.penes me).[1139]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 69, fol. 2, 8.[1140]Corpo Diplomatico Portugues, III, 247.[1141]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. II, p. 40; T. III, p. 252; T. V, pp. 22, 83, 144, 288, 392, 485; T. VI, pp. 367, 412.[1142]Erasmi Epistolæ, Auctarium, p. 114 (Londoni, 1642).[1143]Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib.XXIV, cap. xvii.[1144]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 74.[1145]Historia verdadera, III, 509.[1146]Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, Bd. III, Abt II, p. 74.—Cf. Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, pp. 327 sqq.Father Gams exposes his ignorance when he tells us that he excludes the burnings for other crimes than heresy, as if there were such, except the rare cases of unnatural crime in Aragon. He even implies that the Inquisition burnt for usury and smuggling.[1147]Hist. crít., T. IX, pp. 209, 211, 213, 214 (Madrid, 1822).The total of Llorente’s extravagant guesses, from the foundation of the Inquisition to 1808, is:Burnt in person31,912Burnt in effigy17,659Heavily penanced291,450341,021Hist. crít, IX, 233.This is slightly modified by Gallois in his abridgement of Llorente’s work (Histoire abregée de la Inquisition d’Espagne, 6eEd., p. 351-2, Paris, 1828). He gives the figures:Burnt alive34,658Burnt in effigy18,049Condemned to galleys or prison288,214340,921It will be observed that Gallois unscrupulously classifies all personal relaxations as burnings alive and all penances as galleys or prison.[1148]Hist. de los Judíos de España, III, 492-3.[1149]Procedimientos de la Inquisicion, I, 116-17 (Madrid, 1886).[1150]Pulgar, Cronica, P.II, cap. lxxvii.[1151]L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hispan., Lib.XIX.—Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, P. II, Lib.VI, c. xix.—Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib.XXIV, cap. xvii.—Páramo, p. 139.—Garibay, Comp. Hist., Lib.XVIII, cap. xvii.[1152]Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliv.[1153]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1524, n. 3—Varflora, Compendio de Sevilla, P.II, cap. 1.[1154]Bernáldez,ubi sup.[1155]Lalaing, Voyage de Philippe le Beau (Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 203).[1156]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. xlix. The fact that so careful an historian as Zurita, who sought everywhere for documentary evidence, had no official statistics to cite shows that none such existed in the Suprema relating to the early years of the Inquisition.[1157]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. II, p. 40.[1158]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 262.—It is possible that these figures may be only of residents of Ciudad Real. Páramo (p. 170) states the numbers for the tribunal, during its two years of existence, at 52 relaxations in person, 220 in effigy and 183 reconciliations. The record just cited gives for Ciudad Real, from 1484 to 1531, 113 relaxed in person, 129 in effigy, 16 reconciled, 11 penanced, 19 absolved, 3 discharged on bail and 8 of which the sentence is not stated—all, apparently, residents of the town.[1159]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 292 sqq).The Córdova tribunal also burned 90 residents of Chillon, who had been duped by the prophetess of Herrera (Ibidem, p. 308).[1160]Hist. crit., IX, 210.[1161]See Appendix of Vol. I. It must be borne in mind that, in the early years, small autos were held elsewhere than in the centres. Thus, in theLibro Verdethere are allusions to them in Barbastro, Huesca, Monzon, Lérida and Tamarit (Revista de España, CVI, 250-1, 263-4, 266). The aggregate for these, however, would make little difference in the totals.[1162]Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 570-83). The relaxations by years were:1483—11495—91512—41542—11485—41496—11520—11543—11486—261497—181521—21546—21487—251498—21522—11549—11488—131499—131524—11561—41489—21500—51526—11563—11490—11502—21528—21565—11491—101505—11534—11566—11492—151506—51535—11567—21493—111510—11537—11574—21494—11511—51539—1The number in 1486-7-8 is attributable to the assassination of San Pedro Arbués.[1163]Carbonell de Gestis Hæret. (Col. de Doc. de la C. de Aragon, XXVII, XXVIII).[1164]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 98, 300.[1165]Cronicon de Valladolid (Col. de Doc. inéd., XIII, 176-9, 187).[1166]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 595.[1167]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[1168]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.[1169]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1020.[1170]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.To illustrate the discrepancy between the facts as stated above and the reckless computations of Llorente, which have been so largely accepted, it may not be amiss to compare the facts with the corresponding figures resulting from his system of calculation, for the tribunals and periods named:Records.Llorente.Toledo,1483-1501.Relaxed in person297666Relaxed in effigy600433Imprisoned, about200}6,200Reconciled under edicts5200Do.1575-1610.Relaxed in person11252Relaxed in effigy15120Penanced9041,396Do.1648-1794.Relaxed in person8297Relaxed in effigy63129Penanced10941,188up to 1746.Saragossa,1485-1502.Relaxed in person124584Relaxed in effigy32392Penanced4587,004Barcelona,1488-98.Relaxed in person23432Relaxed in effigy430316Imprisoned116}5,122Reconciled under edicts304Valencia,1485-1592.Relaxed in person6431,538Relaxed in effigy479869Tried310416,677penanced.Valladolid,1485-92.Relaxed in person50424Relaxed in effigy6312Penanced?3,884Majorca,1488-1691.Relaxed in person1391,778Relaxed in effigy482978Penanced97517,861All tribunals,1721-27.Relaxed in person77238Relaxed in effigy74119Penanced8111,428It will thus be seen how entirely fallacious was the guess-work on which Llorente based his system.An even more conclusive comparison is furnished by the little tribunal of the Canaries. After 1524, Llorente includes it among the tribunals by which he multiplies the number of yearly victims assigned to each. He thus makes it responsible, from first to last, for 1118 relaxations in person and 574 in effigy. Millares (Historia de la Inquisicion en las Islas Canaries, III, 164-8) has printed the official list of thequemadosduring the whole career of the tribunal, and they amount in all to eleven burnt in person and a hundred and seven in effigy. The number of the latter is accounted for by the fact that, to render its autos interesting, it was often in the habit of prosecutingin absentiaMoorish and negro slaves who escaped to Africa after baptism and who thus were constructively relapsed.Dr. Schäfer (Beiträge, I, 157), after an exhaustive examination of the accessible records, has collected references to 2100 persons tried for Protestantism during the second half of the sixteenth century. Protestants were punished with special severity, but in these cases the total of relaxations in person was about 220 and in effigy about 120, and all these, as we have seen, were largely foreigners.

[1057]Colmeiro, Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, II, 223.

[1058]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. III, p. 256, 287; V, 18; VI, 360.

[1059]Relazioni Lucchese, pp. 58, 70.

[1060]Discurso político (Semanario erúdito, II, 143).A modern writer attributes to the infusion of Saracen blood this characteristic—“este carácter indolente y apático, que nos impede llegar á tiempo en nuestras empresas, ó que no nos consiente llevarlas á termino bien cumplido.”—Madrazo, El pueblo español ha muerto? p. 29 (Santander, 1903).

[1060]Discurso político (Semanario erúdito, II, 143).

A modern writer attributes to the infusion of Saracen blood this characteristic—“este carácter indolente y apático, que nos impede llegar á tiempo en nuestras empresas, ó que no nos consiente llevarlas á termino bien cumplido.”—Madrazo, El pueblo español ha muerto? p. 29 (Santander, 1903).

[1061]Francisco Santos, El No Importe de España, pp. 149, 203 (Madrid, 1668).

[1062]Dávila, Vida de Felipe III, p. 216.

[1063]Pedro Fernández Navarrete, Discursos políticos, fol. 66 (Barcelona, 1621).See also his laterConservacion de Monarquias, DiscursoXLVI(Madrid, 1626) where he states that there were thirty-two universities and more than four thousand grammar-schools where Latin was taught.

[1063]Pedro Fernández Navarrete, Discursos políticos, fol. 66 (Barcelona, 1621).

See also his laterConservacion de Monarquias, DiscursoXLVI(Madrid, 1626) where he states that there were thirty-two universities and more than four thousand grammar-schools where Latin was taught.

[1064]Semanário erúdito, XXVI, 108.—Jovellanos, Informe, p. 154.

[1065]Relazioni Lucchese, p. 89.

[1066]Semanário erúdito, VII, 167, 169.

[1067]Juan de Valera, Disertaciones y Judicios literários, p. 201 (Madrid, 1878).—Reconstitucion de España, p. 29.

[1068]See the very instructive sketch by D. Antonio Rodríguez Villa, “Patiño y Campillo,” Madrid, 1882.

[1069]Vida política y ministerial del Conde de Floridablanca. This, I believe, has never been printed. My copy is in MS.

[1070]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, I, 605; II, 55, 66, 134, 140, 143.

[1071]Córtes de los antiguos Reinos, 1, 2, 24, 42, 43, 51, 244, 246, 289, 291, 360-1, 470.—Fuero viejo, Lib. v, Tit. ii, ley 1; Lib. I, Tit. i, ley 3.

[1072]Córtes etc. III, 339-40.

[1073]Ibidem, 516-18.—Autos acordados, Lib.V, Tit. x, Auto 1.

[1074]Colmeiro, Córtes, II, 88, 98, 121, 147, 163, 168, 180, 192, 199, 207.—Córtes de Madrid del año de Setenta y tres, Peticion 57 (Alcalá. 1575).

[1075]Bleda, Coronica de los Moros, pp. 864, 1025.

[1076]Salazar, Crónica del Gran Cardenal de España, Lib.I, cap. 68 (Madrid, 1625).

[1077]Dávila, Vida de Felipe III, p. 216.

[1078]Cespedes y Meneses, Don Felipe Quarto, Lib,II, cap. 10.

[1079]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XIII, 86).

[1080]Autos Acordados, Lib.IV, Tit. i, Auto 4.

[1081]Llorente, Coleccion diplomática, p. 44.

[1082]Autos Acordados, Lib.V, Tit. x, Auto 3.

[1083]C. Trident. Sess.XXI, De Reform. cap. 2; Sess.XXIII, De Reform. cap. 4, 5, 7, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14; Sess.XXV, De Reg. et Mon. cap. 3.

[1084]Innocent. PP. XIII, Constit.Apostolici ministerii, 13 Maii, 1723. Confirmed by Benedict XIII, September 23, 1724 (Bullar. Roman. XIII, 60).

[1085]Semanário erúdito, X, 149-58.

[1086]Ibidem, VII, 172, 182-4; VIII, 231-33.

[1087]Novís. Recop., Lib. 1, Tit. v, leyes 14, 15, 17, 18. Under Carlos III the numbers of the clergy were:1768.1787.Parish priests15,63916,689Beneficed clergy, vicars etc.51,40842,707Regular clergy, males55,45347,515Do. Do. females27,66524,559Servants, sacristans, acolytes, etc.25,24816,376Treasurers of religious houses8,5524,127183,965151,973The falling off in 1787 is probably due to greater rigor in scrutinizing claims to exemption.

[1087]Novís. Recop., Lib. 1, Tit. v, leyes 14, 15, 17, 18. Under Carlos III the numbers of the clergy were:

The falling off in 1787 is probably due to greater rigor in scrutinizing claims to exemption.

[1088]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 19.

[1089]Ricordi sulla Spagna nell’anno 1853 (Ibidem, III, 469).

[1090]Conservacion de Monarquías, DiscursoXLV.

[1091]Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 118, fol. 146, n 49.

[1092]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 450.

[1093]Ibidem, T. VI, p. 378.—Zanetornato, p. 88.Thesubsidiowas a grant from Paul IV to arm sixty galleys, a purpose which was speedily forgotten. Theexcusadowas a grant from Paul V empowering the king to claim in each parish the tithe of the largest tithe-payer, but it led to difficulties in collecting and was commuted.

[1093]Ibidem, T. VI, p. 378.—Zanetornato, p. 88.

Thesubsidiowas a grant from Paul IV to arm sixty galleys, a purpose which was speedily forgotten. Theexcusadowas a grant from Paul V empowering the king to claim in each parish the tithe of the largest tithe-payer, but it led to difficulties in collecting and was commuted.

[1094]Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion de Granada, Expedientes varios, Leg. 2.

[1095]Jovellanos, Informe, p. 88.

[1096]Marina, Teoria de las Córtes, P.I, cap. xiii, n. 24 (Madrid, 1820).The burden of the tithe was the same in France under theancien régime. As a recent writer remarks “Les dimes étaient une des plus lourdes, peutêtre même celle qui pesait sur les campagnes de la façon la plus générale et la plus fâcheuse ... on ne devrait pas oublier que le droit en lui-même était, le plus souvent, bien moins odieux, moins funeste, que les abus auxquels il donnait lieu ou servait de prétexte.”—Edme Champion, La Séparation de l’Eglise et de l’Etat en 1794 (Paris, 1903).The tithes and first fruits were by no means the only ecclesiastical exaction which impoverished the husbandman. An anonymousPresbítero secularwho, in 1828, vigorously defended the temporalities of the Church, candidly admits the oppressiveness of some of its revenues. Among those enumerated was one known asLuctuosa—the right to the best head of cattle on the death of the peasant. The lay lords had mostly commuted this for a small money payment, but the clergy farmed it out and the farmers exacted it with the utmost rigor, not only on the death of the head of a family but on that of every member, so that the survivors, in the hour of bereavement, were often stripped of the means of cultivating their holdings. In 1787 the people of the see of Lugo, after a long struggle, obtained from Carlos III a decree restricting it to the death of the head of the family and commuting it to a money payment of sixty reales when four head of cattle were owned and lesser sums for a smaller number.—Historia y Origen de las Rentas de la Iglesia de España, pp. 90-7 (Madrid, 1828).This exaction was by no means confined to Spain. See Burn’s Law Dictionary s. v. Heriot and Du Cange s. vv.Hereotum,Luctuosa.

[1096]Marina, Teoria de las Córtes, P.I, cap. xiii, n. 24 (Madrid, 1820).

The burden of the tithe was the same in France under theancien régime. As a recent writer remarks “Les dimes étaient une des plus lourdes, peutêtre même celle qui pesait sur les campagnes de la façon la plus générale et la plus fâcheuse ... on ne devrait pas oublier que le droit en lui-même était, le plus souvent, bien moins odieux, moins funeste, que les abus auxquels il donnait lieu ou servait de prétexte.”—Edme Champion, La Séparation de l’Eglise et de l’Etat en 1794 (Paris, 1903).

The tithes and first fruits were by no means the only ecclesiastical exaction which impoverished the husbandman. An anonymousPresbítero secularwho, in 1828, vigorously defended the temporalities of the Church, candidly admits the oppressiveness of some of its revenues. Among those enumerated was one known asLuctuosa—the right to the best head of cattle on the death of the peasant. The lay lords had mostly commuted this for a small money payment, but the clergy farmed it out and the farmers exacted it with the utmost rigor, not only on the death of the head of a family but on that of every member, so that the survivors, in the hour of bereavement, were often stripped of the means of cultivating their holdings. In 1787 the people of the see of Lugo, after a long struggle, obtained from Carlos III a decree restricting it to the death of the head of the family and commuting it to a money payment of sixty reales when four head of cattle were owned and lesser sums for a smaller number.—Historia y Origen de las Rentas de la Iglesia de España, pp. 90-7 (Madrid, 1828).

This exaction was by no means confined to Spain. See Burn’s Law Dictionary s. v. Heriot and Du Cange s. vv.Hereotum,Luctuosa.

[1097]Breve Memoria (Döllinger, Beiträge zur polit. kirchl. u. Cultur-Geschichte, III, 203).

[1098]C. Hispalens. ann. 1512, cap. 13, 17, 23, 26, 27 (Aguirre, T. V).—Barrantes, Aparato para la Hist. de Extremadura, I, 469.

[1099]De justa Hæreticorum punitione, Lib.III, cap. 5.

[1100]Comentarios, fol. 167, 260.

[1101]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inq., Leg. único, fol. 76.

[1102]Synod. Oriolan., ann. 1600, cap. xxviii (Aguirre, VI, 457).

[1103]Alphonsus a Castro adversus Hæreses, Lib.I, cap. xii.

[1104]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 79.

[1105]Col. de Doc. inéd., V, 83, 85.

[1106]Bleda, Corónica de los Moros, p. 910.—See Bonifacii PP. VIII. Bull.Unam Sanctam(Extrav. Commun., Lib.I, Tit.VIII, cap. 1). Also theDe Regimine Principum, Lib.III, cap. x, xiii, xix, which passes under the name of Aquinas.

[1107]Picatoste, La Grandeza y Decadencia de España, III, 192 (Madrid, 1887).

[1108]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. II, p. 208.

[1109]Dávila, Hist. de Felipe III, Lib.II, cap. lvii.

[1110]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib.V, fol. 93, 95, 97.

[1111]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. I, pp. 341-2; II, 61, 213; III, 222-3.

[1112]Sandoval, Vida del Emp. Carlos V, II, 740, 777, 792 (Barcelona, 1625).

[1113]Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II, Tom. II, 27, 44, 58; III, 588.

[1114]Pallavicini, Hist. Conc. Trident., Lib.XIV, cap. xi, n. 2.See also the letter of St. Pius V, April 26, 1569, to the Duke of Anjou (Henry III) congratulating him on his victory over the Huguenots at Jarnac, and urging him to show himself inexorable to those who should plead for mercy towards heretics and rebels.—Pii Quinti Epistolar. Lib.V, p. 168 (Antverpiæ, 1640).

[1114]Pallavicini, Hist. Conc. Trident., Lib.XIV, cap. xi, n. 2.

See also the letter of St. Pius V, April 26, 1569, to the Duke of Anjou (Henry III) congratulating him on his victory over the Huguenots at Jarnac, and urging him to show himself inexorable to those who should plead for mercy towards heretics and rebels.—Pii Quinti Epistolar. Lib.V, p. 168 (Antverpiæ, 1640).

[1115]Testamento y Codicilo del Rey Don Felipe II, p. 14 (Madrid, 1882).

[1116]Relazioni Lucchese, p. 16.

[1117]In his instructions to Colonel Lockhart, his envoy to France after the negotiation of the treaty of 1656, Cromwell tells him to explain to Cardinal Mazarin “what my principles are which led me to a closure with France rather than with Spaine ... viz. that the one gives libertie of conscience to the professors of the Protestant religion and the other persecuteing it with losse of life and estate.”—Prof. C. H. Firth, in English Historical Review, October, 1906, p. 744.

[1118]Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Phelipe IV, P. VII, p. 685.

[1119]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld., 130.

[1120]A. de Castro adv. Hæreses, Lib.I, cap. xiii.

[1121]Comentarios, fol. 209.Spain was not exceptional in this. In 1700, a pastoral of Archbishop Precipiano of Mechlin describes with equal energy this profanation of saints’ days.—Collectio Synodorum Archiep. Mechliniensis, II, 434 (Mechliniæ, 1829).

[1121]Comentarios, fol. 209.

Spain was not exceptional in this. In 1700, a pastoral of Archbishop Precipiano of Mechlin describes with equal energy this profanation of saints’ days.—Collectio Synodorum Archiep. Mechliniensis, II, 434 (Mechliniæ, 1829).

[1122]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 18.—In 1565, Giovanni Soranzo makes the same statement and both remark on the facility with which Spanish troops passed over to the infidel—Ibid, p. 82.

[1123]Aspilcueta de Oratione, cap. v, n. 25-35.It was not until 1772 that Carlos III prohibited, in the churches of Madrid, the dances andgigantonesandtarascas, or great pasteboard figures of giants and serpents, in the processions, as causing disorder and interfering with devotion; and in 1780 this was extended over the whole kingdom.—Novís. Recop., Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 12.

[1123]Aspilcueta de Oratione, cap. v, n. 25-35.

It was not until 1772 that Carlos III prohibited, in the churches of Madrid, the dances andgigantonesandtarascas, or great pasteboard figures of giants and serpents, in the processions, as causing disorder and interfering with devotion; and in 1780 this was extended over the whole kingdom.—Novís. Recop., Lib.I, Tit. i, ley 12.

[1124]Santos, El no Importe, pp. 107-31.—For a similar description by Juan de Zabaleta see his “El dia de fiesta,” Obras, p. 166 (Madrid, 1728). TheEl no Importewas reprinted in 1787.These profanities were not confined to Spain and were condemned by the Council of Tours in 1583 and by Archbishop Precipiano of Mechlin, in 1700.—Concil. Turonens., ann. 1583, Tit. xv (Harduin X, 1424).—(Collect. Synod. Mechlin., II, 436).

[1124]Santos, El no Importe, pp. 107-31.—For a similar description by Juan de Zabaleta see his “El dia de fiesta,” Obras, p. 166 (Madrid, 1728). TheEl no Importewas reprinted in 1787.

These profanities were not confined to Spain and were condemned by the Council of Tours in 1583 and by Archbishop Precipiano of Mechlin, in 1700.—Concil. Turonens., ann. 1583, Tit. xv (Harduin X, 1424).—(Collect. Synod. Mechlin., II, 436).

[1125]Bibliothèque nationale de France, fonds Dupuy, no. 589, fol. 30.

[1126]Relacion del Auto de fe de 1733. Discurso isagogico, § 2 (Lima, 1733).

[1127]P. Ricardo Cappa, S. J., La Inquisicion española, Madrid, 1888.

[1128]Don A. Rodríguez Villa has printed the essential portions of this memorial in theBoletinfor July—September 1906, pp. 87-103. It is anonymous and without date, though he tells us that a note on the MS., in a contemporary hand, attributes it to P. Hernando de Salazar or to D. Diego Serrano de Silva, of the Suprema. It is unquestionably by a member of the Suprema, for no one else would have such knowledge of the internal affairs of the Inquisition or discourse of them so freely, even to the sovereign. Allusion to the successes of the Dutch in Brazil assign it to the time, between 1620 and 1630, when there was so much discussion as to the Portuguese New Christians (see Vol. III, p. 275), to which this paper was doubtless a contribution.

[1129]Oligarquía y Caciquismo, pp. 22, 679 (Madrid, 1903).

[1130]Doctor Madrazo, while deploring the antinational policy of the ecclesiastical establishment, bears emphatic testimony to the individual virtues of the clergy, regular and secular and their efforts to realize, each in his own sphere, the ideal of Christianity. He attributes their influence on Spanish policy to the power possessed by the papacy of precipitating through them at any moment a Carlist revolt.—El Pueblo español ha muerto? pp. 140-6 (Santander, 1903).In a very thoughtful paper, Professor Rafael Altamira and his colleagues of the University of Oviedo allude to the theocratic reaction which opposes all progress in the direction of toleration and culture and which threatens a civil war that would be the end of Spain.—Oligarquía y Caciquismo, p. 192.

In a very thoughtful paper, Professor Rafael Altamira and his colleagues of the University of Oviedo allude to the theocratic reaction which opposes all progress in the direction of toleration and culture and which threatens a civil war that would be the end of Spain.—Oligarquía y Caciquismo, p. 192.

[1131]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. VI, p. 371; T. V, p. 288.—Spicilegio Vaticano, I, 461.—Relazioni Lucchese, p. 21.

[1132]Ortí y Lara, La Inquisicion, p. xiv.—Macias Picavea, El Problema, p. 229.

[1133]This is largely the case in the detail often given of the practices of sorcery. For these there might be some excuse offered, but there is none when wholly superfluous descriptions are included of vice too nauseous to bear transcription.

[1134]Corella, Praxis Confeseionis, P.II, Perorat. n. 3.—Picatoste, III, 113-23, 158, 162.—Villa, La Corte y Monarquía, p. xvi.

[1135]Chapters from the Religious History of Spain, p. 102.

[1136]Döllinger u. Reusch, Moral-Streitigkeiten, I, 319.

[1137]For this social anarchy see Picatoste, III, 86-9.

[1138]Roda, Dictamen á una Consulta (MS.penes me).

[1139]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 69, fol. 2, 8.

[1140]Corpo Diplomatico Portugues, III, 247.

[1141]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. II, p. 40; T. III, p. 252; T. V, pp. 22, 83, 144, 288, 392, 485; T. VI, pp. 367, 412.

[1142]Erasmi Epistolæ, Auctarium, p. 114 (Londoni, 1642).

[1143]Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib.XXIV, cap. xvii.

[1144]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Barcelona, Córtes, Leg. 17, fol. 74.

[1145]Historia verdadera, III, 509.

[1146]Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, Bd. III, Abt II, p. 74.—Cf. Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, pp. 327 sqq.Father Gams exposes his ignorance when he tells us that he excludes the burnings for other crimes than heresy, as if there were such, except the rare cases of unnatural crime in Aragon. He even implies that the Inquisition burnt for usury and smuggling.

[1146]Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien, Bd. III, Abt II, p. 74.—Cf. Hefele, Der Cardinal Ximenes, pp. 327 sqq.

Father Gams exposes his ignorance when he tells us that he excludes the burnings for other crimes than heresy, as if there were such, except the rare cases of unnatural crime in Aragon. He even implies that the Inquisition burnt for usury and smuggling.

[1147]Hist. crít., T. IX, pp. 209, 211, 213, 214 (Madrid, 1822).The total of Llorente’s extravagant guesses, from the foundation of the Inquisition to 1808, is:Burnt in person31,912Burnt in effigy17,659Heavily penanced291,450341,021Hist. crít, IX, 233.This is slightly modified by Gallois in his abridgement of Llorente’s work (Histoire abregée de la Inquisition d’Espagne, 6eEd., p. 351-2, Paris, 1828). He gives the figures:Burnt alive34,658Burnt in effigy18,049Condemned to galleys or prison288,214340,921It will be observed that Gallois unscrupulously classifies all personal relaxations as burnings alive and all penances as galleys or prison.

[1147]Hist. crít., T. IX, pp. 209, 211, 213, 214 (Madrid, 1822).

The total of Llorente’s extravagant guesses, from the foundation of the Inquisition to 1808, is:

This is slightly modified by Gallois in his abridgement of Llorente’s work (Histoire abregée de la Inquisition d’Espagne, 6eEd., p. 351-2, Paris, 1828). He gives the figures:

It will be observed that Gallois unscrupulously classifies all personal relaxations as burnings alive and all penances as galleys or prison.

[1148]Hist. de los Judíos de España, III, 492-3.

[1149]Procedimientos de la Inquisicion, I, 116-17 (Madrid, 1886).

[1150]Pulgar, Cronica, P.II, cap. lxxvii.

[1151]L. Marinæi Siculi de Reb. Hispan., Lib.XIX.—Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, P. II, Lib.VI, c. xix.—Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib.XXIV, cap. xvii.—Páramo, p. 139.—Garibay, Comp. Hist., Lib.XVIII, cap. xvii.

[1152]Hist. de los Reyes Católicos, cap. xliv.

[1153]Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, año 1524, n. 3—Varflora, Compendio de Sevilla, P.II, cap. 1.

[1154]Bernáldez,ubi sup.

[1155]Lalaing, Voyage de Philippe le Beau (Gachard, Voyages des Souverains, I, 203).

[1156]Zurita, Añales, Lib.XX, cap. xlix. The fact that so careful an historian as Zurita, who sought everywhere for documentary evidence, had no official statistics to cite shows that none such existed in the Suprema relating to the early years of the Inquisition.

[1157]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. II, p. 40.

[1158]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 262.—It is possible that these figures may be only of residents of Ciudad Real. Páramo (p. 170) states the numbers for the tribunal, during its two years of existence, at 52 relaxations in person, 220 in effigy and 183 reconciliations. The record just cited gives for Ciudad Real, from 1484 to 1531, 113 relaxed in person, 129 in effigy, 16 reconciled, 11 penanced, 19 absolved, 3 discharged on bail and 8 of which the sentence is not stated—all, apparently, residents of the town.

[1159]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 292 sqq).The Córdova tribunal also burned 90 residents of Chillon, who had been duped by the prophetess of Herrera (Ibidem, p. 308).

[1159]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, XI, 292 sqq).

The Córdova tribunal also burned 90 residents of Chillon, who had been duped by the prophetess of Herrera (Ibidem, p. 308).

[1160]Hist. crit., IX, 210.

[1161]See Appendix of Vol. I. It must be borne in mind that, in the early years, small autos were held elsewhere than in the centres. Thus, in theLibro Verdethere are allusions to them in Barbastro, Huesca, Monzon, Lérida and Tamarit (Revista de España, CVI, 250-1, 263-4, 266). The aggregate for these, however, would make little difference in the totals.

[1162]Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 570-83). The relaxations by years were:1483—11495—91512—41542—11485—41496—11520—11543—11486—261497—181521—21546—21487—251498—21522—11549—11488—131499—131524—11561—41489—21500—51526—11563—11490—11502—21528—21565—11491—101505—11534—11566—11492—151506—51535—11567—21493—111510—11537—11574—21494—11511—51539—1The number in 1486-7-8 is attributable to the assassination of San Pedro Arbués.

[1162]Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 570-83). The relaxations by years were:

The number in 1486-7-8 is attributable to the assassination of San Pedro Arbués.

[1163]Carbonell de Gestis Hæret. (Col. de Doc. de la C. de Aragon, XXVII, XXVIII).

[1164]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 98, 300.

[1165]Cronicon de Valladolid (Col. de Doc. inéd., XIII, 176-9, 187).

[1166]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 595.

[1167]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[1168]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.

[1169]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1020.

[1170]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.To illustrate the discrepancy between the facts as stated above and the reckless computations of Llorente, which have been so largely accepted, it may not be amiss to compare the facts with the corresponding figures resulting from his system of calculation, for the tribunals and periods named:Records.Llorente.Toledo,1483-1501.Relaxed in person297666Relaxed in effigy600433Imprisoned, about200}6,200Reconciled under edicts5200Do.1575-1610.Relaxed in person11252Relaxed in effigy15120Penanced9041,396Do.1648-1794.Relaxed in person8297Relaxed in effigy63129Penanced10941,188up to 1746.Saragossa,1485-1502.Relaxed in person124584Relaxed in effigy32392Penanced4587,004Barcelona,1488-98.Relaxed in person23432Relaxed in effigy430316Imprisoned116}5,122Reconciled under edicts304Valencia,1485-1592.Relaxed in person6431,538Relaxed in effigy479869Tried310416,677penanced.Valladolid,1485-92.Relaxed in person50424Relaxed in effigy6312Penanced?3,884Majorca,1488-1691.Relaxed in person1391,778Relaxed in effigy482978Penanced97517,861All tribunals,1721-27.Relaxed in person77238Relaxed in effigy74119Penanced8111,428It will thus be seen how entirely fallacious was the guess-work on which Llorente based his system.An even more conclusive comparison is furnished by the little tribunal of the Canaries. After 1524, Llorente includes it among the tribunals by which he multiplies the number of yearly victims assigned to each. He thus makes it responsible, from first to last, for 1118 relaxations in person and 574 in effigy. Millares (Historia de la Inquisicion en las Islas Canaries, III, 164-8) has printed the official list of thequemadosduring the whole career of the tribunal, and they amount in all to eleven burnt in person and a hundred and seven in effigy. The number of the latter is accounted for by the fact that, to render its autos interesting, it was often in the habit of prosecutingin absentiaMoorish and negro slaves who escaped to Africa after baptism and who thus were constructively relapsed.Dr. Schäfer (Beiträge, I, 157), after an exhaustive examination of the accessible records, has collected references to 2100 persons tried for Protestantism during the second half of the sixteenth century. Protestants were punished with special severity, but in these cases the total of relaxations in person was about 220 and in effigy about 120, and all these, as we have seen, were largely foreigners.

[1170]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.

To illustrate the discrepancy between the facts as stated above and the reckless computations of Llorente, which have been so largely accepted, it may not be amiss to compare the facts with the corresponding figures resulting from his system of calculation, for the tribunals and periods named:

It will thus be seen how entirely fallacious was the guess-work on which Llorente based his system.

An even more conclusive comparison is furnished by the little tribunal of the Canaries. After 1524, Llorente includes it among the tribunals by which he multiplies the number of yearly victims assigned to each. He thus makes it responsible, from first to last, for 1118 relaxations in person and 574 in effigy. Millares (Historia de la Inquisicion en las Islas Canaries, III, 164-8) has printed the official list of thequemadosduring the whole career of the tribunal, and they amount in all to eleven burnt in person and a hundred and seven in effigy. The number of the latter is accounted for by the fact that, to render its autos interesting, it was often in the habit of prosecutingin absentiaMoorish and negro slaves who escaped to Africa after baptism and who thus were constructively relapsed.

Dr. Schäfer (Beiträge, I, 157), after an exhaustive examination of the accessible records, has collected references to 2100 persons tried for Protestantism during the second half of the sixteenth century. Protestants were punished with special severity, but in these cases the total of relaxations in person was about 220 and in effigy about 120, and all these, as we have seen, were largely foreigners.

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