Chapter 22

[105]Archives de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXVII. 255). The Inquisition seems to have by some means acquired jurisdiction over the Jews of Languedoc. In 1279 there is a charter granted by Bernard, Abbot of S. Antonin of Pamiers, to the Jews of Pamiers, approving of certain statutes agreed upon among themselves concerning their internal affairs, thus showing them subjected to the abbatial jurisdiction. Yet in 1297 we have a letter from the inquisitor, Frère Arnaud Jean, ordering the Jews of Pamiers to live according to the customs of the Jews of Narbonne, and promising not to introduce “aliquas graves et insolitas novitates.” During the interval they had thus passed into the hands of the Inquisition.--Coll. Doat, XXXVII. 156, 160.[106]Martin Fuldens. Chron. ann. 1312.--C. 1, 2, 3, Clement,V. iii.--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX.).--Bern. Guidon. Practica, P.IV. c. 1. It is due to Clement to say that doubtless he devised a much more thorough reform, and the meagreness of the outcome is probably attributable to the final revision under John XXII. Angelo da Clarino, writing from Avignon in 1313, about the new canons, which were then supposed to be ready for issue, says: “Inquisitores etiam heretice pravitatis restringuntur et supponuntur episcopis”--which would argue something much more decisive than the regulations as they finally appeared.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv. für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 545.[107]Du Puy, Histoire du Differend, Preuves, pp. 522-602.[108]Joann. Canon. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1314-16.--Rymer, Fœdera, III. 494-5.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1314-16--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Joann. PP. XXII.--Ptolmaei Lucens. Append. John XXII. has always passed as the son of a cobbler of Cahors. Recent researches, however, render it probable that he belonged to a well-to-do burgher family.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat. X. 363.)[109]Joann. Can. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1311, 1316-19.--Historia Tribulationum (Archiv. für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, pp. 145-8).--Wadding. ann. 1318, No. 26-7.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 1, 39.[110]MSS. Bib. Nat, fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 5, 81, 103-4, 146-7, 169. Arnaud Garsia and Pierre Probi were kept in prison until 1325, when they were released on payment of two thousand gold florins, and such penance as Jean Duprat, the inquisitor, might impose on them. Their sequestrated property was ordered to be restored.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 645.[111]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 268-73.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 186-92.--Jo. a S. Victore Memor. Historiale ann. 1319 (Bouquet, XXI. 664).[112]Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. III. 123.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 138).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 228, 244-8, 266-7, 277-81.--Arch, de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169, 185).[113]Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 97).[114]Ibid. (Doat, XXX. 96, 98).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 138-9, 213.[115]Molinier, L’Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 111--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 285.[116]Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Præedic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 469).--Touron, Hommes illustres de l’Ordre de S. Dominique, II. 94.[117]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 2, 3, 12, 13, 32, 68, 76, 81, 159.--Molinier, L’Inq. dans le midi de la France, pp. 145-56.[118]Molinier, op. cit. p. 157--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos, p. 102.[119]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 37.[120]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 59, 60, 64, 73, 74, 75, 92-3, 132.[121]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 341-2.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 198-200, 248; XXVIII. 128, 158. The entire disappearance of a sect once so numerous and powerful as the Cathari has appeared so unlikely that there has been a widespread belief that their descendants were to be found in the Cagots--the accursed race of the Pyrenees who in French Navarre were only admitted to common legal rights in 1709, and in the Spanish province in 1818, some of them still existing in the latter. The Cagots themselves even assumed this to be their origin in an appeal to Leo X., in 1517, to be restored to human society, and claimed that their ancestral errors had been long atoned for. Yet among all the conjectures as to the origin of this mysterious class, the descent from Catharans would seem to be the least admissible, and M. de Lagrèze’s opinion that they are descendants of lepers is sustained by arguments which appear to be convincing.--Lagrèze, La Navarre Française I. 53-60. Cf. Vaissette, Liv.XXXIV. c. 79.[122]Coll. Doat, XXVII. 216-25, 234.[123]Vaissette, III, 362, 496; IV. 104-5, 211.--Archives de l’Évêché de Béziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).--Beugnot, Les Olim I. 1029-30.--Les Olim I. 580.--Coll. Doat, XXXIII. 1. The extent of the change of the proprietorship is well illustrated by a list of the lands and rents confiscated for heresy to the profit of Philippe de Montfort from his vassals. It embraces fiefs and other properties in Lautrec, Montredon, Senegats, Rabastain, and Lavaur. The knights and gentlemen and peasants thus stripped are all named, with their offences--one died a heretic, another was hereticated on his death-bed, a third was condemned for heresy, and a fourth was burned at Lavaur, while in other cases the mother, or the father, or both were heretics (Doat, XXXII. 258-63). Many examples of donations and sales are preserved in the Doat collection. I may instance T. XXXI. fol. 171, 237, 255; T. XXXII. fol. 46, 53, 55, 57, 64, 67, 69, 244, etc. In the possessions of the English crown in Aquitaine the same process was going on, though in a minor degree (Rymer, Fœdera, III. 408).[124]Coll. Doat, XXXII. 309, 316.[125]Joinville, P.I. (Ed. 1785. p. 23).[126]Alberic. Triun. Font. Chron. ann. 1236.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull.Gaudemus. 19 Ap. 1233 (Ripoll I. 45-6).--Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 59.[127]Greg. PP. IX. Bull.Olim, 4 Feb. 1234; Ejusd. Bull.Dudum, 21 Aug. 1235; Ejusd. Bull.Quo inter cœteras, 22 Aug. 1235; Ejusd. Bull.Dudum, 23 Aug. 1235 (Ripoll I. 80-1).--Potthast No. 9386.--Chron. breve Lobiens. ann. 1235 (Martene Thes. III. 1427).--D. Bouquet, XXII. 570.--Chron. Rimée de Philippe Mousket, v. 28871-29025.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1235.[128]Chron. S. Medardi Suessionens. (D’Achery, II. 491).--Conc. Trevirens. ann. 1238, c. 31 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 130).--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1236, No. 3.--Meyeri Annal. Flandrens. Lib.VIII. ann. 1236.--Raynald. ann. 1238, No. 52.--Matt. Paris ann. 1236, 1238, pp. 293, 326 (Ed. 1644).--Chron. Gaufridi de Collone ann. 1239 (Bouquet, XXII. 3).--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1239.--Chron. Riméc de Phil. de Mousket, v. 30525-34. Frère Bremond endeavors to clear Robert’s fame from the accusations brought against him by Matthew Paris, and states that he died in the convent of St. Jacques in Paris in 1235.[129]Concil. Turonens. ann. 1239, c. 1.--D. Bouquet, XXI. 262, 264, 268, 273, 274, 276, 280, 281.--Ripoll I. 273-4.[130]Coll. Doat, XXXI. 68.--Martene Coll. Ampl. I. 1284.--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1288, No. 14, 15; ann. 1290, No. 3, 5, 6; ann. 1292, No. 3.[131]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat. XXXI. 90; XXXII. 41).--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1255, No. 14.--Raynald. ann. 1255, No. 33.--Arch. Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 30, 31, 34, 35, 36.--Ripoll I. 273-4, 291, 362, 472, 512; II. 29.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin. No. 14930. fol. 226.--Martene Thesaur. V. 1814, 1817.[132]Ripoll I. 179, 183; II. 29.--Potthast No. 15995.--Lib. Sentt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 252-4.[133]Martene Thesaur. V. 1809, 1811-13.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXII. 127).[134]Ripoll II. 1.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1307, 1310.[135]Martene Ampl. Collect. VII. 1325-7. Cf. Concil. Trident. Sess. xxv. Decret. Reform, c. 3.[136]Arch. Nat. de France, J. 428, No. 15, 19bis.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin, ann. 1308, 1310.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 188.[137]Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 273-4.--Chron. Johann. S. Victor. Contin. ann. 1323 (Bouquet, XXI. 681).[138]Coll. Doat, XXVII. 119, 132, 140, 146, 156, 178, 192, 198, 232.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 23.[139]Vaiseette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 782-3, 792, 802, 813-14.--Arch, de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat. XXXV. 120).--Vaissette, IV. 184.--Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 433.[140]Ripoll II. 236.[141]Raynald. ann. 1365, No. 17; ann. 1373, No. 19, 21.--Gaguini Hist. Francor. Lib.IX. c. 2. (Ed. 1576, p. 158).--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. Lib.XIII. ann. 1372.--Du Cange s. v.Turlupini.--Gersoni de Consolat. Theolog. Lib.IV. Prosa 3; Ejusd. de Mystica Theol. Specul. P.I. Consid. 8; Ejusd. de Distinctione verarum Visionum Signum, 5.--Altmeyer, Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 85. Probably there may be some connection between the Turelupins and certain wandering bands known as “de Pexariacho” and suspected of heresy. A member of these, named Bidon de Puy-Guillem, of the diocese of Bordeaux, was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and was liberated by Gregory XI. in 1371 (Coll. Doat, XXXV. 134).[142]Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1380-1.--Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI. Liv.I. c. 13, liv.II. c. 1.[143]Religieux de S. Denis, op. cit. Liv.IV. ch. 13.--D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis error. I.II. 151.[144]Chron. Bardin, ann. 1322 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 21-22).[145]Isambert, Anc. Lois Franç. IV. 364-5.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 118.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 23.[146]Chron. Bardin, ann. 1340, 1368 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 27, 31).[147]Chron. Bardin, ann. 1364 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 30. Cf. A. Molinier, Éd. Privat. X. 763).[148]Martene Thesaur. I. 1399.[149]Arch. Administratives de Reims, III. 637-45.--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. Lib.XVI. ann. 1419.--Lafaille, Annales de Toulouse I. 183.--Chron. Bardin, ann. 1423 (Vaissette. IV. Pr. 38).[150]Arch. Administratives de Reims, III. 639-43.[151]Isambert, Anc. Lois Franç. IX. 3; X. 393, 396-416, 477.--Bochelli Decret. Eccles. Gallican. Lib.IV. Tit. 4, 5.--Bull. de la Soc. de l’Hist. du Protestantisme en France, 1860, p. 121.--D’Argentré Coll. Judic. de novis Error. I.II. 357.--Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. I. 63 (Ed. 1690). The feelings with which the abrogation of the Pragmatic Sanction in 1461 was received are well expressed in the “Pragmaticæ Sanctionis Passio,” Baluz. et Mansi, IV. 29. Pius II. is singularly candid in his account of the simoniacal transaction through which he purchased the abrogation by giving the cardinal’s hat to Jean, Bishop of Arras. The suggestion at first provoked the liveliest remonstrances from the members of the Sacred College, who, through their spokesman, the Cardinal of Avignon, warned Pius that there would be no peace in the Consistory, for the bishop would set them all by the ears, and that his unquiet spirit showed that he must be the offspring of an Incubus. Pius admitted all this, but argued that it was an unfortunate necessity; both Louis XI. and Philippe le Bon had asked for his promotion; unless the request was granted the Pragmatic Sanction would not be abolished, for the fury of the disappointed man would convert him into its supporter, and, as he was learned, he would readily find ample Scriptural warrant to adduce in its favor, which would be decisive, as he was the only man in France who urged the abrogation, and he could readily lead the king to change his mind. These arguments were convincing, and Pius enjoyed the supreme triumph of destroying the last relic of the reforms of Constance and Basle. He paid dearly for it, however, in the annoyances inflicted on him by the new cardinal, whom he describes as a liar and a perjurer, avaricious and ambitious, a glutton and a drunkard, and excessively given to women. He was so irascible that at meals he would frequently throw the silver plates and vessels at the servants, and occasionally would push the whole table over, to the dismay of his guests.--Æn. Sylvii Opp. inedd. (Atti della Accad. dei Lincei, 1883, pp. 531, 546-8).[152]Juvenal des Ursins, ann. 1411, 1413.--Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI. Liv.XXXII. ch. 14;XXXIII. ch. 1, 15, 16;XXXV. ch. 18.[153]D’Argentré, op. cit. I.II. 370.[154]Ibid. I.II. 340.[155]Ibid. I.II. 346.[156]Wadding, ann. 1375, No. 17; 1418, No. 1, 2; 1419, No. 2; 1434, No. 2, 3; 1472, No. 24.--Ripoll II. 522, 566-9, 637, 644; III. 487; IV. 6.[157]Wadding. ann. 1409, No. 13; 1418, No. 1, 2, 4.[158]Baluz. et Mansi I. 288-93,--Arch. Gén. de Belgique, Papiers d’État, v. 405.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds Moreau, 444, fol. 10.--Ripoll II. 533; III. 6, 8, 21, 193.[159]Ripoll III. 301.--Wadding, ann. 1458, No. 12.[160]Wadding, ann. 1458, No. 13; 1461, No. 3.--Ripoll III. 317, 423, 487; IV. 103, 217, 303, 304, 356, 373. A MS. of Bernard Gui’sPractica, now in the Municipal Library of Toulouse, bears a marginal note that it was lent by the Inquisition of Toulouse, in 1483, to the Dominicans of Bordeaux to be transcribed, thus showing that there was an Inquisition in operation in the latter city of which the members required instruction in their duties (Molinier, l’Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 201).[161]Memoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv.III. ch. 43.--D’Argentré, op. cit. I.II. 308-18, 319-20, 323, 347.[162]Bremond,ap. Ripoll IV. 373.--Ripoll IV. 390.[163]Ripoll IV. 376.--Wieri de Præstig. Dæmon. Lib.VI. c. 11.[164]Coll. Doat, XXI. 197, 203, 208, 223, 225, 232, 233, 234, 236, 238, 241, 244, 250, 252, 254, 261-2, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, 271, 275, 276, 281, 282, 289, 296. It is perhaps worthy of note that Raymond de Péreille, the Castellan of Montségur, and his companions, when on trial, while freely giving evidence about innumerable Cathari, declared that they knew nothing whatever about Waldenses, which would seem to indicate that there was little communication between the sects (Doat, XXII. 217; XXIII. 344; XXIV. 8).[165]Statut. Synod. Odonis Tullensis ann. 1192, c. ix., x. (Martene Thesaur. IV. 1180).--Ripoll I. 183.--Douais, Les sources de l’histoire de l’Inq. (Revue des Questions Historiques, Oct. 1881, p. 434).--Peyrat, Les Alb. et l’Inquis. III. 74.--Chabrand, Vaudois et Protestants des Alpes, Grenoble, 1886, p. 34.--Havet, L’heresie et le bras seculier (Bib. de l’École des Chartes, 1880, p. 585).--Vaissette, IV. 17.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VI. 819).--Wadding, ann. 1288, No. 14-15; 1292, No. 3.--Raynald. ann. 1288, No. 27-8.[166]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 200-1, 207-8, 216-43, 252-4, 262-5, 289-90, 340-7, 352, 355, 364-66.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.).[167]Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat. XXX.).[168]Wadding. ann. 1321, No. 21-4.[169]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 119 sqq.).--Raynald. ann. 1335, No. 63; 1344, No. 9; 1352, No. 20.--Chabrand. op. cit. pp. 36-7.--Wadding ann. 1352, No. 14, 15; 1363, No. 14, 15; 1364, No. 14, 15; 1365, No. 3.--Lombard, Pierre Valdo et les Vaudois du Briançonnais, Genève, 1880, pp. 17. 20, 23-7.[170]Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 34; ann. 1373, No. 19.[171]Wadding. ann. 1375, No. 11-19.--D’Argentré, op. cit. I.I. 394.--Ripoll II. 289.--Raynald. ann. 1375, No. 26.--Gautier, Hist, de la Ville de Gap, p. 39.[172]Lombard, op. cit. pp. 27-8.--Wadding, ann. 1375, No. 21-3.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. IV. 491.[173]Wadding. ann. 1376, No. 3.[174]Wadding. ann. 1375, No. 24; ann. 1376, No. 2.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXV. 163).[175]Perrin’s Waldenses, translated by Lennard, London, 1624, Bk. 2 pp. 18, 19.--Leger, Hist. des Églises Vaudoises II. 26.--Chabrand, op. cit. pp. 39, 40.[176]Miroir de Souabe, ch. 89 (Ed. Matile, Neuchatel, 1843).[177]Wadding. ann. 1409, No. 12.[178]Mary-Lafon, Hist. du midi de la France, III. 384.--C. Bituricens. ann. 1432 (Harduin. VIII. 1459).--Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 161-3.[179]Leger, Hist. des Églises vaudoises, II. 24.--Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon, Arras, 1885, p. 112. Even in the eariy part of the sixteenth century, Robert Gaguin, in speaking of riding on a broomstick and worshipping Satan, adds “quod impietatis genus Valdensium esse dicitur” (Rer. Gallican. Annal. Lib.X. p. 242. Francof. ad M. 1587).[180]Martene Ampl. Collect. II. 1506-7.[181]Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. X. 793-4.[182]Chabrand, op. cit. pp. 43, 48-52, 70.--Herzog, Die romanischen Waldenser pp. 277-82.--D’Argentré I.I. 105.--Leger, Hist. des Églises Vaudoises II. 23-5.--Filippo de Boni, I Calabro-Valdesi p. 71.--Comba, Histoire des Vaudois d’Italie, Paris, 1887, I. 160-66, 169. The Waldensian legend relates that in the cavern of Aigue-Fraide the number of victims was three thousand, of whom four hundred were children, but I think that M. Chabrand has sufficiently demonstrated its exaggerated improbability (Op. cit. pp. 53-9).[183]Herzog, op. cit. pp. 283-5.--Perrin, Hist. Waldens. B.II. ch. 3.--Chabrand, op. cit. pp. 73-4.[184]Matt. Paris ann. 1234 (p. 270, Ed. 1644).--Reinerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1767-8).[185]Archives Nat. de France, J. 426, No. 4.--D’Achery Spicileg III. 598.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 177.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.III. c. 94.--Ripoll I. 38. (Cf. Llorente, Ch.III. Art. i. No. 3).--Marca Hispanica, pp. 1425-6.[186]Llorente, Ch.III. Art. i. No. 5--Ripoll I. 91-2.[187]Vaissette, III. Pr. 383-5, 392-3.--Doat, XXII. 218; XXIV. 184.[188]Wadding, ann. 1238, No. 6.--Doat, XXIV. 182.--Pet. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Lib.II. fol. 285b.--Berger, Registres d’Innoc. IV. No. 2257.--Monteiro, Hist. da Inquisição, P.I. Liv. ii. ch. 36.[189]Llorente, Ch.IIIArt. 1. No. 7, 8, 19.--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Paramo, pp. 110, 177-8.[190]Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 799, 3904.--Baluz. et Mansi I. 208.--Ripoll I. 245, 427, 429; II. 235.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 129-36.--Paramo, p. 132.[191]Llorente, Ch.III. Art. i. No. 14, 17.--Monteiro, Hist. da Inquisição, P.I. Liv. ii. ch. 10.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 492.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.II. c. 76.--Paramo, p. 178.[192]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1291, c. 8 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 294).[193]Llorente, Ch.III. Art. ii. No. 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 265.--Ripoll II. 245.--Zurita, Añales, Lib.VI. c. 61.--Raynald. ann. 1344, No. 9.[194]Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 262.--Ripoll. III. 421; VII. 90.--Wadding. ann. 1351, No. 16, 18, 21; ann. 1462, No. 1-18; 1463, No. 1-5; 1464, No. 1-6.--D’Argentré, I.I. 372;II. 250, 254.--Gradonici Pontif. Brixianorum Series, Brixiæ, 1755, pp. 348-51.--Æn. Sylvii Comment. Lib.XI.; Ejusd. Lib. de Contentione Divini Sanguinis.[195]Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 44, 266, 314-6, 351, 357-8, 652-3.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 263.--Ripoll II. 268, 269, 270.--Martene Thesaur. II. 1181-2, 1182bis, 1189.--Raynald. ann. 1398, No. 23.--Wadding, ann. 1371, No. 14-24.--Paramo, p. 111.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 499-500, 528.[196]Dameto, Mut, y Alemany, Historia General de Mallorca (Ed. 1840, I. 101-3, II. 652).--Libell. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 432).--Paramo, pp. 179, 186-7.--Ripoll II. 579, 594; III. 20, 28.--Monteiro, P.I. Liv. ii. c. 30.--Llorente, Ch.III. Art. iii. No. 4, 8.[197]Ripoll II. 613.[198]Ripoll III. 347.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXV. 192).[199]Llorente, Ch.III. Art. iii. No. 11.--Albertini Repertor. Inquis. s. v.Deficiens.--Ripoll III. 397, 415, 572.[200]Llorente, Ch.VII. Art. ii. No. 2.--Herculano, Da Origem, etc., da Inquisição em Portugal, I. 44.--Ripoll III. 422.--Paramo, p. 187.[201]Monteiro, P.I. Liv. i. c. 38, 44, 46, 48-51; Liv. ii. c. 5-12.--Chron. Eccles. Hamelens. (Scriptt. Rer. Brunsv. II. 508).--Herculano, I. 39.--Baluz. et Mansi, I. 208.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 131.[202]Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita, Lib.III. c. 7, 9. Cf. c. 18, 20.--Florez, España Sagrada, XXII. 120-22, 126-30.[203]Lucæ Tudens. Lib.III. c. 12.--Raynald. ann. 1236, No. 60.--Rodrigo. Hist. Verdadera de la Inquisicion, II. 10.[204]Las Siete Partidas, P.I. Tit. vi. I. 58; P.VII. Tit. xxiv. I. 7; Tit.XXV. II. 2-7.--El Fuero real, Lib.IV. Tit. i. II. 1, 2.[205]Coll. Doat, XXX. 132 sqq.--Archbishop Rodrigo’s letter is dated 1315. This I presume to be an error of a copyist, probably misled by the use of the Spanish era in which 1355 is equivalent to 1317.[206]Ripoll II. 421, 433.--Monteiro, P.I. Liv. ii. c. 35, 36.--Ordenanzas Reales, Lib. VIII. Tit. iv. I. 4.[207]Monteiro, P.I. Liv. ii. c. 30.--Rodrigo, II. 11, 14-15.--Paramo, p. 136.--Raynald. ann. 1453, No. 19.--Alphons. de Spina Fortalic. Fidei Prolog, fol. 56b(Ed. 1494).[208]Alphons. de Castro adv. Hæreses Lib.III. s.v.Confessio.--Illescas, Historia Pontifical, Lib.VI. c. 18.--Aguirre Concil. Hispan. V. 351-8.--D’Argentré, I.II. 298-302.[209]Herculano, I. 40.--Monteiro. P.I. Liv. ii. c. 34.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 782-3.[210]Llorente, Ch.III. Art. ii. No. 24.--Monteiro, P.I. Liv. ii. c. 35, 37, 38, 39.--Wadding, ann. 1394, No. 4; 1413, No. 4.--Ripoll II. 389.[211]Herculano, Da Origem, etc., da Inquisição, I. 163-5.[212]Cæsar. Heisterbacens. Dial. Mirac. Dist.V. c. 25.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss.LX. (T. XII. p. 447).[213]D’Argentré, Coll. Judic. de novis Error. I. i. 86.--Reinerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1767).[214]Matt. Paris. ann. 1236, p. 293; ann. 1243, pp. 412-13 (Ed. 1644)--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1230.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest.XV. 189.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 881.[215]Montet, Hist. litt. des Vaudois du Piémont, pp. 40-1.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest.IX. 18, 19, 204;XII. 17;XIII. 63.--Kaltner, Konrad v. Marburg, pp. 42, 44.--Annal. Marbacens. ann. 1231 (Urstisii Germ. Hist. Scriptt. II. 90).[216]Böhmer, Regest, Imp. V. 110.--Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 254-57.--Ejusd. Histoire des Vaudois d’Italie, I. 124 sqq., 140.--Charvaz, Origine dei Valdesi, App. No.XXII. Giuseppe Manuel di S. Giovanni (Un’ Episodia della Storia del Piemonte, Torino, 1874, pp. 15-21) argues that the letter of Otho IV. is only the draft of one which the bishop desired to procure, but the question is merely of archæological interest, for in either case it was equally ineffective.[217]Rescript. Heres. Lombard. (Preger, Beiträge, München, 1875, pp. 56-63).--Reinerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1775).

[106]Martin Fuldens. Chron. ann. 1312.--C. 1, 2, 3, Clement,V. iii.--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX.).--Bern. Guidon. Practica, P.IV. c. 1. It is due to Clement to say that doubtless he devised a much more thorough reform, and the meagreness of the outcome is probably attributable to the final revision under John XXII. Angelo da Clarino, writing from Avignon in 1313, about the new canons, which were then supposed to be ready for issue, says: “Inquisitores etiam heretice pravitatis restringuntur et supponuntur episcopis”--which would argue something much more decisive than the regulations as they finally appeared.--Franz Ehrle, Archiv. für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 545.

[107]Du Puy, Histoire du Differend, Preuves, pp. 522-602.

[108]Joann. Canon. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1314-16.--Rymer, Fœdera, III. 494-5.--Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1314-16--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Joann. PP. XXII.--Ptolmaei Lucens. Append. John XXII. has always passed as the son of a cobbler of Cahors. Recent researches, however, render it probable that he belonged to a well-to-do burgher family.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat. X. 363.)

[109]Joann. Can. S. Victor. Chron. ann. 1311, 1316-19.--Historia Tribulationum (Archiv. für Litteratur-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, pp. 145-8).--Wadding. ann. 1318, No. 26-7.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 1, 39.

[110]MSS. Bib. Nat, fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 5, 81, 103-4, 146-7, 169. Arnaud Garsia and Pierre Probi were kept in prison until 1325, when they were released on payment of two thousand gold florins, and such penance as Jean Duprat, the inquisitor, might impose on them. Their sequestrated property was ordered to be restored.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 645.

[111]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 268-73.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 186-92.--Jo. a S. Victore Memor. Historiale ann. 1319 (Bouquet, XXI. 664).

[112]Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. III. 123.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 138).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 228, 244-8, 266-7, 277-81.--Arch, de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169, 185).

[113]Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 97).

[114]Ibid. (Doat, XXX. 96, 98).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 138-9, 213.

[115]Molinier, L’Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 111--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 285.

[116]Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Præedic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 469).--Touron, Hommes illustres de l’Ordre de S. Dominique, II. 94.

[117]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 2, 3, 12, 13, 32, 68, 76, 81, 159.--Molinier, L’Inq. dans le midi de la France, pp. 145-56.

[118]Molinier, op. cit. p. 157--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos, p. 102.

[119]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 37.

[120]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 59, 60, 64, 73, 74, 75, 92-3, 132.

[121]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 341-2.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 198-200, 248; XXVIII. 128, 158. The entire disappearance of a sect once so numerous and powerful as the Cathari has appeared so unlikely that there has been a widespread belief that their descendants were to be found in the Cagots--the accursed race of the Pyrenees who in French Navarre were only admitted to common legal rights in 1709, and in the Spanish province in 1818, some of them still existing in the latter. The Cagots themselves even assumed this to be their origin in an appeal to Leo X., in 1517, to be restored to human society, and claimed that their ancestral errors had been long atoned for. Yet among all the conjectures as to the origin of this mysterious class, the descent from Catharans would seem to be the least admissible, and M. de Lagrèze’s opinion that they are descendants of lepers is sustained by arguments which appear to be convincing.--Lagrèze, La Navarre Française I. 53-60. Cf. Vaissette, Liv.XXXIV. c. 79.

[122]Coll. Doat, XXVII. 216-25, 234.

[123]Vaissette, III, 362, 496; IV. 104-5, 211.--Archives de l’Évêché de Béziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).--Beugnot, Les Olim I. 1029-30.--Les Olim I. 580.--Coll. Doat, XXXIII. 1. The extent of the change of the proprietorship is well illustrated by a list of the lands and rents confiscated for heresy to the profit of Philippe de Montfort from his vassals. It embraces fiefs and other properties in Lautrec, Montredon, Senegats, Rabastain, and Lavaur. The knights and gentlemen and peasants thus stripped are all named, with their offences--one died a heretic, another was hereticated on his death-bed, a third was condemned for heresy, and a fourth was burned at Lavaur, while in other cases the mother, or the father, or both were heretics (Doat, XXXII. 258-63). Many examples of donations and sales are preserved in the Doat collection. I may instance T. XXXI. fol. 171, 237, 255; T. XXXII. fol. 46, 53, 55, 57, 64, 67, 69, 244, etc. In the possessions of the English crown in Aquitaine the same process was going on, though in a minor degree (Rymer, Fœdera, III. 408).

[124]Coll. Doat, XXXII. 309, 316.

[125]Joinville, P.I. (Ed. 1785. p. 23).

[126]Alberic. Triun. Font. Chron. ann. 1236.--Gregor. PP. IX. Bull.Gaudemus. 19 Ap. 1233 (Ripoll I. 45-6).--Raynald. ann. 1233, No. 59.

[127]Greg. PP. IX. Bull.Olim, 4 Feb. 1234; Ejusd. Bull.Dudum, 21 Aug. 1235; Ejusd. Bull.Quo inter cœteras, 22 Aug. 1235; Ejusd. Bull.Dudum, 23 Aug. 1235 (Ripoll I. 80-1).--Potthast No. 9386.--Chron. breve Lobiens. ann. 1235 (Martene Thes. III. 1427).--D. Bouquet, XXII. 570.--Chron. Rimée de Philippe Mousket, v. 28871-29025.--Alberic. Trium Font. ann. 1235.

[128]Chron. S. Medardi Suessionens. (D’Achery, II. 491).--Conc. Trevirens. ann. 1238, c. 31 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 130).--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1236, No. 3.--Meyeri Annal. Flandrens. Lib.VIII. ann. 1236.--Raynald. ann. 1238, No. 52.--Matt. Paris ann. 1236, 1238, pp. 293, 326 (Ed. 1644).--Chron. Gaufridi de Collone ann. 1239 (Bouquet, XXII. 3).--Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1239.--Chron. Riméc de Phil. de Mousket, v. 30525-34. Frère Bremond endeavors to clear Robert’s fame from the accusations brought against him by Matthew Paris, and states that he died in the convent of St. Jacques in Paris in 1235.

[129]Concil. Turonens. ann. 1239, c. 1.--D. Bouquet, XXI. 262, 264, 268, 273, 274, 276, 280, 281.--Ripoll I. 273-4.

[130]Coll. Doat, XXXI. 68.--Martene Coll. Ampl. I. 1284.--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1288, No. 14, 15; ann. 1290, No. 3, 5, 6; ann. 1292, No. 3.

[131]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat. XXXI. 90; XXXII. 41).--Wadding. Annal. ann. 1255, No. 14.--Raynald. ann. 1255, No. 33.--Arch. Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 30, 31, 34, 35, 36.--Ripoll I. 273-4, 291, 362, 472, 512; II. 29.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin. No. 14930. fol. 226.--Martene Thesaur. V. 1814, 1817.

[132]Ripoll I. 179, 183; II. 29.--Potthast No. 15995.--Lib. Sentt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 252-4.

[133]Martene Thesaur. V. 1809, 1811-13.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXII. 127).

[134]Ripoll II. 1.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1307, 1310.

[135]Martene Ampl. Collect. VII. 1325-7. Cf. Concil. Trident. Sess. xxv. Decret. Reform, c. 3.

[136]Arch. Nat. de France, J. 428, No. 15, 19bis.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin, ann. 1308, 1310.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 188.

[137]Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1323.--Grandes Chroniques, V. 273-4.--Chron. Johann. S. Victor. Contin. ann. 1323 (Bouquet, XXI. 681).

[138]Coll. Doat, XXVII. 119, 132, 140, 146, 156, 178, 192, 198, 232.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 23.

[139]Vaiseette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 782-3, 792, 802, 813-14.--Arch, de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat. XXXV. 120).--Vaissette, IV. 184.--Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 433.

[140]Ripoll II. 236.

[141]Raynald. ann. 1365, No. 17; ann. 1373, No. 19, 21.--Gaguini Hist. Francor. Lib.IX. c. 2. (Ed. 1576, p. 158).--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. Lib.XIII. ann. 1372.--Du Cange s. v.Turlupini.--Gersoni de Consolat. Theolog. Lib.IV. Prosa 3; Ejusd. de Mystica Theol. Specul. P.I. Consid. 8; Ejusd. de Distinctione verarum Visionum Signum, 5.--Altmeyer, Précurseurs de la Réforme aux Pays-Bas, I. 85. Probably there may be some connection between the Turelupins and certain wandering bands known as “de Pexariacho” and suspected of heresy. A member of these, named Bidon de Puy-Guillem, of the diocese of Bordeaux, was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and was liberated by Gregory XI. in 1371 (Coll. Doat, XXXV. 134).

[142]Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1380-1.--Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI. Liv.I. c. 13, liv.II. c. 1.

[143]Religieux de S. Denis, op. cit. Liv.IV. ch. 13.--D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis error. I.II. 151.

[144]Chron. Bardin, ann. 1322 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 21-22).

[145]Isambert, Anc. Lois Franç. IV. 364-5.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 118.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 23.

[146]Chron. Bardin, ann. 1340, 1368 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 27, 31).

[147]Chron. Bardin, ann. 1364 (Vaissette, IV. Pr. 30. Cf. A. Molinier, Éd. Privat. X. 763).

[148]Martene Thesaur. I. 1399.

[149]Arch. Administratives de Reims, III. 637-45.--Meyeri Annal. Flandr. Lib.XVI. ann. 1419.--Lafaille, Annales de Toulouse I. 183.--Chron. Bardin, ann. 1423 (Vaissette. IV. Pr. 38).

[150]Arch. Administratives de Reims, III. 639-43.

[151]Isambert, Anc. Lois Franç. IX. 3; X. 393, 396-416, 477.--Bochelli Decret. Eccles. Gallican. Lib.IV. Tit. 4, 5.--Bull. de la Soc. de l’Hist. du Protestantisme en France, 1860, p. 121.--D’Argentré Coll. Judic. de novis Error. I.II. 357.--Fascic. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. I. 63 (Ed. 1690). The feelings with which the abrogation of the Pragmatic Sanction in 1461 was received are well expressed in the “Pragmaticæ Sanctionis Passio,” Baluz. et Mansi, IV. 29. Pius II. is singularly candid in his account of the simoniacal transaction through which he purchased the abrogation by giving the cardinal’s hat to Jean, Bishop of Arras. The suggestion at first provoked the liveliest remonstrances from the members of the Sacred College, who, through their spokesman, the Cardinal of Avignon, warned Pius that there would be no peace in the Consistory, for the bishop would set them all by the ears, and that his unquiet spirit showed that he must be the offspring of an Incubus. Pius admitted all this, but argued that it was an unfortunate necessity; both Louis XI. and Philippe le Bon had asked for his promotion; unless the request was granted the Pragmatic Sanction would not be abolished, for the fury of the disappointed man would convert him into its supporter, and, as he was learned, he would readily find ample Scriptural warrant to adduce in its favor, which would be decisive, as he was the only man in France who urged the abrogation, and he could readily lead the king to change his mind. These arguments were convincing, and Pius enjoyed the supreme triumph of destroying the last relic of the reforms of Constance and Basle. He paid dearly for it, however, in the annoyances inflicted on him by the new cardinal, whom he describes as a liar and a perjurer, avaricious and ambitious, a glutton and a drunkard, and excessively given to women. He was so irascible that at meals he would frequently throw the silver plates and vessels at the servants, and occasionally would push the whole table over, to the dismay of his guests.--Æn. Sylvii Opp. inedd. (Atti della Accad. dei Lincei, 1883, pp. 531, 546-8).

[152]Juvenal des Ursins, ann. 1411, 1413.--Religieux de S. Denis, Hist. de Charles VI. Liv.XXXII. ch. 14;XXXIII. ch. 1, 15, 16;XXXV. ch. 18.

[153]D’Argentré, op. cit. I.II. 370.

[154]Ibid. I.II. 340.

[155]Ibid. I.II. 346.

[156]Wadding, ann. 1375, No. 17; 1418, No. 1, 2; 1419, No. 2; 1434, No. 2, 3; 1472, No. 24.--Ripoll II. 522, 566-9, 637, 644; III. 487; IV. 6.

[157]Wadding. ann. 1409, No. 13; 1418, No. 1, 2, 4.

[158]Baluz. et Mansi I. 288-93,--Arch. Gén. de Belgique, Papiers d’État, v. 405.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds Moreau, 444, fol. 10.--Ripoll II. 533; III. 6, 8, 21, 193.

[159]Ripoll III. 301.--Wadding, ann. 1458, No. 12.

[160]Wadding, ann. 1458, No. 13; 1461, No. 3.--Ripoll III. 317, 423, 487; IV. 103, 217, 303, 304, 356, 373. A MS. of Bernard Gui’sPractica, now in the Municipal Library of Toulouse, bears a marginal note that it was lent by the Inquisition of Toulouse, in 1483, to the Dominicans of Bordeaux to be transcribed, thus showing that there was an Inquisition in operation in the latter city of which the members required instruction in their duties (Molinier, l’Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 201).

[161]Memoires de Jacques du Clercq, Liv.III. ch. 43.--D’Argentré, op. cit. I.II. 308-18, 319-20, 323, 347.

[162]Bremond,ap. Ripoll IV. 373.--Ripoll IV. 390.

[163]Ripoll IV. 376.--Wieri de Præstig. Dæmon. Lib.VI. c. 11.

[164]Coll. Doat, XXI. 197, 203, 208, 223, 225, 232, 233, 234, 236, 238, 241, 244, 250, 252, 254, 261-2, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, 271, 275, 276, 281, 282, 289, 296. It is perhaps worthy of note that Raymond de Péreille, the Castellan of Montségur, and his companions, when on trial, while freely giving evidence about innumerable Cathari, declared that they knew nothing whatever about Waldenses, which would seem to indicate that there was little communication between the sects (Doat, XXII. 217; XXIII. 344; XXIV. 8).

[165]Statut. Synod. Odonis Tullensis ann. 1192, c. ix., x. (Martene Thesaur. IV. 1180).--Ripoll I. 183.--Douais, Les sources de l’histoire de l’Inq. (Revue des Questions Historiques, Oct. 1881, p. 434).--Peyrat, Les Alb. et l’Inquis. III. 74.--Chabrand, Vaudois et Protestants des Alpes, Grenoble, 1886, p. 34.--Havet, L’heresie et le bras seculier (Bib. de l’École des Chartes, 1880, p. 585).--Vaissette, IV. 17.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VI. 819).--Wadding, ann. 1288, No. 14-15; 1292, No. 3.--Raynald. ann. 1288, No. 27-8.

[166]Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 200-1, 207-8, 216-43, 252-4, 262-5, 289-90, 340-7, 352, 355, 364-66.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 7 sqq.).

[167]Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat. XXX.).

[168]Wadding. ann. 1321, No. 21-4.

[169]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXVII. 119 sqq.).--Raynald. ann. 1335, No. 63; 1344, No. 9; 1352, No. 20.--Chabrand. op. cit. pp. 36-7.--Wadding ann. 1352, No. 14, 15; 1363, No. 14, 15; 1364, No. 14, 15; 1365, No. 3.--Lombard, Pierre Valdo et les Vaudois du Briançonnais, Genève, 1880, pp. 17. 20, 23-7.

[170]Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 34; ann. 1373, No. 19.

[171]Wadding. ann. 1375, No. 11-19.--D’Argentré, op. cit. I.I. 394.--Ripoll II. 289.--Raynald. ann. 1375, No. 26.--Gautier, Hist, de la Ville de Gap, p. 39.

[172]Lombard, op. cit. pp. 27-8.--Wadding, ann. 1375, No. 21-3.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. IV. 491.

[173]Wadding. ann. 1376, No. 3.

[174]Wadding. ann. 1375, No. 24; ann. 1376, No. 2.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXV. 163).

[175]Perrin’s Waldenses, translated by Lennard, London, 1624, Bk. 2 pp. 18, 19.--Leger, Hist. des Églises Vaudoises II. 26.--Chabrand, op. cit. pp. 39, 40.

[176]Miroir de Souabe, ch. 89 (Ed. Matile, Neuchatel, 1843).

[177]Wadding. ann. 1409, No. 12.

[178]Mary-Lafon, Hist. du midi de la France, III. 384.--C. Bituricens. ann. 1432 (Harduin. VIII. 1459).--Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 161-3.

[179]Leger, Hist. des Églises vaudoises, II. 24.--Duverger, La Vauderie dans les États de Philippe le Bon, Arras, 1885, p. 112. Even in the eariy part of the sixteenth century, Robert Gaguin, in speaking of riding on a broomstick and worshipping Satan, adds “quod impietatis genus Valdensium esse dicitur” (Rer. Gallican. Annal. Lib.X. p. 242. Francof. ad M. 1587).

[180]Martene Ampl. Collect. II. 1506-7.

[181]Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. X. 793-4.

[182]Chabrand, op. cit. pp. 43, 48-52, 70.--Herzog, Die romanischen Waldenser pp. 277-82.--D’Argentré I.I. 105.--Leger, Hist. des Églises Vaudoises II. 23-5.--Filippo de Boni, I Calabro-Valdesi p. 71.--Comba, Histoire des Vaudois d’Italie, Paris, 1887, I. 160-66, 169. The Waldensian legend relates that in the cavern of Aigue-Fraide the number of victims was three thousand, of whom four hundred were children, but I think that M. Chabrand has sufficiently demonstrated its exaggerated improbability (Op. cit. pp. 53-9).

[183]Herzog, op. cit. pp. 283-5.--Perrin, Hist. Waldens. B.II. ch. 3.--Chabrand, op. cit. pp. 73-4.

[184]Matt. Paris ann. 1234 (p. 270, Ed. 1644).--Reinerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1767-8).

[185]Archives Nat. de France, J. 426, No. 4.--D’Achery Spicileg III. 598.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 177.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.III. c. 94.--Ripoll I. 38. (Cf. Llorente, Ch.III. Art. i. No. 3).--Marca Hispanica, pp. 1425-6.

[186]Llorente, Ch.III. Art. i. No. 5--Ripoll I. 91-2.

[187]Vaissette, III. Pr. 383-5, 392-3.--Doat, XXII. 218; XXIV. 184.

[188]Wadding, ann. 1238, No. 6.--Doat, XXIV. 182.--Pet. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Lib.II. fol. 285b.--Berger, Registres d’Innoc. IV. No. 2257.--Monteiro, Hist. da Inquisição, P.I. Liv. ii. ch. 36.

[189]Llorente, Ch.IIIArt. 1. No. 7, 8, 19.--Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1242.--Paramo, pp. 110, 177-8.

[190]Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 799, 3904.--Baluz. et Mansi I. 208.--Ripoll I. 245, 427, 429; II. 235.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 129-36.--Paramo, p. 132.

[191]Llorente, Ch.III. Art. i. No. 14, 17.--Monteiro, Hist. da Inquisição, P.I. Liv. ii. ch. 10.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 492.--Zurita, Añales de Aragon, Lib.II. c. 76.--Paramo, p. 178.

[192]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1291, c. 8 (Martene Ampl. Coll. VII. 294).

[193]Llorente, Ch.III. Art. ii. No. 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14.--Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. p. 265.--Ripoll II. 245.--Zurita, Añales, Lib.VI. c. 61.--Raynald. ann. 1344, No. 9.

[194]Eymeric. Direct. Inq. p. 262.--Ripoll. III. 421; VII. 90.--Wadding. ann. 1351, No. 16, 18, 21; ann. 1462, No. 1-18; 1463, No. 1-5; 1464, No. 1-6.--D’Argentré, I.I. 372;II. 250, 254.--Gradonici Pontif. Brixianorum Series, Brixiæ, 1755, pp. 348-51.--Æn. Sylvii Comment. Lib.XI.; Ejusd. Lib. de Contentione Divini Sanguinis.

[195]Eymeric. Direct. Inquis. pp. 44, 266, 314-6, 351, 357-8, 652-3.--Mag. Bull. Rom. I. 263.--Ripoll II. 268, 269, 270.--Martene Thesaur. II. 1181-2, 1182bis, 1189.--Raynald. ann. 1398, No. 23.--Wadding, ann. 1371, No. 14-24.--Paramo, p. 111.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 499-500, 528.

[196]Dameto, Mut, y Alemany, Historia General de Mallorca (Ed. 1840, I. 101-3, II. 652).--Libell. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 432).--Paramo, pp. 179, 186-7.--Ripoll II. 579, 594; III. 20, 28.--Monteiro, P.I. Liv. ii. c. 30.--Llorente, Ch.III. Art. iii. No. 4, 8.

[197]Ripoll II. 613.

[198]Ripoll III. 347.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXV. 192).

[199]Llorente, Ch.III. Art. iii. No. 11.--Albertini Repertor. Inquis. s. v.Deficiens.--Ripoll III. 397, 415, 572.

[200]Llorente, Ch.VII. Art. ii. No. 2.--Herculano, Da Origem, etc., da Inquisição em Portugal, I. 44.--Ripoll III. 422.--Paramo, p. 187.

[201]Monteiro, P.I. Liv. i. c. 38, 44, 46, 48-51; Liv. ii. c. 5-12.--Chron. Eccles. Hamelens. (Scriptt. Rer. Brunsv. II. 508).--Herculano, I. 39.--Baluz. et Mansi, I. 208.--Paramo de Orig. Offic. S. Inquis. p. 131.

[202]Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita, Lib.III. c. 7, 9. Cf. c. 18, 20.--Florez, España Sagrada, XXII. 120-22, 126-30.

[203]Lucæ Tudens. Lib.III. c. 12.--Raynald. ann. 1236, No. 60.--Rodrigo. Hist. Verdadera de la Inquisicion, II. 10.

[204]Las Siete Partidas, P.I. Tit. vi. I. 58; P.VII. Tit. xxiv. I. 7; Tit.XXV. II. 2-7.--El Fuero real, Lib.IV. Tit. i. II. 1, 2.

[205]Coll. Doat, XXX. 132 sqq.--Archbishop Rodrigo’s letter is dated 1315. This I presume to be an error of a copyist, probably misled by the use of the Spanish era in which 1355 is equivalent to 1317.

[206]Ripoll II. 421, 433.--Monteiro, P.I. Liv. ii. c. 35, 36.--Ordenanzas Reales, Lib. VIII. Tit. iv. I. 4.

[207]Monteiro, P.I. Liv. ii. c. 30.--Rodrigo, II. 11, 14-15.--Paramo, p. 136.--Raynald. ann. 1453, No. 19.--Alphons. de Spina Fortalic. Fidei Prolog, fol. 56b(Ed. 1494).

[208]Alphons. de Castro adv. Hæreses Lib.III. s.v.Confessio.--Illescas, Historia Pontifical, Lib.VI. c. 18.--Aguirre Concil. Hispan. V. 351-8.--D’Argentré, I.II. 298-302.

[209]Herculano, I. 40.--Monteiro. P.I. Liv. ii. c. 34.--Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 782-3.

[210]Llorente, Ch.III. Art. ii. No. 24.--Monteiro, P.I. Liv. ii. c. 35, 37, 38, 39.--Wadding, ann. 1394, No. 4; 1413, No. 4.--Ripoll II. 389.

[211]Herculano, Da Origem, etc., da Inquisição, I. 163-5.

[212]Cæsar. Heisterbacens. Dial. Mirac. Dist.V. c. 25.--Muratori Antiq. Ital. Diss.LX. (T. XII. p. 447).

[213]D’Argentré, Coll. Judic. de novis Error. I. i. 86.--Reinerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1767).

[214]Matt. Paris. ann. 1236, p. 293; ann. 1243, pp. 412-13 (Ed. 1644)--Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1230.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest.XV. 189.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. p. 881.

[215]Montet, Hist. litt. des Vaudois du Piémont, pp. 40-1.--Innoc. PP. III. Regest.IX. 18, 19, 204;XII. 17;XIII. 63.--Kaltner, Konrad v. Marburg, pp. 42, 44.--Annal. Marbacens. ann. 1231 (Urstisii Germ. Hist. Scriptt. II. 90).

[216]Böhmer, Regest, Imp. V. 110.--Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 254-57.--Ejusd. Histoire des Vaudois d’Italie, I. 124 sqq., 140.--Charvaz, Origine dei Valdesi, App. No.XXII. Giuseppe Manuel di S. Giovanni (Un’ Episodia della Storia del Piemonte, Torino, 1874, pp. 15-21) argues that the letter of Otho IV. is only the draft of one which the bishop desired to procure, but the question is merely of archæological interest, for in either case it was equally ineffective.

[217]Rescript. Heres. Lombard. (Preger, Beiträge, München, 1875, pp. 56-63).--Reinerii Summa (Martene Thesaur. V. 1775).

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