DEFENCE OF FORT STEPHENSON
DEFENCE OF FORT STEPHENSON.
The garrison was composed of regulars—all Kentuckians, a finer company of men is not to be found in the United States, perhaps not in the world. They are as humane as courageous. This is proved by their unceasing attention to the wounded enemy, after their discomfiture; during the night, they kindly received into the fort, through the fatal port-hole of the block-house, all those who were able to crawl to it; to those who were unable to move they threw canteens filled with water. They even parted with their clothes to alleviate the sufferings of the wounded.
Gen. Harrison had ordered Major Croghan to destroy the stores and abandon the fort, in case the enemy made their appearance. He dared to disobey the order, and has thereby immortalized himself.
While Proctor and Dixon were investing fort Stephenson, Tecumseh, with a band of 2000 warriors and some British troops, approached fort Meigs. They hovered round the place for several days and then withdrew, without doing any material injury to the garrison.
When the news of the attack on Fort Stephenson reached Gov. Meigs, he made a spirited call to the patriotism of Ohio; such was its effect that 15,000 men were immediately in motion to repel the invaders. Fortunately their services were not required.
The tide of victory began now to set with a strong current in favor of the American arms.—On the 10th of September, commodore Perry captured the whole British force on Lake Erie. This victory removed the principal barrier to the conquest of Malden and the recovery of Detroit.
At the same time the general began to concentrate his forces at the mouth of Portage river. The greatest activity was visible in camp; in preparing for the descent on Canada—boats were collected—beef jerked—the superfluous baggage secured in block houses and a substantial log fence two miles long, extending from Portage river to Sandusky bay, was built to secure the horses during the operations of the army.
On the 17th Gov. Shelby with four thousand volunteers arrived at head quarters. This formidable corps were all mounted; but it was deemed best for them to act as infantry, and leave their horses on the peninsula. On the 20th Gen. M'Arthur's brigade from Fort Meigs joined the army after a very fatiguing march of three days down the lake coast.
Col. Johnson's mounted regiment remained at Fort Meigs, but had orders to approach Detroit by land and to advancepari passuwith the commander in chief, who was to move in boats thro' the islands to Malden, and of whose progress the colonel was to be daily informed by a special express.
The British prisoners taken in the naval action of the 10th, were sent to Chilicothe, guarded by a detachment from Col. Hill's regiment of Pennsylvania detached militia. The different posts on the American side of the lake were left in charge of the Ohio Militia. Fort Meigs, which till now had covered eight acres of land, was reduced in its dimensions to one acre. About five hundred Kentuckians were to remain at Portage to guard the stores and horses, being upwards of five thousand in number, which were left on the Peninsula during the absence of the army.
Every thing being now ready, the embarkation of the troops commenced at the dawn of day, on the 21st. For the want of a sufficient number of boats, not more than one third of the number could embark at once.
There is a range of islands extending from the head of the Peninsula to Malden. These islands render the navigation safe, and afford the army convenient depot for baggage and stores, as well as halting places.
Put-in-bay island, sixteen miles from Portage, was selected by the General as the first point of rendezvous—the first stage in his passage across the lake. The weather was favorable. As soon as the first division of boats reached the island, men were immediately detached to take back the boats for a fresh load. Such was the eagerness of the men to accelerate the embarkation of the whole army, that they, in most cases, anticipated this regulation by volunteering their services to return with the boats. Every one courted fatigue.
The fleet under Com. Perry, was busily engaged in transporting the baggage of the army. In the course of the 22d the whole army gained the island, and encamped on the margin of the bay, which forms nearly a semi-circle.
The Lawrence, and the six prize ships captured from the enemy, were at anchor in the centre of the bay, and in full view. With what ineffable delight did we contemplate this interesting spectacle! The curiosity of the troops was amply indulged; every one was permitted to go on board the prizes to view the effects of the battle. The men were highly pleased with this indulgence of the General and the Commodore.
The scene was calculated to inflame their military ardor, which was visible in every countenance.
The army was detained at Put-in-Bay during the 23d and 24th by unfavorable winds. On the 24th, a soldier of the regular forces was shot for desertion. He had deserted three times—had been twice before condemned to suffer death, and as often pardoned; he met his fate with stoical indifference, but it made a very sensible impression on the troops. Two platoons fired on him at the distance of five paces, and perforated his body like a sieve.[6]
On the 25th the army again embarked partly in boats and partly on board the fleet, to take a nearer position to the Canadian shore. The flotilla arrived a little before sunset, at a small island called the Eastern Sister, eighteen miles from Malden and seven from the coast. This island does not contain more than three acres, and the men had scarcely room to sit down.
On the 26th the wind blew fresh, it became necessary to haul up the boats, to prevent their staving. The General and Commodore in the Ariel, made a reconnoissance of the enemy's coast and approached within a short distance of Malden. Capt. Johnney was dispatched to apprize Col. Johnson of our progress. General Cass, Col. Ball and Capt. M'Clelland were busy in arranging and numbering the boats. At sunset the lake had risen several feet; indeed, such was the violence of the surf that many entertained serious fears that the greatest part of the island would be inundated before morning. However, the wind subsided at twelve and relieved our apprehensions.
On the 27th at nine in the morning the army made its final embarkation. The day was fine and a propitious breeze made our passage a most pleasing pastime. It was a sublime and delightful spectacle to behold 16 ships of war and 100 boats filled with men, borne rapidly and majestically to the long sought shores of the enemy. The recollection of this day can never be effaced from my memory. There was something truly grand and animating in the looks of the men. There was an air of confidence in every countenance. The troops panted for an opportunity to rival their naval brethren in feats of courage and skill; they seemed to envy the good fortune of our brave tars. They were ignorant of the flight of the enemy, and confidently expected a fight: indeed the belief was current among the troops that the enemy were in great force, for it was believed that Dixon's Indians as well as Tecumseh's were at Malden.
We landed in perfect order of battle at 4 P.M. three miles below Malden. The Kentucky volunteers formed the right wing. Ball's legion and the friendly Indians the centre—the regulars on the left. The troops were almost instantly in line and shortly commenced their march, in eschelons, for Malden. The troops had been drilled to marching in and out of boats and to forming on the beach. Every man knew his place; and so well were they masters of this very necessary piece of service, that a company would march into a boat, debark and form on the beach in less than one minute, and that too without the least confusion.[7]
As we approached Malden, instead of the red coats and the war whoop of the Indians, a group of well dressed ladies advanced to meet us, and to implore mercy and protection. They were met by the Governor Shelby, who soon quieted their fears by assuring them that we came not to make war on women and children, but to protect them.
The army entered Malden by several parallel streets and we marched through the town to the thunder of "Yankee Doodle."
The ruins of the fort and the naval buildings were still smoking. All the loyal inhabitants followed the British army in its retreat. The fortifications of Malden must have cost the British government a vast sum. The fort is surrounded by a deep ditch and two rows of heavy pickets: the walls are high, and the adjacent country as level as a lake. What cannon and small arms they were unable to carry away, were sunk in the river.
The town may contain 150 houses, mostly framed—a part are constructed of hewn logs; its appearance is worthy of its character, as dark and as gloomy as Erubus. The inhabitants are composed of renegadoes, Scotch, Irish and Canadian French. Very few men were to be found and those invariably French. Perhaps it would be unjust to attempt the portrait of the character of the inhabitants, where so few remained at home. I will then only mention onefact. A well known horrid traffic, has so completely blunted the feelings of humanity, that the exhibition ofscalpsin the streets, in the most terrific forms, by the Indians, produces no emotion of horror even in the female bosom! The spectacle has become so familiar to the eye, that it has lost the interest of curiosity—and is beheld with as much indifference as we view the peltry of a furman.
Opposite the place lies the island of Bois blanc, on the lower end of which was a heavy battery which defended the entrance to the harbor. The enemy in their haste had left an 18 pounder in this battery.
Perhaps there is not a place in America that possesses so great convenience for ship building, as Malden. The descent of the shore is in proper angle for launching: besides the water is deep and the timber can be floated to the spot in any quantity and at a short distance, except pine which is found on the Thames, on the St. Clair river and on the shores of the lakes. They had collected a considerable quantity of timber, which they attempted to burn, but without success.
The country is settled to the distance of twenty miles below Malden. Col. Elliott's house stands on the bank of the river, half a mile below the village—he has an extensive orchard and a park, his house was deserted. We found excellent peaches, of which we made free use, without inquiring the price.
Three miles above the fort is an Indian village which we found deserted, and so suddenly that many essential articles of Indian furniture such as brass kettles, were left in the houses. Here we procured a plentiful supply of green corn, potatoes, &c. This village was not burnt.
In the evening after our arrival at Malden, Col. Ball dispatched an officer and twenty men to prevent the enemy's destroying the bridge across the Aux Cannards. The enemy were found on the bridge, having just set fire to it. Our party fired on them—they dispersed and the bridge was saved.
On the 28th we passed the Aux Cannards and encamped two miles beyond the river, in a neat French settlement. A small party of British horse shewed themselves at the bridge and then scampered off.
The next day we reached Sandwich at two o'clock in the afternoon. At the same time the fleet came up the river to Detroit. The Gen. made dispositions for passing the river. Governor Shelby's corps remained at Sandwich, while Ball's legion and the brigades of Generals M'Arthur and Cass passed over to Detroit.
The Indians appeared in groups, on the bank of the river below Detroit; a few shots from the gunboats caused them to disperse.
The Indians did not leave Detroit till the boats containing the troops were halfway across the river. Just before we landed on the American side, the inhabitants hoisted the United States' flag amid the acclamations of thousands. We were received by the inhabitants with demonstrations of unfeigned joy. They had suffered all that civilized and savage tyranny could inflict, save death. The Indians had lived at free quarters for several months. It was natural for them to hail us as deliverers.
The enemy had set fire to the fort, but the walls and picketing remained entire. The public store, a long brick building near the wharf was injured only in the roof which our men soon repaired. In the course of the night there was an alarm in camp, the fires were extinguished, and the men ordered to lie on their arms.
On the 30th Col. Johnson's regiment arrived from Fort Meigs, they immediately commenced the passage of the river in boats.—Gen. M'Arthur with the mass of the regular troops was charged with the defence of Detroit. It was the general opinion of the inhabitants that there were 1000 Indian warriors, under Marpot and Split Log, lurking in the woods between the river Rouge and Huron of Lake St. Clair. The friendly Indians had taken several prisoners in the immediate vicinity of Detroit.
On the 2d of October every arrangement was completed for pursuing the retreating British army up the Thames. The force selected for this service were the mounted regiment of Col. Johnson, three companies of Col. Ball's legion and the principal part of Governor Shelby's volunteers.
From Sandwich to the Moravian Towns is eighty four miles. We found the roads for the most part good. The country is perfectly level. The advance of the troops was rapid—so much so that we reached the river Riscum, one hundred and twenty-five miles from Sandwich, in the evening. The enemy had neglected to destroy the bridge. Early in the morning of the 3d, the general proceeded with Johnson's regiment, to prevent the destruction of the bridges over the different streams that fall into Lake St. Clair and the Thames. These streams are deep and muddy, and are unfordable for a considerable distance into the country. A lieutenant of dragoons and thirteen privates, who had been sent back by Gen. Proctor to destroy the bridges, were made prisoners near the Thames; from them the general learnt that the enemy had no certain information of our advance.
The baggage of the army was brought from Detroit in boats, protected by a part of commodore Perry's squadron. In the evening the army arrived at Drake's farm, eight miles from the mouth of the Thames and encamped. This river is a fine deep stream, navigable for vessels of considerable burthen, after the bar at its mouth, over which there is generally seven feet water. The gunboats could ascend as far as Dalson's below which the country is one continued prairie, and at once favorable for cavalry movements and for the co-operation of the gunboats. Above Dalson's, the aspect of the country changes; the river, though still deep, is not more than seventy yards wide, and the banks high and woody.
At Chatham, four miles from Dalson's and sixteen from lake St. Clair, is a small deep creek, where we found the bridge taken up, and the enemy disposed to dispute our passage, and upon the arrival of the advanced guard, commenced a heavy fire from the opposite bank as well as a flank fire from the right bank of the river. The army halted and formed in order of battle. The bridge was repaired under the cover of a fire from two six pounders. The Indians did not relish the fire of our cannon, and retired. Col. Johnson being on the right, had seized the remains of a bridge at M'Gregor's mills, under a heavy fire from the Indians. He lost on this occasion, two killed and four hundred wounded.—The enemy set fire to a house near the bridge containing a considerable quantity of muskets; the flames were extinguished and the arms saved. At the first farm above the bridge we found one of the enemy's vessels on fire, loaded with arms and ordnance stores. Four miles higher up the army took a position for the night—here we found two other vessels and a large distillery filled with stores to an immense amount, in flames; Two 24 pounders, with their carriages were taken, and a large quantity of ball and shells of various sizes.
The army was put in motion early on the morning of the 5th. The General, accompanied by Col. Johnson—Gov. Shelby followed with the infantry. This morning we captured two gun-boats and several batteaux loaded with provisions and ammunition. At nine we had reached Arnold's mills where there is a fording place, and the only one for a considerable distance.—Here the army crossed to the right bank—the mounted regiment fording and the infantry in the captured boats. The passage, though retarded for want of a sufficient number of boats, was completed by twelve.
Eight miles above the ford, we passed the ground where the British had encamped the night before. The General directed the advance of Col. Johnson's regiment to accelerate their march for the purpose of ascertaining the distance of the enemy. The officer commanding it, shortly after, sent word back that his progress was stopped by the enemy, who were formed across our line of march.
The army was now within three miles of the Moravian town, and within one mile of the enemy. The road passes through a beech forest without any clearing, and for the first two miles near to the bank of the river. At the distance of fifty rods from the river is a swamp running parallel to it, and extending all the way to the Indian village. The intermediate ground is dry—the surface level; the trees are lofty and thick with very little underwood to impede the progress of man or horse, if we except that part which borders on the swamp.
Across this narrow strip of land, the British force was drawn up in a line of battle, to prevent our advance. Their left resting on the river, was defended by four pieces of cannon—near the centre were two other pieces. Near the swamp the British line was covered by a large Indian force, who also lined the margin of the swamp to a considerable distance. The British troops amounted to 600—the Indians probably to twelve hundred.
As it was not practicable to turn the enemy in flank, it became necessary to attack them in front. General Harrison did not long hesitate in his choice of the mode of attack. It was as novel as it was successful.
The troops at his disposal might amount to three thousand men; yet from the peculiar nature of the ground, not the half of this force could advantageously engage the enemy.
About five hundred regulars, under Colonel Paul, occupied the narrow space between the road and river; they were ordered to advance and amuse the enemy; and, if an opportunity offered, to seize the cannon of the enemy. A small party of friendly Indians were directed to move under the bank. Col. Johnson's regiment was drawn up in close column, with its right at a few yards distant from the road with orders to charge at full speed as soon as the enemy delivered his fire. The Kentucky volunteers, under Major-Gen. Henny, were formed in the rear of the mounted regiment, in three lines, extending from the road to the swamp. Gen. Desha's division covered the left of Johnson's regiment. Gov. Shelby was at thecrotchetformed by the front line and Gen. Desha's division. This was an important point. Gen. Cass and Commodore Perry, volunteered as aids to Gen. Harrison, who placed himself at the head of the front line of infantry, to direct the movements of the cavalry, and to give them the necessary support. Such was the order of battle.
A battle scene
The army moved in this order till the mounted men received the fire of the enemy, at the distance of two hundred yards. The charge was beat, in an instant one thousand horse were in motion at full speed—the right led on by lieut. Col. James Johnson broke through the British lines and formed in their rear, the enemy's pieces were unloaded—their bayonets were not fixed—they surrendered at discretion—the whole was the work of a minute. In breaking through their ranks our men killed twelve and wounded 37 of the British regulars. The shock was unexpected. They were not prepared to resist it, some were trampled under the feet of our horses; others were cut down by the soldiers; very few were shot by our men, for our fire was not general. Had the enemy shown the least symptoms of resistance, after we broke through their lines, the greater part would have been destroyed, but they were as passive as sheep. Never was terror more strongly depicted on the countenances of men. Even the officers were seen with uplifted hands, exclaiming "quarter!" There is no doubt, that they expected to be massacred, believing that the Kentuckians would retaliate the bloody scenes of Raisin and Miami; but nothing was farther from their intentions, except it should be on the persons of Proctor and Elliott—these, neither the authority of Harrison nor of Shelby could have saved, if they had been found in battle.
A battle scene
On the left the contest was more serious. Col. Johnson, who commanded on that flank of his regiment received a terrible fire from the Indians, was kept up for some time.—The Col. most gallantly led the head of his column into the hottest of the enemy's fire, and was personally opposed to Tecumseh.—At this point a condensed mass of savages had collected. Yet regardless of danger, he rushed into the midst of them, so thick were the Indians at this moment that several might have reached him with their rifles. He rode a white horse and was known to be an officer of rank; a shower of balls was discharged at him—some took effect—his horse was shot under him—his clothes, his saddle, his person were pierced with bullets. At the moment his horse fell, Tecumseh rushed towards him with an uplifted tomahawk, to give the fatal stroke, but his presence of mind did not forsake him in this perilous predicament—he drew a pistol from his holster and laid his daring opponent dead at his feet. He was unable to do more, the loss of blood deprived him of strength to stand. Fortunately at the moment of Tecumseh's fall the enemy gave way, which secured him from the reach of their tomahawks; he was wounded in five places; he received three shots in the right thigh and two in the left arm. Six Americans and twenty-two Indians fell within twenty yards of the spot where Tecumseh was killed and the trails of blood almost covered the ground.
The Indians continued a brisk fire from the margin of the swamp and made some impression on a line of Kentucky volunteers, but Gov. Shelby brought up a regiment to its support—the fire soon became too warm for the enemy. A part of Johnson's men having gained the rear of a part of the Indian line the rout became general. A small part of the Indians attempted to gain the village by running up the narrow strip of dry land; they were soon overtaken and cut down. The Indians fought bravely and sustained a severe loss in killed and wounded. The death of Tecumseh was an irreparable loss.
The American army had fifteen killed and thirty wounded. Among the slain was Colonel Whitley, of the Kentucky volunteers, a man of seventy years of age, and a soldier of the revolution. He was in easy circumstances at home, and possessed an excellent character.
Among the trophies of the day were six brass field pieces, which had been surrendered by Hull—I read on two of them this pleasing motto: "Surrendered by Burgoyne at Saratoga."
The day after the battle a part of the army took possession of the Moravian town, where we found most kinds of vegetables in abundance—these were acceptable to men who had for several days subsisted on fresh beef, without bread or salt. We found plenty of green corn; the fields were extensive and our horses had an excellent range.
The town was deserted; so panic struck were some of the women in their flight, that they are said to have thrown their children into the Thames, to prevent their being butchered by the Americans!
This village is situated on the right bank of the Thames, about forty miles from its entrance into lake St. Clair. The town was built by emigrants from Muskingum, and contained at the time of the battle nearly 100 houses, mostly well built. The Rev. John Scoll, from Bethlehem, (Penn.) was established here as a missionary. Many of the inhabitants speak English—there was a school house and a chapel. The gardens were luxuriant and cultivated with taste.
The town was destroyed as well as the cornfields in its vicinity, by the troops previous to their leaving it. Among other reasons assigned to justify the measure, it was alleged that these Indians had been among the foremost in massacring our men at the river Raisin, and that the town, if it was spared, would afford a convenient shelter for the British allies during the winter, and from which they could easily pass into the Michigan territory to rob and murder the inhabitants.
I have yet to learn, that it is either good policy or justice, for the American troops, in every instance, to burn the Indian towns that fall into their power. Are the Indians to be reclaimed by fire?
General Proctor abandoned his army at the very moment Johnson's regiment beat the charge. About forty dragoons accompanied him as a guard. In twenty-four hours he was sixty-five miles from the Moravian town. A few of the mounted men pursued him, and at one time were within one hundred yards of him, but they were too weak to attack his guard. His carriage and papers were taken.
Three waggons loaded with specie escaped, but might have been overtaken, if proper measures had been taken to pursue the fugitives. A depot of three hundred barrels of flour was within a day's march of the Moravian town.
The army returned to Detroit. Capt. Elliot of the Niagara, volunteered his services to command a naval expedition against Michilimackinac and Fort St. Joseph; but the weather proving unfavorable for a number of days the season became too far advanced to risk the squadron on lake Huron, till spring.
While Gen. Harrison was pursuing Proctor up the Thames, the Ottawas, Chippewas, Potawattimies, Miamies and Kickapoos, proposed to Gen. M'Arthur a suspension of hostilities, and agreed to "take hold of the same tomahawk with the Americans, and to strike all who are or may be enemies of the United States, whether British or Indians." They brought in their women and children and offered them as hostages for their good behavior.
Lieut. Le Breton arrived at Detroit on the 15th, bearing a flag and a letter from Gen. Proctor to Gen. Harrison. This letter requested humane treatment to the prisoners, and a restoration of certain property and papers taken on the 5th. As the letter was addressed to the General "at Moravian towns," he saw no reason for Le Breton's journey to Detroit, and ordered him to join Gen. Proctor by the way of Buffalo and Fort George.
After the return of the commander in chief to Detroit, Walk-in-the-water, who had been in the battle of the Thames, came in to implore peace. When he crossed from Sandwich, the white flag which he bore in his hand had attracted a great crowd to the wharf, all anxious to get a near view of this distinguished chief. I was struck with admiration at the firmness and apparent nonchalance with which he ascended the bank and passed through the ranks of the Kentucky volunteers, whom he had so gallantly opposed in battle but a few days before. I never saw more real dignity of carriage, or a more striking firmness of countenance. Yet his situation was calculated to depress his spirits and produce humility. His town was in the power of the Americans—the British were all taken; the Indians had just suffered a signal defeat—almost all other chiefs had submitted—he was without the means of living or resistance; still his manner was that of a conqueror.
Gov. Shelby's corps and twelve month's volunteers, were all honorably discharged. Travelling became safe, and business at Detroit began to resume its wonted course, but theprice currentof the territory was exorbitant for every thing to eat, drink or wear. Whiskey sold at 4 dolls. a gallon, beef at 24 cents a pound, cheese at 66 do,—butter 75 do—potatoes two dollars a bushel. The army was well supplied with rations, as were also about three hundred of the inhabitants of Michigan, and about two thousand Indians, men, women, and children, who had no other means of subsistence. Adventurers soon came on with a sufficient supply of dry goods.
On the 23d of October, Gen. Harrison, with all his disposable regular troops, embarked on board the fleet and sailed for Buffalo, in obedience to orders from the secretary of war. Previous to his departure, he appointed Gen. Cass provisional Governor of the Michigan territory—the civil ordinances as they stood at Hull's surrender were proclaimed in force. Gen. Cass was left with about one thousand men, not more than seven hundred of whom were effective.—The men were industriously employed in preparing winter quarters at the fort. The Scorpion and Ohio schooners were engaged in transporting supplies from Erie and Cleveland, for the troops during winter. Troops were stationed at Malden and Sandwich.—The campaign closed.
FINIS.
Footnotes
[1]This is not intended to apply to thewholeof the Non-commissioned officers of the 4th—there were many honorable exceptions; those of my comrades who may peruse this Journal, well know how to make the selection.
[2]He in company with Capt. Johney and Brighthorn, had been sent by Gen. Winchester to make discoveries at the rapids. They had not proceeded but a few miles when they were taken prisoners by five Indians under Winnemac, and a son of Col. Elliott. Logan told them they had come to join them: this induced them to permit Logan and his associates to carry their arms and to march before them. Logan determined to rescue himself or die in the attempt; he communicated his intentions to his comrades and when a suitable opportunity offered, they turned upon their enemy and each one brought his man to the ground; the remaining three fired upon Logan's party and wounded Logan and Brighthorn. Logan altho' mortally wounded exchanged a second shot with the enemy, when he and Brighthorn jumped upon the horses of two of those they had just slain and left Capt. Johney to cover the retreat which he did in a gallant manner, after having scalped Winnemac. Winnemac was the chief that commanded at Tippecanoe. Young Elliot was among the slain—his body was afterwards taken up by his father, and conveyed to Malden.
[3]The fate of Capt. Hart was peculiarly distressing.—He had received a flesh wound and particularly distinguished himself by his undaunted bravery. After the capitulation, Capt. Elliot, who had been a class mate with him at Princetown college, waited on Capt. Hart, and unsolicited, promised him his protection declaring that the next morning he would have him taken to his own house at Malden, where he should remain until his recovery.—But Elliot broke his promise and left him to his fate! On the next day a band of savages came into the house where he was confined, and tore him from his bed. But he bargained with one of them and gave him a considerable sum of money to have himself taken to Malden. They set off, and after travelling as far as the river Aux Sables, they were met by a fresh band of Indians, who shot the Captain upon his horse, and tomahawked and scalped him! Numbers were put to death after they had been several days in custody. At Sandy Creek an Indian approached a volunteer of the name of Blythe and proposed to exchange his mocasins for Blythe's shoes—with this he readily complied; after this they exchanged hats; the Indian then raised his tomahawk and struck Blythe on the shoulder which cut into the cavity of his body: Blythe then caught hold of the tomahawk and attempted to resist but on one of his fellow prisoners telling him that his fate was fixed, he closed his eyes and received the savage blow that terminated his existence. Hamilton deposed that when the prisoners were marching from Raisin to Detroit, they came up to where one of the prisoners was burning, the life just expiring, and an Indian kicking the ashes off his back.
[4]I was told by several of the inhabitants of Frenchtown while at Detroit, that they had frequently seen the hogs and dogs devouring the bodies of the Americans and that it was not uncommon to see them running about with skulls, legs, arms, and other parts of the human system in their mouths.
[5]A private in the Petersburgh volunteers draws the following picture of a soldier's life: It describes the march of his company at the time of Winchester's defeat. "On the second day of our march a courier arrived from Gen. Harrison, ordering the artillery to advance with all possible speed; this was rendered totally impossible by the snow which took place, it being a complete swamp nearly all the way. On the evening of the same day news arrived that Gen. Harrison had retreated to Portage river, 18 miles in the rear of the encampment at the Rapids. As many men as could be spared determined to proceed immediately to reinforce him. It is unnecessary to state that we were among the first who wished to advance. At 2 o'clock the next morning, our tents were struck, and in half an hour we were on the road. I will candidly confess, that on that day I regretted being a soldier. On that day we marched thirty miles under an incessant rain; and I am afraid you will doubt my veracity when I tell you, that in eight miles of the best of the road, it took us over the knees and often to the middle. The Black Swamp, 4 miles from Portage river and 4 miles in the extent) would have been considered impassable by all but men determined to surmount every difficulty to accomplish the object of their march. In this swamp you lose sight ofterra firmaaltogether—the water was about six inches deep on the ice, which was very rotten, often breaking through to the depth of four or five feet.
"The same night we encamped on very wet ground but the driest that could be found the rain still continuing. It was with difficulty we could raise fires; we had no tents, our clothes were wet, no axes, nothing to cook in, and very little to eat. A brigade of pack horses being near us, we procured from them some flour, killed a hog (there being plenty ofthemalong the road;) our bread was baked in the ashes and the pork we broiled on the coals—a sweeter meal I never partook of. When we went to sleep it was on two logs laid close to each other, to keep our bodies from the ground. Good God! what a pliant being is man in adversity. "The loftiest spirit that ever inhabited the human breast would have been tamed amid the difficulties that surrounded us."
[6]It is worthy of remark that buttwosoldiers were shot in the north-western army; and so unfrequent was desertion that from the time I joined it, till its departure from Fort George, not a solitary instance occurred; at least none come to my knowledge, although I made frequent enquires as the fact. I am not willing to attribute this extraordinary fidelity to the public service, to the superior patriotism of the people of the west or a nice sense of the force of moral obligations. The cause is evident—the officers are generally more attentive to their men, than those of the northern army.
[7]This proficiency is applicable only to the regulars and twelve months volunteers. The militia officers did not at tend to it.