93.Encliticsare words which have no accent of their own, but are pronounced as a part of the word preceding. This increase of the number of syllables produced certain accentual changes, all the details of which are not clear. When the enclitic was monosyllabic the place of the accent seems to have been determined as in86; thusvídēs, butvidḗsne;Látiō, butLatiṓque. Again, when by the addition of a monosyllabic enclitic the accent falls on the fourth syllable from the end, a secondary (84,85) accent was probably placed on the penult: as,perī́cula, butperī́culàque. The Roman grammarians agree, however, in demanding that everywhere the syllable preceding the enclitics-que,-ne,-ve, and-ceshould be accented. Indeindeandsubindethere is authority for placing the accent on the first syllable.Enclitics are: (1.) Unemphatic personal and indefinite pronouns: as,in mē, pronounced,ínmē;dā mihi,dā́mihi;sīc tibi,sī́ctibi;sī quis,sī́quis;nē quid,nḗquid. (2.) Verbs when used as auxiliaries: as,possumforpót(e) sum(752);quī́ libet(2401);vidḗlicet,īlicet,scīlicet(712);quámvīs(1903); the forms ofessein compound tenses (719), so thatestis frequently combined, even in writing, with the preceding past participle (747). (3.) The particles-ne(-n),-ve, and-ce(-c): as,satísneor shortenedsatín;Hyrcānīsve Arabī́sve;istī́ceor shortenedistîc(90),adhûc(90). (4.) The copulative conjunction-que: as,Latiṓque,līmináque. (5.) The prepositioncumwhen it follows (1435) its case. (6.) The particlequidem: as,sī quidem,síquidem(131). (7.) Other enclitics are:-met(650): as,egómet;-dem: as,ibídem;-nam: as,ubínam;-dum(1573): as,agédum;-inde: as,déinde,próinde(which are disyllabic in verse), andsúbinde;-tum; as,etiámtum;-per: as,parúmper; the vocative when it was closely joined to the preceding word, e.g. an imperative: as,dī́c puer(106).94.Two words expressing what is really one single idea are often bound together byoneaccent, one of them acting the part of either a proclitic or enclitic.Thus, with the earlier recessive accent (89),Iū́piter(133;389; originally a vocative which came to be used as nominative; for the change ofpatertopitersee104);ínvicem,in turn;dḗnuōfordḗ nóvō(106); with the later, classical accent,lēgislā́tor,paterfamíliās,orbisterrā́rum,extémplō,imprī́mīs. When unemphaticilleandistepreceded their noun and had practically the value of our definite article they formed a unit with the following noun and thus the accent might fall on their last syllable: as,illé pater,isté canis. This use is particularly common in vulgar and late Latin (see112).CHANGE OF SOUND.(A.) VOWEL CHANGE.CHANGE OF DIPHTHONGS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES.95.Of the six original diphthongsau,ou,eu, andai,oi,ei, the only one which preserved its original sound in the classical period isau. Of the rest onlyae(for olderai) and, in a few words,oe(for olderoi) remained diphthongs; all the others had become monophthongs.96.Change ofai.aiis common in inscriptions: as,AIDILIS,PRAITOR. Toward the end of the republic the two elements of the diphthong had been partially assimilated toae(49): as,aedīlis(Quint. 1, 7, 18). This is its pronunciation in the classical period. Between 130 and 100B.C.aiis displaced byaein public documents; but the old-fashionedaiwas often retained in private inscriptions. Still later the two elements completely converged toē. In provincial Latinēis found as early as 200B.C.: as,CESVLAforCAESVLLA; in Rome itself the pronunciation ‘Cēcilius’ forCaecilius, and ‘prētor’ forpraetorwas derided as boorish; but by 71A.D.aewas verging towardēeven in the court language: the coins of Vespasian haveIVDEAas well asIVDAEA. In the 3d and 4th centuryA.D.ēbecame the prevalent sound.97.Change ofau. The diphthongau, which was preserved in educated speech, was changed toōin rustic and colloquial pronunciation (see the anecdote related by Suetonius,Vesp.22): as,cōpō,innkeeper, forcaupō;plōstrumforplaustrum(barge),cart:ClōdiusforClaudius. Some of these gained literary currency: as,cōdex,book,caudex,block;fōcāle,neckcloth,faucēs,throat. The formsōdēs(1572) forsi̭ audēs=sī audēs(Cic.O.154) is a colloquialism.98.Change ofei.eias a genuine diphthong is common in old inscriptions: as,SEI;SEIVE;ADEITVR;DEIXERVNT;FEIDA. In classical Latin it has passed intoī: thus,sī,if;sīve,either;adītur,is approached;dīxērunt,they said; fīda,faithful. An intermediate stage between the old diphthongeiand the classicalīwas a very close (46)ē: as,PLOIRVME(465) forplūrimī;IOVRE(501,507) foriūrī. For the orthographical use ofeias a spelling for the longī-sound, see29.99.Change ofoi. The development ofoiwas parallel to that ofai. It first passed intooe: as,COIRAVERVNTandCOERAVERVNT,they cared;OITILE,useful, andOETI,to use;LOIDOSandLOEDOS,play,—all in old Latin. In classical Latin it has further been changed in accented syllables toū: as,cūrāvērunt,ūtile,ūtī,lūdus. Butoewas retained in classical Latin (1.) when a secondary diphthong (48), the result of contraction (120), and (2.) in a few words likefoedus,treaty, perhaps as an archaizing, legal term;foedus,ugly;poena,penalty, perhaps through the influence of Greekποινή(in the verbpūnīre,to punish, the regularūappears);proelium,skirmish;foetor,stench; andmoenia,walls, perhaps because there was a wordmūnia,services. The connection ofnōn,not, withnoenum(455;1444;699) is difficult because of the unusual development ofoetoo, for which the Praenestine formCORAVERONTis the only parallel.100.Changeofou.ou, found in inscriptions down to about 90B.C., passed, in classical Latin, intoū: as,POVBLICOM,NOVNTIATA,IOVDEX; laterpūblicum,public,nūntiāta,notified,iūdex,judge.101.Change ofeu. Primitive (48)euappears in classical Latin only in the interjectionseu,heu,ē̆heu,heus. Every other originaleuhad, even in old Latin, passed intoouand developed like the latter: as,*neumen(Greekνεῦμα) became first*noumen, then (100)nūmen. With the exceptions noted above, the diphthongeu, as it appears in Latin, is always of secondary origin (48), the result of the two vowelseandumeeting in composition: as,neu,neither, fromnē-ve;neutiquam, fromnēandutiquam(124).WEAKENING IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.102.The vowel of an unstressed (atonic) syllable is often weakened, changing its quantity or quality or both. This is especially the case in syllables immediately preceded by the chief accent (posttonic syllables). The following changes took place at an early period when Latin still possessed the old, recessive accent (89).WEAKENING OF SIMPLE VOWELS IN MEDIAL SYLLABLES.103.(a.)Atonic medialebefore a single consonant was weakened (with the exceptions given underb.) toi: as,cólligō,collect, fromlegō;óbsideō,besiege, fromsedeō;cértāminis,of the contest, fromcertāmen(224);flāminis, fromflāmen(470). And so probablyhic(664) arose from*hecor*hoc(105,g) when used as proclitic (92). Before the labialsp,b,f, andmthis weakened sound was intermediate betweeniandu(28), and both spellings occur: as,quadripēsandquadrupēs,four-footed;alimentum,nourishment;monumentum,monument. The choice ofioruwas probably governed by the quality of the stressed vowel in the preceding syllable: viz.,uafteroandu, andiaftera,e, andi. But such distinction is only imperfectly maintained in classical Latin.(b.) But before two consonants, beforer, before vowels, and afteri, atonicedoes not change: as,lévāmentum(224), butlévāminis,of consolation;óbsessus(butóbsideō),possessed;sócietās,society, from the stemsocie-(butnóvitāsfrom the stemnove-);géneris,of the kind;ádeunt,they approach.104.(c.) Atonic mediala, except in the cases mentioned below under (d.), (e.), and (f.), was first weakened toeand then underwent the same changes as atonic mediale(103): as (before single consonants),cṓnficiō,accomplish, fromfaciō;ī́nsiliō,jump in, fromsaliō(1019);rédditus,restored, fromdatus;trícipitem,three-headed, from*trícapitem(caput), Cic.O.159;occiput,back of the head, andsinciput,jole(478). In compounds ofiaciō(940),-iaciōis weakened in early Latin to-ieciō(as,conieciō,940), but later to-iciō(as,subiciō). This last form may be due to syncope (111,a) of the radicala. The spelling-iiciō(as,subiiciō) is late and faulty (52). It does not occur in republican inscriptions and owes its origin to a confusion of the two formsconieciōandconiciō. (On the quantity of the vowel of the prepositions in these compounds ofiaciō, see122e); (beforep,b,f,m)áccipiō,accept, andóccupō,occupy, fromcapiō;cóntubernālis,room-mate, fromtaberna;ábripiō,to snatch away, fromrapiō; (before two consonants)pépercī,I have spared, fromparcō;áccentus,accent, fromcantus; (beforer)péperī,I brought forth, frompariō.(d.) But anain the preceding syllable may protect the atonica: as,ádagiō,ádagium,proverb, butprṓdigium,miracle(144).(e.) Atonic medialabefore the guttural nasal (62)nfollowed bygchanged toi(138): as,áttingō,touch, fromtangō.(f.) Atonic medialabeforelfollowed by any consonant savelchanged tou(bothlandubeing guttural,60,44): as,éxsultāre,to leap up, fromsaltāre; butféfellī,I deceived, fromfallō.105.(g.)Atonic medialo, when followed by a single consonant, first changed toeand then underwent all further changes of medial atonice: as,hóminis, from*homon-is(485);ímāginis, for*imāgonis,226(nominativeimāgō,485);cúpīdinis, for*cupīdonis,225, (nominativecupīdō,485);vírginis, for*virgonis(nominativevirgō,470);ī́licō, from*in-slocō,on the spot(169, 4).(h.) Before two consonants or before gutturall(60) atonic medialochanged tou: as,éuntis, from*éontis(Greekἴοντος);sēdulō, fromsē dolō(1417). But a precedingvoruprotectso(107,c).(i.) Beforer, atonic medialowas retained: as,témporis,of time; except whenuin the preceding syllable induced a change tou: as,fúlguris,of lightning(for the-rin the nominative singularfulgurinstead of-s, see154).106.(k.) Medial-av-,-ov-, and-iv-in posttonic syllables were weakened tou: as,dḗnuōfromdḗnovō(94);ábluōfromablavō. The formpuer,boy, arose from the olderPOVERin enclitic vocatives (93, 7) and was thence transferred to the nominative likepiterinIūpiter(94).WEAKENING OF SIMPLE VOWELS IN FINAL SYLLABLES.107.(a.) In final syllables unaccented originalebeforesandtwas weakened toi: as,salūtis,of safety, from oldersalūtes(507).(b.) Finalibecamee: as,antefor*anti(Greekἀντίandanti-cipāre); nominative singularmare, from the stemmari-(526).(c.) In final syllablesobefore consonants changed touexcept when preceded byuorv: as,fīlius,son, for old Latinfīlios(452);ferunt,they carry, for olderferont;femur,thigh, nomin. sg. from the stemfemor-(489);genus,kind, for*genos, Greekγένος; butvīvont,they live;salvom,safe. Not long before the beginning of our eraohere also changed touand appears to have coalesced with the precedingv(Quint. 1, 7, 26): as, in inscriptions:INGENVS(nomin.sg.) foringenuos;SERVM,slave(acc. sg.), forservom;NOVMfornovom,something new;so alsoboum,oxen(gen. pl.), forbovom(494). But inasmuch as the majority of forms in the paradigms of these words retained theirv, it was restored in most cases, by analogy, to the forms which had lost it: as,servumforserum, because ofservī,servō, etc.;vīvuntforvīunt, because ofvīvō,vīvis,vīvit, etc.(d.) When the stemsfac-(facere,do),cap-(capere,take) appear as second members of compounds, theirachanges in final syllables toe: as,artifex,artisan;auceps,bird-catcher. After the analogy of these words, compounds withdīcereandīrehaveein the nom. sg.: as,iūdex,iūdicis,judge(fromiūsanddīcere);comes,companion(fromcom,with, andīre); see136, 2.WEAKENING OF DIPHTHONGS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.108.Diphthongs, whether medial or final, are treated alike in atonic syllables.(a.) Atonicei,oi, andai(ae) becameī: as,lupī,wolves(nom. pl.), for*lupoi(Gr.λύκοι);bellī,in war(loc. sg.,460,1338), for*bellei(Greekοἴκει) or*belloi(Greekοἴκοι);éxīstimō,I consider, fromaestimō;cóncīdō,I strike down, fromcaedō; Cicero,O.159, mentionsinīcum,unfair, for*ínaecum, andconcīsumfor*cóncaesum; so also, probably,hīc,this, arose fromhoic(662) when used as a proclitic (92).(b.) Atonicouandaubecameū: as,ínclūdō,I include, fromclaudō;áccūsāre,to accuse, fromcausa.109.There are not a few cases in which the atonic vowel does not conform to the rules given above (102-108). These are usually compounds which show the vowel of the simple verb. Some of these were formed at a time when the early recessive accent was no longer in force and consequently there was no cause for weakening; in others the vowel of the simple verb was by analogy substituted for the weakened vowel of the compound: as,appetō,I strive after, frompetō, which ought to haveilikecolligō,collect, fromlegō;intermedius,intermediate, butdīmidius,half;dēfraudāre,to cheat, by the side ofdēfrūdārefromfraudāre; instead of the commonredarguō,I refute, Scipio Africanus minor Pauli filius (185-129B.C.) saidrederguō, andpertīsumforpertaesum, but both Cicero (O.159) and Lucilius discountenancepertīsumas the sign of a pedantic prig. In a few cases the reverse process took place, and the weakened vowel which arose in the compound was transferred to the simple verb: as,clūdō,I close(958), forclaudō, which owes itsūto compounds likeocclūdō. For a case where the vowel of the preceding syllable acted as a stay to the expected change, see104,d.LOSS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.110.Only vowels which are short and atonic may be lost. The loss of a medial vowel is calledSyncope; of an initial vowel,Aphaeresis; of a final vowelApocope.111.Syncope.(a.) Loss of a posttonic vowel, entailing the loss of a syllable, occurs inardus(Lucil.; forăsee128) for the commonāridus,dry;caldusby the side ofcalidus,warm(Quint. 1, 6, 19);reppulī,I pushed back, andrettulī,I carried back, stand for*répepulīand*rétetulī(861);pergō,I proceed, stands for*perregōfromregō(cf.cor-rigō,ē-rigō, where theeis weakened,103, andporrigō,porgō, where it is either weakened or lost), hence it forms its perfectperrēxī(953):pōnō,I place, is for*posnō(170, 2) from*po-sinō(112), hence it forms its past participlepositus(972); foriūrgō,I blame. Plautus hasiūrigō;*ūsūripō(fromūsusandrapere) yieldsūsurpō,I utilize;*gāvideō, hencegāvīsus(801), givesgaudeo,I rejoice, convertingāṷtoaṷbefore the followingd(128); in a similar wayauceps,bird-catcher, is formed from*aviceps(avis,bird,andcapere,catch);claudere,lock, from*clāvidere(clāvis,key);aetās,age, foráevitās(262);praecō,herald, for*práevicō(105,g)prae-vocō(211); also with change ofoutoū(100),prūdēns,prudent, for*proudēnsfromprovidēns,foreseeing;nūper,lately, from*noviper;nūntius,messenger, from*noventius(333);iūcundus,joyful, fromiuvicundus(Cic.Fin.2, 14). But forms likepōclum,cup,saeclum,age, do not belong here, as they are original and not derived by syncope frompōculum,saeculum; cf.172.(b.) Where, through the loss of a vowel,lorrwould come to stand between two consonants, or where they would be final and preceded by a consonant,landrbecome syllabic (83) and the syllable is thus maintained. Syllabiclis represented byul, syllabicrbyer(172, 3). The development of such intercalary vowels asubeforelandebeforeris calledAnaptyxis(172). Thus,*sacri-dōts(cf.sacri-legium) became first*sacr̥dōtsby syncope, thensacerdōs,priest, by anaptyxis;*ācribus(cf.ācri-mōnia,pungency) first became*ācr̥busthenācerbus,pungent;*agrilos(267, cf.agri-cola,farmer) became first*agr̥los, then*agerlos, and finally, by assimilation of thertol(166, 7),agellus,small field; from*dis-ficilter(adverb fromdis-andfacilis) arose*difficl̥teranddifficulter,with difficulty. The nominative sg. of the following words is to be explained thus.ager(451) was originally*agros(cf. Greekἄγρος), which changed successively to*agr̥s,*agers, andager(for the loss of-ssee171, 1 and 3). Similarly*ācris, passing through the stages of*ācr̥s,*ācers, becameācer(627), and*famlosby way of*faml̥s,*famuls, becamefamul(455), to which later the common ending of nouns of theo-declension was added, givingfamulus.112.Aphaeresis.Aphaeresis hardly occurs in literary Latin. In the pronounistethe initialiis sometimes dropped (667); this loss implies an accented ultima (94). A trace of prehistoric aphaeresis is found in the prefixpo-for*apo(Greekἀπό) inpōnō,I place, forpo-s(i)nō(111,a).113.Apocope.Under the same conditions under which a medial vowel was syncopated, the final vowel of a word which stood in close union with the following word, as a preposition with its noun, was lost. In this way*peri(Greekπερί) becameper;*apo(Greekἀπό) becameap,ab(164, 2);*eti(Greekἔτι) becameet. Similarly the final-eof the enclitics-ce,-ne,not, and-neinterrogative was lost:*sī-cebecamesīc,so;*quī-ne,quīn,why not;habēsne,haben,hast thou; the imperativesdīc,say,dūc,lead, andfac,do, stand for earlierdīce,dūce,face(846); the shortened formemforeme(imperative ofemere,take) has been turned into an interjection (1149). In the same waynecarose by the side ofneque;acby the side ofatque(158). Final-ehas also been dropped in the nominative sg. of a number of polysyllabic neuter stems in-āliand-āri(546): as,animal,animal, for*animāle,exemplar,pattern, for*exemplāre. See536,537. It must, however, be remembered that in most of the cases given the loss of a final vowel would also result from elision (119) before the initial vowel of the following word.COMBINATION OF ADJACENT VOWELS.114.Hiatus.A succession of two vowel sounds not making a diphthong is calledHiatus.When in the formation of words by means of suffixes or prefixes or through the loss of an intervening consonant, two vowels come into contact within a word we speak ofinternal hiatus; the termexternal hiatuscomprises those cases where, in connected discourse, the final vowel of one word comes into contact with the initial vowel of the following word. For the latter kind, see2474.115.The treatment of vowels in internal hiatus is four-fold: (1.) The hiatus may remain; (2.) the two vowels may be fused into one (Contraction); (3.) one of the two vowels may be dropped (Elision); and (4.) the two vowels may be combined into a diphthong.116.Hiatusis maintained (a.) between two adjacent vowels the second of which is long and accented (according to the classical accentuation): as,coḗgi,I forced, andcoā́ctus,forced(937); butcōgō(118, 3). Forcoepi, instead ofcoḗpī,I began, see120.(b.) In many prepositional compounds when the members were still felt to be independent: as,praeesse(the contracted formpraesseis found in inscriptions);dēerunt,they will be wanting, by the side ofdērunt;coalēscō,grow together(the contracted formcōlēscōappears in Varro);cooptāre,coöpt,cooperiō,I cover up(by the side of rarecōptāre,cōperīre);coïtus,meeting, by the side ofcoetus(120).(c.) A comparatively large number of vowel combinations remain unchanged: aseaandeāineam,her, andmeā,by my(fem. sing.);iaandiāinmāria,seas,viātōris,of the traveller;uaanduāinbēlua,monster,suā,through her(fem. sg.);iēinquiēs,quiet;uēinluēs,pestilence;eīinmeī,of me;uīintuī,of thee;eōinmeō,by my(masc. sing.).117.Synizesis.In these combinations the first vowel is sometimes made unsyllabic (83). This is calledsynizesis(2499) and is not rare in poets, being often the only means of adapting a word to the requirements of certain metres. Thus,fortuītus(- ⏑ - ⏓) must appear in a hexameter asfortvītus(fortṷītus). See2499,2503.118.Contraction.(1.) Two like vowels may unite in one long vowel; rapidity of utterance was favourable to such fusion. In compounds, the desire to keep the members distinct often prevented it. So alwaysnēmō,nobody, for*neemōfrom*ne-hemō,no man(for the loss ofh, see58,150; forein*hemō, see144); and by the side of the open forms,nīlfromnihil,nothing;vēmēnsfromvehemēns,rapid(connected with the verbvehō); rarelydērunt,they will be wanting, anddēsse,to be wanting, fordēerunt,dēesse;dēlēram,I had destroyed, from*dēlēeramfordēlēveram(for the loss ofv, see153), see890;passūm,of paces, forpassuum(591).(2.) A diphthong absorbs the following vowel: as,praetor, olderpraitor,praetor, from*prai-itor,who goes before; inscriptions showpraeruntforpraeerunt,they will be before; forpraebēre,to furnish, the open formpraehibēreoccurs in Plautus (1004).(3.) If two unlike vowels are contracted at all, they usually unite in the long sound of the first vowel. Thus,oandayieldō: as,cōgō,I force, fromco-agō;cōgitō,I think, fromco-agitō. Similarly Varro hascōlēscat,it may combine, forco-alēscat.oandeyieldō: as,prōmō,bring out,cōmō,put up, forpro-emō,co-emō(953).ēandayieldē: as,dēgō,I pass away, fromdē-agō(937).iandein the termination of the vocative of-io-stems probably contracted to-ī; asfīlīfrom*fīlie,459. But in denominative (365) and other verbs of the first conjugationāandōcontract intoō: as,amō,I love, from*amā-ō(cf. Greekτιμά·ω); andāandēintoē: as,amēs,thou mayest love, for*amā-ēs.119.Elision.Only rarely the first of two successive vowels is dropped: as,nūllus,no, for*ne-ūllus; likewise the final vowel of the first member of nominal compounds: as,multangulus,with many corners, for*multi-angulus(cf.multi-cavus,with many holes);flexanimus,heart-rending, for*flexi-animus(cf.flexi-pēs,with bent feet).120.Combination into diphthongs.The union of two successive vowels into a diphthong is equally rare:oandiare combined tooi,oe, incoetus,meeting, by the side of the open formcoïtus(116,b); the perfectcoepī(812),I began, owes its diphthongoeto forms in which theewas short and unaccented, such as the rare present formscoepiōforcó-ĕpiō(813); forcoḗpi(813,863) would have remained unchanged (116,a).neuter, with the accent on thee, was pronounced as three syllables, latereubecame diphthongal;neutiquamwith synizesis (117) ofe.eandī̆sometimes contract toe͡iinrēi(601,602) and inde͡inde,dēinin the classic poets.LENGTHENING.121.Compensative lengthening.When certain groups of consonants are simplified by the dropping of a consonant, its time is absorbed by a preceding short vowel, which thereby becomes long. This is calledCompensation. In many cases compensative lengthening is due to the loss of a preliterary sonants(170, 2): as,cānus,gray, from*casnus(cf.cas-cus,very old). See for other cases of this lengthening,170, 5,quīnī, for*quincnī;170, 6,īgnōscō, for*in-gnōscō.122.Induced lengthening.Before certain groups of consonants short vowels have a tendency to become long: as,(a.) The prefixesin-andcon-beforesorflengthened their vowels in classical Latin (Cic.O.159): as,īnsānus,mad;īnfēlīx,unhappy;cōnsuēvit,he grew used to;cōnfēcit,he accomplished. Elsewhere also the vowel beforensandnfappears to have been lengthened: as,fōns,fountain;pēnsus,weighty(Gell. 9, 6);forēnsis,forensic;cēnsor,censor;mēnsa,table;mēnsis,mouth;Valēns;Clēmēns; theoofīnsons,guiltless, however, is marked as short by the grammarian Probus.(b.) A similar lengthening of the vowel beforencfollowed bytorsappears: as,ūnctus,anointed, fromunguō(Gell. 9, 6);iūnctus,joined, fromiungō(954),coniūnx,spouse, genit.coniugis(472);quīnctus,fifth, whencequīntus(170, 4) andquīnque,five, derive theirī;sānctus,hallowed.(c.) Spellings likesIgnvm,sign(well supported in inscriptions), anddIgne,worthily(less well supported) show thatiwas at times lengthened beforegn. The grammarian Priscian demands this lengthening for all vowels preceding the ending-gnus,-gna,-gnum.(d.) A lengthened vowel beforerfollowed by a consonant is also certain for some words likeōrdō,order;fōrma,shape.(e.) Some speakers appear to have lengthened the vowel of prepositions likecon-,sub-,ob-, in the compounds ofiaciō(104,c); asōbicit. This practice, which is disapproved by Gellius (4,17), probably arose from the transfer by analogy of the quantity of the first syllable in forms likeconieciant(940) to that of the shortened form. In the same way the occasional spellingCÓNIV́NX,spouse, forconiūnx, may owe its longōto the analogy ofcōiunx,CÓIVGI(170, 6).(f.) Many verb stems ending in-ghave a long vowel in the past participle before the suffix-to-: as,tēctus,covered, fromtego(916);tāctus,touched, fromtangō(925);pāctus,fixed, frompangō(925);fīctus,moulded, fromfingō(954);pīctus,painted, frompingō. The evidence forāinmaximusis very scanty: one case ofAwith the apex (29, 3) in a faulty inscription.(g.) Of the induced lengthenings enumerated above, only those given in (a.) (b.) (f.) seem to have been universal in classical Latin. The rest appear to have been local peculiarities, which, while making inroads upon the literary language, never gained full recognition.123.(1.)Analogical lengthening.In noun stems in-othe stem vowel is lengthened in the genitive plural-ōrum(449,462), by analogy to the stems in-ā(435): as,servōrum,of slaves, likemēnsārum,of tables. For other cases see122,e.(2.)Metrical lengthening.On the lengthening of a vowel (or a syllable) under the influence of verse-ictus, see2505.SHORTENING.124.A vowel originally long is regularly shortened in classical Latin before another vowel, even though anhintervene: as,taceō,I am silent, from the stemtacē-(365);seorsum,apart,deorsum,downward, fromsē(v)orsum,dē(v)orsum(153).125.In simple words a diphthong occurs before a vowel only in one or two proper names: as,Gnaeus,Annaeus, in which it remains long, and in Greek words. But the diphthongaeof the prefixpraeis sometimes shortened before a vowel: as,pra͝eacūtus;pra͝eeunt;pra͝ehibeō; henceprehendōfor*prae-hendō. Sometimes it coalesces with a following vowel: as,pra͡e͡optāvīstī.126.An increased tendency to shorten a long vowel before another vowel can be traced in the history of the language: thus, classicalfuī,I was, for Plautus’sfūī(750);clueō,I am called, for Plautus’sclūeō; perfectpluit,it rained, for Varro’splūit(cf.plūvit,823,947);pius,pious, for Ennius’spīus; see also765.127.But even in classical Latin there are cases where a vowel before another vowel remains long: thus,(1.) Regularly, theīoffīō,I am made, except before-er-, as infierem(788,789).(2.) Indīus,godly, fordīvus(153), and the old ablativesdīū,dīō,open sky(used only in the expressionsub dīū,sub dīō, i.e.sub dīvō).(3.) In the endingēīof the genitive and dative sg. of stems in-ē-(601) when aniprecedes: as,diēī,of a day,aciēī,of the battle line, butreī,of the thing, for olderrēī.(4.) It may be mentioned here thatrēīis said to occur in verse 6 times (Plaut. G. 2, Lucr. G. 2, D. 2);reī9 times (Plaut. G. 2, Ter. G. 4, D. 1, Juv. G. 1, Sulp. Apoll. G. 1);re͞i27 times (Plaut. G. 2, D. 3, Enn. D. 1, Ter. G. 9, D. 8, Lucil. G. 1, D. 1, Lucr. G. 2).fidēīG. 3 times (Plaut., Enn., Lucr.);fideī11 times (Enn. D. 1, Man. G. 2, D. 1, Sil. G. 4, D. 1, Juv. G. 2);fidēi5 times (Ter. G. 1, D. 3, Hor. 1).ēī35 times (Plaut. 18, Ter. 8, Lucr. 9);eīsome 17 times (Plaut. 12, Ter. 2, German. 1, Ter. Maur. 2);ēi23 times (Plaut. 11, Ter. 8, Lucil. 3, Cat. 1).(5.)Gāiusretains itsābefore the voweli: thus,Gāius(trisyllabic).(6.) In the pronominal genitives in-ī̆us(618), the quantity ofivaried. The older dramatists useī; later,īwas shortened, but variations in its quantity seem to have continued until long after the end of the republic; Cicero,DO.3, 183, measuresillius; Quintilian 1, 5, 18ūnīus; the grammarian Priscian prescribes-īusfor all exceptalterius, which should always havei, andutrius, in which theiis common (30). In verse theiis often short, except inneutrīus;utriusquehas always shorti.(7.) The penult is long in the endings-āī,-āīs,-ōī,-ōīs, and-ēī,-ēīs, from stems in-āio-,-ōio-, and-ēio-(458) or-iā-(437): as,Gāī,Bōī,Pōmpēī,plēbēī:Gāīs,Bōīs,Pompēīs,plēbēīs,Bāīs;aulāī,pictāī.(8.)Dī̆anahasĭas often asī.ohēhasŏ̄;ē̆heuhasĕin comedy, otherwiseē.(9.) In many Greek words a long vowel comes before another vowel; as,āēr,Aenēās,Mēdēa. But early importations from Greek followed the general rule and shortened the vowel: as,platĕa(πλατεῖα),balinĕum,balnĕum(βαλανεῖον).128.A long vowel preceding unsyllabici̭orṷfollowed by a consonant is shortened: as,gaudeōfor*gāudeō(cf.gāvīsus,111);claudoforclāudō(cf.clāṷis,111).Similarly a long vowel (unless long by contraction: as,nūntius,111,a,cōntiō) preceding a liquid or nasal followed by a consonant is shortened: as, syncopatedardusfromāridus(111),habentem, from the stemhabē-. For cases of induced lengthening of the vowel beforenfollowed by certain consonants, see122.129.Iambic shortening.The law of iambic shortening (2470) produced a number of important changes: thus,(1.) In old dramatic verse iambic words (⏑ –) often shorten the long vowel. The poets after Plautus and Terence preserve the long vowel.(a.) Nouns; G.eri,boni,preti. D.cani,ero,malo. L.domi,heri. Ab.levi,manu,domo,bona,fide. Plural: N.fores,viri. D., Ab.bonis. Ac.foris,viros,bonas. (b.) Verbs:eo,volo,ago;ero,dabo;vides;loces;voles;dedi,dedin;roga,veni; later poets sometimes retaincave,vale, andvide. The vowel may also be shortened when-n(1503) is added andsis dropped before-n(170, 2):rogan,abin;videnis also retained by later poets.(2.) In a few pyrrhic words (⏑ ⏑) in-i, which were originally iambic (⏑ –), the poets in all periods retained final-īat pleasure: these are,mihī̆,tibī̆,sibī̆;ibī̆,ubī̆; alsoalicubī̆. Theiofbiis always short innēcubiandsīcubi, and usually inubinam,ubivīs, andubicumque;ibidemis used by the dramatists,ibīdemin hexameter.ubīquehas alwaysī.130.The following instances show that this law operated in prose speech also:(1.) In iambic words of theā-declension (432) the final-āof the nominative singular was shortened; hence*equābecameequa,mare. From these iambic words short final-aspread so that all stems in-ā-shorten the finalāof the nom. sg. (434).(2.) The final-ain the nominative plural of neuter nouns of theo-declension (446), which appears intrīgintā,thirty, was likewise shortened, first in iambic words likeiuga,yokes,bona,goods, then everywhere (461).(3.) This law explains the short final vowel inhomo(2442) by the side ofsermō(2437,c) and similar cases, like the adverbsmodo,cito(2442),bene,male(2440). In the same way arose the short finaloof the first person in conjugation (2443): as,volo,dabo,dīxeroby the side ofscrībō; so alsovidenforvidēn(129, 1;170, 2).
93.Encliticsare words which have no accent of their own, but are pronounced as a part of the word preceding. This increase of the number of syllables produced certain accentual changes, all the details of which are not clear. When the enclitic was monosyllabic the place of the accent seems to have been determined as in86; thusvídēs, butvidḗsne;Látiō, butLatiṓque. Again, when by the addition of a monosyllabic enclitic the accent falls on the fourth syllable from the end, a secondary (84,85) accent was probably placed on the penult: as,perī́cula, butperī́culàque. The Roman grammarians agree, however, in demanding that everywhere the syllable preceding the enclitics-que,-ne,-ve, and-ceshould be accented. Indeindeandsubindethere is authority for placing the accent on the first syllable.
Enclitics are: (1.) Unemphatic personal and indefinite pronouns: as,in mē, pronounced,ínmē;dā mihi,dā́mihi;sīc tibi,sī́ctibi;sī quis,sī́quis;nē quid,nḗquid. (2.) Verbs when used as auxiliaries: as,possumforpót(e) sum(752);quī́ libet(2401);vidḗlicet,īlicet,scīlicet(712);quámvīs(1903); the forms ofessein compound tenses (719), so thatestis frequently combined, even in writing, with the preceding past participle (747). (3.) The particles-ne(-n),-ve, and-ce(-c): as,satísneor shortenedsatín;Hyrcānīsve Arabī́sve;istī́ceor shortenedistîc(90),adhûc(90). (4.) The copulative conjunction-que: as,Latiṓque,līmináque. (5.) The prepositioncumwhen it follows (1435) its case. (6.) The particlequidem: as,sī quidem,síquidem(131). (7.) Other enclitics are:-met(650): as,egómet;-dem: as,ibídem;-nam: as,ubínam;-dum(1573): as,agédum;-inde: as,déinde,próinde(which are disyllabic in verse), andsúbinde;-tum; as,etiámtum;-per: as,parúmper; the vocative when it was closely joined to the preceding word, e.g. an imperative: as,dī́c puer(106).
94.Two words expressing what is really one single idea are often bound together byoneaccent, one of them acting the part of either a proclitic or enclitic.
Thus, with the earlier recessive accent (89),Iū́piter(133;389; originally a vocative which came to be used as nominative; for the change ofpatertopitersee104);ínvicem,in turn;dḗnuōfordḗ nóvō(106); with the later, classical accent,lēgislā́tor,paterfamíliās,orbisterrā́rum,extémplō,imprī́mīs. When unemphaticilleandistepreceded their noun and had practically the value of our definite article they formed a unit with the following noun and thus the accent might fall on their last syllable: as,illé pater,isté canis. This use is particularly common in vulgar and late Latin (see112).
CHANGE OF DIPHTHONGS IN ACCENTED SYLLABLES.
95.Of the six original diphthongsau,ou,eu, andai,oi,ei, the only one which preserved its original sound in the classical period isau. Of the rest onlyae(for olderai) and, in a few words,oe(for olderoi) remained diphthongs; all the others had become monophthongs.
96.Change ofai.aiis common in inscriptions: as,AIDILIS,PRAITOR. Toward the end of the republic the two elements of the diphthong had been partially assimilated toae(49): as,aedīlis(Quint. 1, 7, 18). This is its pronunciation in the classical period. Between 130 and 100B.C.aiis displaced byaein public documents; but the old-fashionedaiwas often retained in private inscriptions. Still later the two elements completely converged toē. In provincial Latinēis found as early as 200B.C.: as,CESVLAforCAESVLLA; in Rome itself the pronunciation ‘Cēcilius’ forCaecilius, and ‘prētor’ forpraetorwas derided as boorish; but by 71A.D.aewas verging towardēeven in the court language: the coins of Vespasian haveIVDEAas well asIVDAEA. In the 3d and 4th centuryA.D.ēbecame the prevalent sound.
97.Change ofau. The diphthongau, which was preserved in educated speech, was changed toōin rustic and colloquial pronunciation (see the anecdote related by Suetonius,Vesp.22): as,cōpō,innkeeper, forcaupō;plōstrumforplaustrum(barge),cart:ClōdiusforClaudius. Some of these gained literary currency: as,cōdex,book,caudex,block;fōcāle,neckcloth,faucēs,throat. The formsōdēs(1572) forsi̭ audēs=sī audēs(Cic.O.154) is a colloquialism.
98.Change ofei.eias a genuine diphthong is common in old inscriptions: as,SEI;SEIVE;ADEITVR;DEIXERVNT;FEIDA. In classical Latin it has passed intoī: thus,sī,if;sīve,either;adītur,is approached;dīxērunt,they said; fīda,faithful. An intermediate stage between the old diphthongeiand the classicalīwas a very close (46)ē: as,PLOIRVME(465) forplūrimī;IOVRE(501,507) foriūrī. For the orthographical use ofeias a spelling for the longī-sound, see29.
99.Change ofoi. The development ofoiwas parallel to that ofai. It first passed intooe: as,COIRAVERVNTandCOERAVERVNT,they cared;OITILE,useful, andOETI,to use;LOIDOSandLOEDOS,play,—all in old Latin. In classical Latin it has further been changed in accented syllables toū: as,cūrāvērunt,ūtile,ūtī,lūdus. Butoewas retained in classical Latin (1.) when a secondary diphthong (48), the result of contraction (120), and (2.) in a few words likefoedus,treaty, perhaps as an archaizing, legal term;foedus,ugly;poena,penalty, perhaps through the influence of Greekποινή(in the verbpūnīre,to punish, the regularūappears);proelium,skirmish;foetor,stench; andmoenia,walls, perhaps because there was a wordmūnia,services. The connection ofnōn,not, withnoenum(455;1444;699) is difficult because of the unusual development ofoetoo, for which the Praenestine formCORAVERONTis the only parallel.
100.Changeofou.ou, found in inscriptions down to about 90B.C., passed, in classical Latin, intoū: as,POVBLICOM,NOVNTIATA,IOVDEX; laterpūblicum,public,nūntiāta,notified,iūdex,judge.
101.Change ofeu. Primitive (48)euappears in classical Latin only in the interjectionseu,heu,ē̆heu,heus. Every other originaleuhad, even in old Latin, passed intoouand developed like the latter: as,*neumen(Greekνεῦμα) became first*noumen, then (100)nūmen. With the exceptions noted above, the diphthongeu, as it appears in Latin, is always of secondary origin (48), the result of the two vowelseandumeeting in composition: as,neu,neither, fromnē-ve;neutiquam, fromnēandutiquam(124).
WEAKENING IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.
102.The vowel of an unstressed (atonic) syllable is often weakened, changing its quantity or quality or both. This is especially the case in syllables immediately preceded by the chief accent (posttonic syllables). The following changes took place at an early period when Latin still possessed the old, recessive accent (89).
WEAKENING OF SIMPLE VOWELS IN MEDIAL SYLLABLES.
103.(a.)Atonic medialebefore a single consonant was weakened (with the exceptions given underb.) toi: as,cólligō,collect, fromlegō;óbsideō,besiege, fromsedeō;cértāminis,of the contest, fromcertāmen(224);flāminis, fromflāmen(470). And so probablyhic(664) arose from*hecor*hoc(105,g) when used as proclitic (92). Before the labialsp,b,f, andmthis weakened sound was intermediate betweeniandu(28), and both spellings occur: as,quadripēsandquadrupēs,four-footed;alimentum,nourishment;monumentum,monument. The choice ofioruwas probably governed by the quality of the stressed vowel in the preceding syllable: viz.,uafteroandu, andiaftera,e, andi. But such distinction is only imperfectly maintained in classical Latin.
(b.) But before two consonants, beforer, before vowels, and afteri, atonicedoes not change: as,lévāmentum(224), butlévāminis,of consolation;óbsessus(butóbsideō),possessed;sócietās,society, from the stemsocie-(butnóvitāsfrom the stemnove-);géneris,of the kind;ádeunt,they approach.
104.(c.) Atonic mediala, except in the cases mentioned below under (d.), (e.), and (f.), was first weakened toeand then underwent the same changes as atonic mediale(103): as (before single consonants),cṓnficiō,accomplish, fromfaciō;ī́nsiliō,jump in, fromsaliō(1019);rédditus,restored, fromdatus;trícipitem,three-headed, from*trícapitem(caput), Cic.O.159;occiput,back of the head, andsinciput,jole(478). In compounds ofiaciō(940),-iaciōis weakened in early Latin to-ieciō(as,conieciō,940), but later to-iciō(as,subiciō). This last form may be due to syncope (111,a) of the radicala. The spelling-iiciō(as,subiiciō) is late and faulty (52). It does not occur in republican inscriptions and owes its origin to a confusion of the two formsconieciōandconiciō. (On the quantity of the vowel of the prepositions in these compounds ofiaciō, see122e); (beforep,b,f,m)áccipiō,accept, andóccupō,occupy, fromcapiō;cóntubernālis,room-mate, fromtaberna;ábripiō,to snatch away, fromrapiō; (before two consonants)pépercī,I have spared, fromparcō;áccentus,accent, fromcantus; (beforer)péperī,I brought forth, frompariō.
(d.) But anain the preceding syllable may protect the atonica: as,ádagiō,ádagium,proverb, butprṓdigium,miracle(144).
(e.) Atonic medialabefore the guttural nasal (62)nfollowed bygchanged toi(138): as,áttingō,touch, fromtangō.
(f.) Atonic medialabeforelfollowed by any consonant savelchanged tou(bothlandubeing guttural,60,44): as,éxsultāre,to leap up, fromsaltāre; butféfellī,I deceived, fromfallō.
105.(g.)Atonic medialo, when followed by a single consonant, first changed toeand then underwent all further changes of medial atonice: as,hóminis, from*homon-is(485);ímāginis, for*imāgonis,226(nominativeimāgō,485);cúpīdinis, for*cupīdonis,225, (nominativecupīdō,485);vírginis, for*virgonis(nominativevirgō,470);ī́licō, from*in-slocō,on the spot(169, 4).
(h.) Before two consonants or before gutturall(60) atonic medialochanged tou: as,éuntis, from*éontis(Greekἴοντος);sēdulō, fromsē dolō(1417). But a precedingvoruprotectso(107,c).
(i.) Beforer, atonic medialowas retained: as,témporis,of time; except whenuin the preceding syllable induced a change tou: as,fúlguris,of lightning(for the-rin the nominative singularfulgurinstead of-s, see154).
106.(k.) Medial-av-,-ov-, and-iv-in posttonic syllables were weakened tou: as,dḗnuōfromdḗnovō(94);ábluōfromablavō. The formpuer,boy, arose from the olderPOVERin enclitic vocatives (93, 7) and was thence transferred to the nominative likepiterinIūpiter(94).
WEAKENING OF SIMPLE VOWELS IN FINAL SYLLABLES.
107.(a.) In final syllables unaccented originalebeforesandtwas weakened toi: as,salūtis,of safety, from oldersalūtes(507).
(b.) Finalibecamee: as,antefor*anti(Greekἀντίandanti-cipāre); nominative singularmare, from the stemmari-(526).
(c.) In final syllablesobefore consonants changed touexcept when preceded byuorv: as,fīlius,son, for old Latinfīlios(452);ferunt,they carry, for olderferont;femur,thigh, nomin. sg. from the stemfemor-(489);genus,kind, for*genos, Greekγένος; butvīvont,they live;salvom,safe. Not long before the beginning of our eraohere also changed touand appears to have coalesced with the precedingv(Quint. 1, 7, 26): as, in inscriptions:INGENVS(nomin.sg.) foringenuos;SERVM,slave(acc. sg.), forservom;NOVMfornovom,something new;so alsoboum,oxen(gen. pl.), forbovom(494). But inasmuch as the majority of forms in the paradigms of these words retained theirv, it was restored in most cases, by analogy, to the forms which had lost it: as,servumforserum, because ofservī,servō, etc.;vīvuntforvīunt, because ofvīvō,vīvis,vīvit, etc.
(d.) When the stemsfac-(facere,do),cap-(capere,take) appear as second members of compounds, theirachanges in final syllables toe: as,artifex,artisan;auceps,bird-catcher. After the analogy of these words, compounds withdīcereandīrehaveein the nom. sg.: as,iūdex,iūdicis,judge(fromiūsanddīcere);comes,companion(fromcom,with, andīre); see136, 2.
WEAKENING OF DIPHTHONGS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.
108.Diphthongs, whether medial or final, are treated alike in atonic syllables.
(a.) Atonicei,oi, andai(ae) becameī: as,lupī,wolves(nom. pl.), for*lupoi(Gr.λύκοι);bellī,in war(loc. sg.,460,1338), for*bellei(Greekοἴκει) or*belloi(Greekοἴκοι);éxīstimō,I consider, fromaestimō;cóncīdō,I strike down, fromcaedō; Cicero,O.159, mentionsinīcum,unfair, for*ínaecum, andconcīsumfor*cóncaesum; so also, probably,hīc,this, arose fromhoic(662) when used as a proclitic (92).
(b.) Atonicouandaubecameū: as,ínclūdō,I include, fromclaudō;áccūsāre,to accuse, fromcausa.
109.There are not a few cases in which the atonic vowel does not conform to the rules given above (102-108). These are usually compounds which show the vowel of the simple verb. Some of these were formed at a time when the early recessive accent was no longer in force and consequently there was no cause for weakening; in others the vowel of the simple verb was by analogy substituted for the weakened vowel of the compound: as,appetō,I strive after, frompetō, which ought to haveilikecolligō,collect, fromlegō;intermedius,intermediate, butdīmidius,half;dēfraudāre,to cheat, by the side ofdēfrūdārefromfraudāre; instead of the commonredarguō,I refute, Scipio Africanus minor Pauli filius (185-129B.C.) saidrederguō, andpertīsumforpertaesum, but both Cicero (O.159) and Lucilius discountenancepertīsumas the sign of a pedantic prig. In a few cases the reverse process took place, and the weakened vowel which arose in the compound was transferred to the simple verb: as,clūdō,I close(958), forclaudō, which owes itsūto compounds likeocclūdō. For a case where the vowel of the preceding syllable acted as a stay to the expected change, see104,d.
LOSS IN UNACCENTED SYLLABLES.
110.Only vowels which are short and atonic may be lost. The loss of a medial vowel is calledSyncope; of an initial vowel,Aphaeresis; of a final vowelApocope.
111.Syncope.(a.) Loss of a posttonic vowel, entailing the loss of a syllable, occurs inardus(Lucil.; forăsee128) for the commonāridus,dry;caldusby the side ofcalidus,warm(Quint. 1, 6, 19);reppulī,I pushed back, andrettulī,I carried back, stand for*répepulīand*rétetulī(861);pergō,I proceed, stands for*perregōfromregō(cf.cor-rigō,ē-rigō, where theeis weakened,103, andporrigō,porgō, where it is either weakened or lost), hence it forms its perfectperrēxī(953):pōnō,I place, is for*posnō(170, 2) from*po-sinō(112), hence it forms its past participlepositus(972); foriūrgō,I blame. Plautus hasiūrigō;*ūsūripō(fromūsusandrapere) yieldsūsurpō,I utilize;*gāvideō, hencegāvīsus(801), givesgaudeo,I rejoice, convertingāṷtoaṷbefore the followingd(128); in a similar wayauceps,bird-catcher, is formed from*aviceps(avis,bird,andcapere,catch);claudere,lock, from*clāvidere(clāvis,key);aetās,age, foráevitās(262);praecō,herald, for*práevicō(105,g)prae-vocō(211); also with change ofoutoū(100),prūdēns,prudent, for*proudēnsfromprovidēns,foreseeing;nūper,lately, from*noviper;nūntius,messenger, from*noventius(333);iūcundus,joyful, fromiuvicundus(Cic.Fin.2, 14). But forms likepōclum,cup,saeclum,age, do not belong here, as they are original and not derived by syncope frompōculum,saeculum; cf.172.
(b.) Where, through the loss of a vowel,lorrwould come to stand between two consonants, or where they would be final and preceded by a consonant,landrbecome syllabic (83) and the syllable is thus maintained. Syllabiclis represented byul, syllabicrbyer(172, 3). The development of such intercalary vowels asubeforelandebeforeris calledAnaptyxis(172). Thus,*sacri-dōts(cf.sacri-legium) became first*sacr̥dōtsby syncope, thensacerdōs,priest, by anaptyxis;*ācribus(cf.ācri-mōnia,pungency) first became*ācr̥busthenācerbus,pungent;*agrilos(267, cf.agri-cola,farmer) became first*agr̥los, then*agerlos, and finally, by assimilation of thertol(166, 7),agellus,small field; from*dis-ficilter(adverb fromdis-andfacilis) arose*difficl̥teranddifficulter,with difficulty. The nominative sg. of the following words is to be explained thus.ager(451) was originally*agros(cf. Greekἄγρος), which changed successively to*agr̥s,*agers, andager(for the loss of-ssee171, 1 and 3). Similarly*ācris, passing through the stages of*ācr̥s,*ācers, becameācer(627), and*famlosby way of*faml̥s,*famuls, becamefamul(455), to which later the common ending of nouns of theo-declension was added, givingfamulus.
112.Aphaeresis.Aphaeresis hardly occurs in literary Latin. In the pronounistethe initialiis sometimes dropped (667); this loss implies an accented ultima (94). A trace of prehistoric aphaeresis is found in the prefixpo-for*apo(Greekἀπό) inpōnō,I place, forpo-s(i)nō(111,a).
113.Apocope.Under the same conditions under which a medial vowel was syncopated, the final vowel of a word which stood in close union with the following word, as a preposition with its noun, was lost. In this way*peri(Greekπερί) becameper;*apo(Greekἀπό) becameap,ab(164, 2);*eti(Greekἔτι) becameet. Similarly the final-eof the enclitics-ce,-ne,not, and-neinterrogative was lost:*sī-cebecamesīc,so;*quī-ne,quīn,why not;habēsne,haben,hast thou; the imperativesdīc,say,dūc,lead, andfac,do, stand for earlierdīce,dūce,face(846); the shortened formemforeme(imperative ofemere,take) has been turned into an interjection (1149). In the same waynecarose by the side ofneque;acby the side ofatque(158). Final-ehas also been dropped in the nominative sg. of a number of polysyllabic neuter stems in-āliand-āri(546): as,animal,animal, for*animāle,exemplar,pattern, for*exemplāre. See536,537. It must, however, be remembered that in most of the cases given the loss of a final vowel would also result from elision (119) before the initial vowel of the following word.
COMBINATION OF ADJACENT VOWELS.
114.Hiatus.A succession of two vowel sounds not making a diphthong is calledHiatus.
When in the formation of words by means of suffixes or prefixes or through the loss of an intervening consonant, two vowels come into contact within a word we speak ofinternal hiatus; the termexternal hiatuscomprises those cases where, in connected discourse, the final vowel of one word comes into contact with the initial vowel of the following word. For the latter kind, see2474.
115.The treatment of vowels in internal hiatus is four-fold: (1.) The hiatus may remain; (2.) the two vowels may be fused into one (Contraction); (3.) one of the two vowels may be dropped (Elision); and (4.) the two vowels may be combined into a diphthong.
116.Hiatusis maintained (a.) between two adjacent vowels the second of which is long and accented (according to the classical accentuation): as,coḗgi,I forced, andcoā́ctus,forced(937); butcōgō(118, 3). Forcoepi, instead ofcoḗpī,I began, see120.
(b.) In many prepositional compounds when the members were still felt to be independent: as,praeesse(the contracted formpraesseis found in inscriptions);dēerunt,they will be wanting, by the side ofdērunt;coalēscō,grow together(the contracted formcōlēscōappears in Varro);cooptāre,coöpt,cooperiō,I cover up(by the side of rarecōptāre,cōperīre);coïtus,meeting, by the side ofcoetus(120).
(c.) A comparatively large number of vowel combinations remain unchanged: aseaandeāineam,her, andmeā,by my(fem. sing.);iaandiāinmāria,seas,viātōris,of the traveller;uaanduāinbēlua,monster,suā,through her(fem. sg.);iēinquiēs,quiet;uēinluēs,pestilence;eīinmeī,of me;uīintuī,of thee;eōinmeō,by my(masc. sing.).
117.Synizesis.In these combinations the first vowel is sometimes made unsyllabic (83). This is calledsynizesis(2499) and is not rare in poets, being often the only means of adapting a word to the requirements of certain metres. Thus,fortuītus(- ⏑ - ⏓) must appear in a hexameter asfortvītus(fortṷītus). See2499,2503.
118.Contraction.(1.) Two like vowels may unite in one long vowel; rapidity of utterance was favourable to such fusion. In compounds, the desire to keep the members distinct often prevented it. So alwaysnēmō,nobody, for*neemōfrom*ne-hemō,no man(for the loss ofh, see58,150; forein*hemō, see144); and by the side of the open forms,nīlfromnihil,nothing;vēmēnsfromvehemēns,rapid(connected with the verbvehō); rarelydērunt,they will be wanting, anddēsse,to be wanting, fordēerunt,dēesse;dēlēram,I had destroyed, from*dēlēeramfordēlēveram(for the loss ofv, see153), see890;passūm,of paces, forpassuum(591).
(2.) A diphthong absorbs the following vowel: as,praetor, olderpraitor,praetor, from*prai-itor,who goes before; inscriptions showpraeruntforpraeerunt,they will be before; forpraebēre,to furnish, the open formpraehibēreoccurs in Plautus (1004).
(3.) If two unlike vowels are contracted at all, they usually unite in the long sound of the first vowel. Thus,oandayieldō: as,cōgō,I force, fromco-agō;cōgitō,I think, fromco-agitō. Similarly Varro hascōlēscat,it may combine, forco-alēscat.oandeyieldō: as,prōmō,bring out,cōmō,put up, forpro-emō,co-emō(953).ēandayieldē: as,dēgō,I pass away, fromdē-agō(937).iandein the termination of the vocative of-io-stems probably contracted to-ī; asfīlīfrom*fīlie,459. But in denominative (365) and other verbs of the first conjugationāandōcontract intoō: as,amō,I love, from*amā-ō(cf. Greekτιμά·ω); andāandēintoē: as,amēs,thou mayest love, for*amā-ēs.
119.Elision.Only rarely the first of two successive vowels is dropped: as,nūllus,no, for*ne-ūllus; likewise the final vowel of the first member of nominal compounds: as,multangulus,with many corners, for*multi-angulus(cf.multi-cavus,with many holes);flexanimus,heart-rending, for*flexi-animus(cf.flexi-pēs,with bent feet).
120.Combination into diphthongs.The union of two successive vowels into a diphthong is equally rare:oandiare combined tooi,oe, incoetus,meeting, by the side of the open formcoïtus(116,b); the perfectcoepī(812),I began, owes its diphthongoeto forms in which theewas short and unaccented, such as the rare present formscoepiōforcó-ĕpiō(813); forcoḗpi(813,863) would have remained unchanged (116,a).neuter, with the accent on thee, was pronounced as three syllables, latereubecame diphthongal;neutiquamwith synizesis (117) ofe.eandī̆sometimes contract toe͡iinrēi(601,602) and inde͡inde,dēinin the classic poets.
LENGTHENING.
121.Compensative lengthening.When certain groups of consonants are simplified by the dropping of a consonant, its time is absorbed by a preceding short vowel, which thereby becomes long. This is calledCompensation. In many cases compensative lengthening is due to the loss of a preliterary sonants(170, 2): as,
cānus,gray, from*casnus(cf.cas-cus,very old). See for other cases of this lengthening,170, 5,quīnī, for*quincnī;170, 6,īgnōscō, for*in-gnōscō.
122.Induced lengthening.Before certain groups of consonants short vowels have a tendency to become long: as,
(a.) The prefixesin-andcon-beforesorflengthened their vowels in classical Latin (Cic.O.159): as,īnsānus,mad;īnfēlīx,unhappy;cōnsuēvit,he grew used to;cōnfēcit,he accomplished. Elsewhere also the vowel beforensandnfappears to have been lengthened: as,fōns,fountain;pēnsus,weighty(Gell. 9, 6);forēnsis,forensic;cēnsor,censor;mēnsa,table;mēnsis,mouth;Valēns;Clēmēns; theoofīnsons,guiltless, however, is marked as short by the grammarian Probus.
(b.) A similar lengthening of the vowel beforencfollowed bytorsappears: as,ūnctus,anointed, fromunguō(Gell. 9, 6);iūnctus,joined, fromiungō(954),coniūnx,spouse, genit.coniugis(472);quīnctus,fifth, whencequīntus(170, 4) andquīnque,five, derive theirī;sānctus,hallowed.
(c.) Spellings likesIgnvm,sign(well supported in inscriptions), anddIgne,worthily(less well supported) show thatiwas at times lengthened beforegn. The grammarian Priscian demands this lengthening for all vowels preceding the ending-gnus,-gna,-gnum.
(d.) A lengthened vowel beforerfollowed by a consonant is also certain for some words likeōrdō,order;fōrma,shape.
(e.) Some speakers appear to have lengthened the vowel of prepositions likecon-,sub-,ob-, in the compounds ofiaciō(104,c); asōbicit. This practice, which is disapproved by Gellius (4,17), probably arose from the transfer by analogy of the quantity of the first syllable in forms likeconieciant(940) to that of the shortened form. In the same way the occasional spellingCÓNIV́NX,spouse, forconiūnx, may owe its longōto the analogy ofcōiunx,CÓIVGI(170, 6).
(f.) Many verb stems ending in-ghave a long vowel in the past participle before the suffix-to-: as,tēctus,covered, fromtego(916);tāctus,touched, fromtangō(925);pāctus,fixed, frompangō(925);fīctus,moulded, fromfingō(954);pīctus,painted, frompingō. The evidence forāinmaximusis very scanty: one case ofAwith the apex (29, 3) in a faulty inscription.
(g.) Of the induced lengthenings enumerated above, only those given in (a.) (b.) (f.) seem to have been universal in classical Latin. The rest appear to have been local peculiarities, which, while making inroads upon the literary language, never gained full recognition.
123.(1.)Analogical lengthening.In noun stems in-othe stem vowel is lengthened in the genitive plural-ōrum(449,462), by analogy to the stems in-ā(435): as,servōrum,of slaves, likemēnsārum,of tables. For other cases see122,e.
(2.)Metrical lengthening.On the lengthening of a vowel (or a syllable) under the influence of verse-ictus, see2505.
SHORTENING.
124.A vowel originally long is regularly shortened in classical Latin before another vowel, even though anhintervene: as,
taceō,I am silent, from the stemtacē-(365);seorsum,apart,deorsum,downward, fromsē(v)orsum,dē(v)orsum(153).
125.In simple words a diphthong occurs before a vowel only in one or two proper names: as,Gnaeus,Annaeus, in which it remains long, and in Greek words. But the diphthongaeof the prefixpraeis sometimes shortened before a vowel: as,pra͝eacūtus;pra͝eeunt;pra͝ehibeō; henceprehendōfor*prae-hendō. Sometimes it coalesces with a following vowel: as,pra͡e͡optāvīstī.
126.An increased tendency to shorten a long vowel before another vowel can be traced in the history of the language: thus, classicalfuī,I was, for Plautus’sfūī(750);clueō,I am called, for Plautus’sclūeō; perfectpluit,it rained, for Varro’splūit(cf.plūvit,823,947);pius,pious, for Ennius’spīus; see also765.
127.But even in classical Latin there are cases where a vowel before another vowel remains long: thus,
(1.) Regularly, theīoffīō,I am made, except before-er-, as infierem(788,789).
(2.) Indīus,godly, fordīvus(153), and the old ablativesdīū,dīō,open sky(used only in the expressionsub dīū,sub dīō, i.e.sub dīvō).
(3.) In the endingēīof the genitive and dative sg. of stems in-ē-(601) when aniprecedes: as,diēī,of a day,aciēī,of the battle line, butreī,of the thing, for olderrēī.
(4.) It may be mentioned here thatrēīis said to occur in verse 6 times (Plaut. G. 2, Lucr. G. 2, D. 2);reī9 times (Plaut. G. 2, Ter. G. 4, D. 1, Juv. G. 1, Sulp. Apoll. G. 1);re͞i27 times (Plaut. G. 2, D. 3, Enn. D. 1, Ter. G. 9, D. 8, Lucil. G. 1, D. 1, Lucr. G. 2).fidēīG. 3 times (Plaut., Enn., Lucr.);fideī11 times (Enn. D. 1, Man. G. 2, D. 1, Sil. G. 4, D. 1, Juv. G. 2);fidēi5 times (Ter. G. 1, D. 3, Hor. 1).ēī35 times (Plaut. 18, Ter. 8, Lucr. 9);eīsome 17 times (Plaut. 12, Ter. 2, German. 1, Ter. Maur. 2);ēi23 times (Plaut. 11, Ter. 8, Lucil. 3, Cat. 1).
(5.)Gāiusretains itsābefore the voweli: thus,Gāius(trisyllabic).
(6.) In the pronominal genitives in-ī̆us(618), the quantity ofivaried. The older dramatists useī; later,īwas shortened, but variations in its quantity seem to have continued until long after the end of the republic; Cicero,DO.3, 183, measuresillius; Quintilian 1, 5, 18ūnīus; the grammarian Priscian prescribes-īusfor all exceptalterius, which should always havei, andutrius, in which theiis common (30). In verse theiis often short, except inneutrīus;utriusquehas always shorti.
(7.) The penult is long in the endings-āī,-āīs,-ōī,-ōīs, and-ēī,-ēīs, from stems in-āio-,-ōio-, and-ēio-(458) or-iā-(437): as,Gāī,Bōī,Pōmpēī,plēbēī:Gāīs,Bōīs,Pompēīs,plēbēīs,Bāīs;aulāī,pictāī.
(8.)Dī̆anahasĭas often asī.ohēhasŏ̄;ē̆heuhasĕin comedy, otherwiseē.
(9.) In many Greek words a long vowel comes before another vowel; as,āēr,Aenēās,Mēdēa. But early importations from Greek followed the general rule and shortened the vowel: as,platĕa(πλατεῖα),balinĕum,balnĕum(βαλανεῖον).
128.A long vowel preceding unsyllabici̭orṷfollowed by a consonant is shortened: as,gaudeōfor*gāudeō(cf.gāvīsus,111);claudoforclāudō(cf.clāṷis,111).
Similarly a long vowel (unless long by contraction: as,nūntius,111,a,cōntiō) preceding a liquid or nasal followed by a consonant is shortened: as, syncopatedardusfromāridus(111),habentem, from the stemhabē-. For cases of induced lengthening of the vowel beforenfollowed by certain consonants, see122.
129.Iambic shortening.The law of iambic shortening (2470) produced a number of important changes: thus,
(1.) In old dramatic verse iambic words (⏑ –) often shorten the long vowel. The poets after Plautus and Terence preserve the long vowel.
(a.) Nouns; G.eri,boni,preti. D.cani,ero,malo. L.domi,heri. Ab.levi,manu,domo,bona,fide. Plural: N.fores,viri. D., Ab.bonis. Ac.foris,viros,bonas. (b.) Verbs:eo,volo,ago;ero,dabo;vides;loces;voles;dedi,dedin;roga,veni; later poets sometimes retaincave,vale, andvide. The vowel may also be shortened when-n(1503) is added andsis dropped before-n(170, 2):rogan,abin;videnis also retained by later poets.
(2.) In a few pyrrhic words (⏑ ⏑) in-i, which were originally iambic (⏑ –), the poets in all periods retained final-īat pleasure: these are,
mihī̆,tibī̆,sibī̆;ibī̆,ubī̆; alsoalicubī̆. Theiofbiis always short innēcubiandsīcubi, and usually inubinam,ubivīs, andubicumque;ibidemis used by the dramatists,ibīdemin hexameter.ubīquehas alwaysī.
130.The following instances show that this law operated in prose speech also:
(1.) In iambic words of theā-declension (432) the final-āof the nominative singular was shortened; hence*equābecameequa,mare. From these iambic words short final-aspread so that all stems in-ā-shorten the finalāof the nom. sg. (434).
(2.) The final-ain the nominative plural of neuter nouns of theo-declension (446), which appears intrīgintā,thirty, was likewise shortened, first in iambic words likeiuga,yokes,bona,goods, then everywhere (461).
(3.) This law explains the short final vowel inhomo(2442) by the side ofsermō(2437,c) and similar cases, like the adverbsmodo,cito(2442),bene,male(2440). In the same way arose the short finaloof the first person in conjugation (2443): as,volo,dabo,dīxeroby the side ofscrībō; so alsovidenforvidēn(129, 1;170, 2).