FOOTNOTES:

But he is so far removed from its realisation that his dream dazzles him, and urges him on to defend chimerical schemes. He wishes the wealth of the clergy to be taken from them and bestowed upon poor, honest, brave, trustworthy gentlemen, who will defend the country; and he does not perceive that these riches would have fallen principally into the hands of turbulent and grasping courtiers, as happened in the sixteenth century.[737]He is carried away by his own reasonings, so that the Utopian or paradoxical character of his statements escape him. Wanting to minimise the power of the popes, he protests against the rules followed for their election, and goes on to say concerning the vote by ballot: "Sith ther ben fewe wise men, and foolis ben without noumbre, assent of more part of men makith evydence that it were foli."[738]

His disciples,Lollardsas they were usually called, a name the origin of which has been much discussed, survived him, and his simple priests continued, for a time, to propagate his doctrines. The master's principal propositions were even found one day in 1395, posted up on the door of St. Paul's Cathedral, in the heart of London. Among them figure declarations that, at a distance of three centuries, seem a foreshadowing of the theories of the Puritans; one for instance, affirming "that the multitude of useless arts allowed in the kingdom are the cause of sins without number." Among the forbidden arts are included that of the goldsmiths, and another art of which, however, the Puritans were to make a somewhat notorious use, that of the armorers.[739]

At the University, the followers of Wyclif were numerous; in the country they continued to increase until the end of the fourteenth century. Energeticmeasures were adopted in the beginning of the fifteenth; the statute "De hæretico comburendo" was promulgated in 1401 (but rarely applied at this period); the master's books were condemned and prohibited; from that time Wyclifism declined, and traces of its survival can hardly be found at the period when the Reformation was introduced into England.

By a strange fate Wyclif's posterity continued to flourish out of the kingdom. Bohemia had just given a queen to England, and used to send students every year from its University of Prague to study at Paris and Oxford. In that country the Wyclifite tenets found a multitude of adepts; the Latin works of the thinker were transcribed by Czech students, and carried back to their own land; several writings of Wyclif exist only in Czech copies. His most illustrious disciple, John Hus, rector of the University of Prague, was burnt at the stake, by order of the Council of Constance, on the 6th of July, 1415. But the doctrine survived; it was adopted with modifications by the Taborites and the Moravian Brethren, and borrowed from them by the Waldenses[740]; the same Moravian Brethren who, owing to equally singular vicissitudes, were to become an important factor in the English religious movement of the eighteenth century: the Wesleyan movement. In spite of differences in their doctrines, the Moravian Brethren and the Hussites stand as a connecting link between Wesley and Wyclif.[741]

FOOTNOTES:[666]"Historia Anglicana," vol. i. pp. 453 ff. By the same: "Gesta abbatum monasterii Sancti Albani," 3 vols., "Ypodigma Neustriæ," 1 vol. ed. Riley, Rolls, 1863, 1876.[667]Ibid., vol. ii. p. 27. See above, p. 201.[668]"Chronicon Angliæ," 1328-88, Rolls, ed. Maunde Thompson, 1874, 8vo. Mr. Thompson has proved that, contrary to the prevalent opinion, Walsingham has been copied by this chronicler instead of copying him himself; but the book is an important one on account of the passages referring to John of Gaunt, which are not found elsewhere.[669]"Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden ... with the English translation of John Trevisa," ed. Babington and Lumby, Rolls, 1865, 8 vols. 8vo.[670]See above, p. 195.[671]"The buke of John Maundeuill, being the travels of Sir John Mandeville, Knight, 1322-56, a hitherto unpublished English version from the unique copy (Eg. MS. 1982) in the British Museum, edited together with the French text," by G. F. Warner; Westminster, Roxburghe Club, 1889, fol. In the introduction will be found the series of proofs establishing the fact that Mandeville never existed; the chain seems now complete, owing to a succession of discoveries, those especially of Mr. E. B. Nicholson, of the Bodleian, Oxford (Cf.an article of H. Cordier in theRevue Critiqueof Oct. 26, 1891). A critical edition of the French text is being prepared by the Société des Anciens Textes. The English translation was made after 1377, and twice revised in the beginning of the fifteenth century. On the passages borrowed from "Mandeville" by Christine de Pisan, in her "Chemin de long Estude," see in "Romania," vol. xxi. p. 229, an article by Mr. Toynbee.[672]The church and its dependencies were sold and demolished in 1798: "Adjugés le 12 nivôse an vi., à la citoyenne épouse, J. J. Fabry, pour 46,000 francs." Warner,ibid., p. xxxiii.[673]Warner,ibid., p. v.[674]"Et sachies que je eusse cest livret mis en latin pour plus briefment deviser, mais pour ce que plusieurs entendent miex roumant que latin, j'e l'ay mis en roumant par quoy que chascun l'entende, et que les seigneurs et les chevalers et les autres nobles hommes qui ne scevent point de latin ou pou, qui ont esté oultre mer sachent et entendent se je dis voir ou non at se je erre en devisant pour non souvenance ou autrement que il le puissent adrecier et amender, car choses de lonc temps passées par la veue tournent en oubli et mémoire d'omme ne puet tout mie retenir ne comprendre." MS. fr. 5637 in the National Library, Paris, fol. 4, fourteenth century.[675]On Odoric and Mandeville, see H. Cordier, "Odoric de Pordenone," Paris, 1891, Introduction.[676]A part of it was even put into verse: "The Commonyng of Ser John Mandeville and the gret Souden;" in "Remains of the early popular Poetry of England," ed. Hazlitt, London, 1864, 4 vols. 8vo, vol. i. p. 153.[677]Here is a specimen of this style; it is the melancholy end of the work, in which the weary traveller resigns himself, like Robinson Crusoe, to rest at last: "And I John Maundeville, knyghte aboveseyd (alle thoughe I ben unworthi) that departed from oure contrees and passed the see the year of grace 1322, that have passed many londes and many isles and contrees, and cerched manye fulle straunge places, and have ben in many a fulle gode honourable companye and at many a faire dede of armes (alle beit that I dide none my self, for myn unable insuffisance) now I am comen hom (mawgre my self) to reste; for gowtes artetykes, that me distreynen, tho diffynen the ende of my labour, agenst my wille (God knowethe). And thus takynge solace in my wrecced reste, recordynge the tyme passed, I have fulfilled theise thinges and putte hem wryten in this boke, as it wolde come in to my mynde, the year of grace 1356 in the 34 yeer that I departede from oure contrees. Werfore I preye to alle the rederes and hereres of this boke, yif it plese hem that thei wolde preyen to God for me, and I schalle preye for hem." Ed. Halliwell, London, 1866, 8vo, p. 315.[678]See above, p. 216.[679]"Boethius," in "Complete Works," vol. ii. p. 6.[680]"Troilus," II. 100. See above, p. 306.Cf.Boece's "De Consolatione," Metrum III.[681]"Et ut patesceret totius regni communitati eos non respectu avaritiæ quicquam facere, proclamari fecerunt sub pœna decollationis, ne quis præsumeret aliquid vel aliqua ibidem reperta ad proprios usus servanda contingere, sed ut vasa aurea et argentea, quæ ibi copiosa habebantur, cum securibus minutatim confringerent et in Tamisiam vel in cloacas projicerent, pannos aureos et holosericos dilacerarent.... Et factum est ita." Walsingham, "Historia Anglicana," vol. i. p. 457 (Rolls).[682]"Ad le Blakeheth, ubi ducenta millia communium fuere simul congregata hujuscemodi sermonem est exorsus:Whann Adam dalfe and Eve spanWho was thanne a gentil man?Continuansque sermonem inceptum, nitebatur, per verba proverbii quod pro themate sumpserat, introducere et probare, ab initio omnes pares creatos a natura, servitutem per injustam oppressionem nequam hominum introductam, contra voluntatem Dei; quia si Deo placiusset servos creasse utique in principio mundi constituisset quis servus, quisve dominus futurus fuisset." Let them therefore destroy nobles and lawyers, as the good husbandman tears up the weeds in his field; thus shall liberty and equality reign: "Sic demum ... esset inter eos æqua libertas, par dignitas, similisque potestas." "Chronicon Angliæ," ed. Maunde Thompson (Rolls), 1874, 8vo, p. 321; Walsingham, vol. ii. p. 32.[683]"Rotuli Parliamentorum, ut et petitiones et placita in Parliamento." London, 7 vols. fol. (one volume contains the index).[684]Richard restored it entirely, and employed English master masons, "Richard Washbourn" and "Johan Swalwe." The indenture is of March 18, 1395; the text of it is in Rymer, 1705, vol. vii. p. 794.[685]"Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 103.[686]Ex. 13 Ed. III., 17 Ed. III., "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. pp. 107, 135.[687]"Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 361.[688]"Seigneurs et Sires, ces paroles qe j'ay dist sont tant à due en Franceys, vostre Roi vient à toy."Ibid., vol. iii. p. 3. A speech of the same kind adorned with puns was made by Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, to open the first Parliament of Henry IV.: "Cest honorable roialme d'Angleterre q'est le plus habundant Angle de richesse parmy tout le monde, avait estée par longe temps mesnez, reulez et governez par enfantz et conseil de vefves...." 1399,Ibid., p. 415.[689]"Rotuli Parliamentorum." Speech of Knyvet, vol. ii. p. 316; of Wykeham, vol. ii. p. 303. This same Knyvet opens the Good Parliament of 1376 by a speech equally forcible. He belonged to the magistracy, and was greatly respected; he died in 1381.[690]Ex: "Item, meisme le jour (that is to say the day on which the general proclamation was read) fut fait une crie qe chescun qi vodra mettre petition à nostre seigneur le Roi et à son conseil, les mette entre cy et le lundy prochein à venir.... Et serront assignez de receivre les pétitions ... les sousescritz."Ibid., vol. ii. p. 135.[691]Ibid., vol. ii. pp. 136, 163. "Fut dit à les ditz Communes de par le Roy, q'ils se retraiassent par soi à lour aunciene place en la maison du chapitre de l'abbeye de Westm', et y tretassent et conseillassent entre eux meismes."[692]Vol. ii. p. 107, second Parliament of 1339.[693]"Ils tretèrent longement,"Ibid., ii. p. 104.[694]"Sur quele demonstrance il respoundrent q'il voleient parler ensemble et treter sur cest bosoigne.... Sur quel bosoigne ceux de la Commune demorèrent de lour respons doner tant qe à Samedi, le XIX. jour de Feverer."a.d.1339, "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 107.[695]"Ils n'osoront assentir tant qu'ils eussent conseillez et avysez les Communes de lour pais." They promise to do their best to persuade their constituents.a.d.1339; "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 104.[696]"Et les nuncia auxi la cause de la longe demore quele il avoit faite es dites parties saunz chivaucher sur ses enemys; et coment il le covendra faire pur defaute d'avoir." "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 103, first Parliament of 1339.[697]51 Ed. III., "Rotuli Parliamentorum," ii. p. 374.[698]"Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 323. This speech created a great stir; another analysis of it exists in the "Chronicon Angliæ" (written by a monk of St. Albans, the abbot of which, Thomas de la Mare, sat in Parliament): "Quæ omnia ferret æquanimeter [plebs communis] si dominus rex noster sive regnum istud exinde aliquid commodi vel emolumenti sumpsisse videretur; etiam plebi tolerabile, si in expediendis rebus bellicis, quamvis gestis minus prospere, tanta pecunia fuisset expensa. Sed palam est, nec regem commodum, nec regnum ex hac fructum aliquem percepisse.... Non enim est credible regem carere infinita thesauri quantitate si fideles fuerint qui ministrant ei" (p. 73). The drift of the speech is, as may be seen, exactly the same as in the Rolls of Parliament. Another specimen of pithy eloquence will be found in the apostrophe addressed to the Earl of Stafford by John Philpot, a mercer of London, after his naval feat of 1378.Ibid., p. 200.[699]"Rotuli Parliamentorum," ii. pp. 337 ff.[700]June 25, 1376.[701]The speech of this year was made "en Engleis," by Simon, bishop of Ely; but the Rolls give only a French version of it: "Le prophet David dit que ..." &c., vol. ii. p. 283.[702]"Sires, I thank God, and yowe Spirituel and Temporal and alle the Astates of the lond; and do yowe to wyte, it es noght my will that no man thynk y^t be waye of conquest I wold disherit any man of his heritage, franches, or other ryghtes that hym aght to have, no put hym out of that that he has and has had by the gude lawes and custumes of the Rewme: Except thos persons that has ben agan the gude purpose and the commune profyt of the Rewme." "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. iii. p. 423. In the fifteenth century the Parliamentary documents are written sometimes in French, sometimes in English; French predominates in the first half of the century, and English in the second.[703]On Wyclif's family, see "The Birth and Parentage of Wyclif," by L. Sergeant,Athenæum, March 12 and 26, 1892. This spelling of his name is the one which appears oftenest in contemporary documents. (Note by F. D. Matthew,Academy, June 7, 1884.)[704]"Determinatio quedam magistri Johannis Wyclyff de Dominio contra unum monachum." The object of this treatise is to show "quod Rex potest juste dominari regno Anglic negando tributum Romano pontifici." The text will be found in John Lewis: "A history of the life and sufferings of ... John Wiclif," 1720, reprinted Oxford, 1820, 8vo, p. 349.[705]"Ambassatores, nuncios et procuratores nostros speciales." Lewis,ibid., p. 304.[706]All these details are found in the "Chronicon Angliæ," 1328-88, ed. Maunde Thompson, Rolls, 1874, 8vo, p. 123, one of the rare chronicles the MS. of which was not expurgated, in what relates to John of Gaunt, at the accession of the Lancasters. (See above, p. 406.)[707]This extreme leniency caused an indignation of which an echo is found in Walsingham: "Oxoniense studium generale," he exclaims, "quam gravi lapsu a sapientiæ et scientiæ culmine decidisti!... Pudet recordationis tantæ impudentiæ, et ideo supersedeo in husjusmodi materia immorari, ne materna videar ubera decerpere dentibus, quæ dare lac, potum scientiæ, consuevere." "Historia Anglicana," Rolls, vol. i. p. 345, year 1378.[708]See in the "Fasciculi Zizaniorum magistri Johannis Wyclif cum tritico," ed. Shirley, Rolls, 1858, 8vo, p. 258: "Responsio magistri Johannis Wycclifi ad dubium infra scriptum, quæsitum ab eo, per dominum regem Angliæ Ricardum secundum et magnum suum consilium anno regni sui primo." The point to be elucidated was the following: "Dubium est utrum regnum Angliæ possit legitime, imminente necessitate suæ defensionis, thesaurum regni detinere, ne deferatur ad exteros, etiam domino papa sub pœna censurarum et virtute obedientiæ hoc petente."[709]"Statutes of the Realm," 5 Rich. II., st. 2, chap. 5. Walsingham thus describes them; "Congregavit ... comites ... talaribes indutos vestibus de russeto in signum perfectionis amplioris, incedentes nudis pedibus, qui suos errores in populo ventilarent, et palam ac publice in suis sermonibus prædicarent." "Historia Anglicana,"sub anno1377, Rolls, vol. i. p. 324. A similar description is found (they present themselves, "sub magnæ sanctitatis velamine," and preach errors "tam in ecclesiis quam in plateis et aliis locis profanis") in the letter of the archbishop of Canterbury, of May 28, 1382, "Fasciculi," p. 275.[710]"Select English Works," ed. T. Arnold, Oxford, 1869, vol. i. p. 176.[711]"Historia Anglicana," Rolls, vol. ii. p. 119. Elsewhere, in another series of unflattering epithets ("old hypocrite," "angel of Satan," &c.), the chronicler had allowed himself the pleasure of making a little pun upon Wyclif's name: "Non nominandus Joannes Wicliffe, vel potius Wykbeleve." Year 1381 vol. i. p. 450.[712]L. Sergeant, "The Birth and Parentage of Wyclif," in theAthenæumof March 12, 1892.[713]The Wyclif Society, founded in London by Dr. Furnivall, has published a great part of the Latin works of Wyclif: "Polemical Works in Latin," ed. Buddensieg, 1883, 8vo; "Joannis Wyclif, de compositione Hominis," ed. R. Beer, 1884; "Tractatus de civili Dominio ... from the unique MS. at Vienna," ed. R. Lane Poole, 1885 ff.; "Tractatus de Ecclesia," ed. Loserth, 1886; "Dialogus, sive speculum Ecclesie militantis," ed. A. W. Pollard, 1886; "Tractatus de benedicta Incarnatione," ed. Harris, 1886; "Sermones," ed. Loserth and Matthew, 1887; "Tractatus de officio Regis;" ed. Pollard and Sayle, 1887; "De Dominio divino libri tres, to which are added the first four books of the treatise 'De pauperie Salvatoris,' by Richard Fitzralph, archbishop of Armagh," ed. R. L. Poole, 1890; "De Ente prædicamentali," ed. R. Beer, 1891; "De Eucharistia tractatus maior; accedit tractatus de Eucharistia et Pœnitentia," ed. Loserth and Matthew, 1892. Many others are in preparation.Among the Latin works published outside of the Society, see "Tractatus de officio pastorali," ed. Lechler, Leipzig, 1863, 8vo; "Trialogus cum supplemento Trialogi," ed. Lechler, Oxford, 1869, 8vo; "De Christo et suo Adversario Antichristo," ed. R. Buddensieg, Gotha, 1880, 4to. Many documents by or concerning Wyclif are to be found in the "Fasciculi Zizaniorum magistri Joannis Wyclif cum tritico," ed. Shirley, Rolls, 1858, 8vo (compiled by Thomas Netter, fifteenth century). See also Shirley, "A Catalogue of the Original Works of John Wyclif," Oxford, 1865, 8vo, and Maunde Thompson, "Wycliffe Exhibition in the King's Library," London, 1884, 8vo.[714]R. Lane Poole, "Wycliffe and Movements for Reform," London, 1889, 8vo, p. 85.[715]On this treatise, and on the use made of it by Wyclif, see: "Johannis Wycliffe De Dominio divino libri tres. To which are added the first four books of the treatise 'De pauperie Salvatoris,' by Richard Fitzralph," ed. R. Lane Poole, 1890. The "De Dominio divino," of Wyclif, seems to have been written about 1366; his "De Dominio Civili," about 1372.[716]"Quilibet existens in gratia gratificante, finaliter nedum habet jus, sed in re habet omnia bona Dei." "De Dominio Civili," chap. i. p. 1.[717]"De Dominio Civili," chap. xiv. p. 96, chap. xvii. pp. 118-120.[718]"Vel esset lex superaddita in lege evangelica implicata, vel impertinens, vel repugnans." "De Dominio Civili," chap. xvii.[719]The worst is the ecclesiastical form: "Pessimum omnium est quod prelati ecclesie secundum tradiciones suas immisceant se negociis et solicitudinibus civilis dominii." Chap. xxvii. p. 195.[720]Chap. xxx. p. 212.[721]Chap. xxxv. p. 250.[722]Chap. xxxvii. p. 266.[723]A conclusion pointed out as heretical by the archbishop of Canterbury in his letter of 1382. "Fasciculi," p. 278.[724]"Kingis and lordis schulden wite that thei ben mynystris and vikeris of God, to venge synne and ponysche mysdoeris." "Select English Works," ed. Arnold, vol. iii. p. 214.[725]The principal ones will be found in: T. Arnold, "Select English Works of John Wyclif," Oxford, 1869-71, 3 vols. 8vo; F. D. Matthew, "The English Works of Wyclif, hitherto unprinted," London, Early English Text Society, 1880, 8vo. (Many of the pieces in this last collection are not by Wyclif, but are the work of his followers. In the first, too, the authenticity of some of the pieces is doubtful.) See also: "Wyclyffe's Wycket, which he made in Kyng Richard's days the Second" (a famous sermon on the Eucharist), Nuremberg, 1546, 4to; Oxford, ed. T. P. Pantin, 1828.[726]S. Berger, "La Bible française au moyen âge," Paris, 1884, p. 120. This version was circulated in England, and was recopied by English scribes; a copy (incomplete) by an English hand is preserved in the University Library at Cambridge; P. Meyer, "MSS. français de Cambridge," in "Romania," 1886, p. 265.[727]"The Holy Bible ... made from the Latin of the Vulgate, by John Wycliffe and his followers," ed. by J. Forshall and Sir Fred. Madden, Oxford, 1850, 2 vols. 4to. On the share of Wyclif, Hereford, &c., in the work, see pp. vi, xvi, xvii, xx, xxiv.Cf.Maunde Thompson, "Wycliffe Exhibition," London, 1884, p. xviii. The first version was probably finished in 1382, the second in 1388 (by the care of John Purvey, a disciple and friend of Wyclif).[728]Labbe, "Sacrorum Conciliorum ... Collectio," vol. xxvi. col. 1038.[729]"Select English Works," vol. iii. p. 100.[730]"Select English Works," vol. ii. p. 296.[731]Ibid., i. p. 189.[732]Ibid., i. p. 381.[733]His adversaries, perhaps exaggerating his sayings, attribute to him declarations like the following: "Quod sacramentum illud visibile est infinitum abjectius in natura, quam sit panis equinus, vel panis ratonis; immo, quod verecundum est dicere vel audire, quod stercus ratonis." "Fasciculi Zizaniorum," p. 108.[734]"Ille panis est bene miraculose, vere el realiter, spiritualiter, virtualiter et sacramentaliter corpus Christi. Sed grossi non contentantur de istis modis, sed exigunt quod panis ille, vel saltem per ipsum, sit substantialiter et corporaliter corpus Christi; sic enim volunt, zelo blasphemorum, Christum comedere, sed non possunt.... Ponimus venerabile sacramentum altaris esse naturaliter panem et vinum, sed sacramentaliter corpus Christi et sanguinem." "Fasciculi," pp. 122, 125; Wyclif's statement of his beliefs after his condemnation by the University in 1381. Again, in his sermons: "Thes ben to rude heretikes that seien thei eten Crist bodili, and seien thei parten ech membre of him, nekke, bac, heed and foot.... This oost is breed in his kynde as ben other oostes unsacrid, and sacramentaliche Goddis bodi." "Select English Works," vol. ii. p. 169. This is very nearly the theory adopted later by Latimer, who declares "that there is none other presence of Christ required than a spiritual presence; and that presence is sufficient for a Christian man;" there remains in the host the substance of bread. "Works," Parker Society, Cambridge, 1844, vol. ii. p. 250.[735]Auricular confession, that "rowninge in preestis eere," is not the true one, according to Wyclif; the true one is that made to God. "Select English Works," vol. i. p. 196.[736]"Doctor in theologia eminentissimus in diebus illis, in philosophia nulli reputabatur secundus, in scolasticis disciplinis incomparabilis." "Chronica de eventibus Angliæ,"sub anno1382, in Twysden, "Decem Scriptores," col. 2644.[737]"Select English Works," vol. iii. pp 216, 217.[738]Ibid., ii. p. 414.[739]Conclusion No. 12. "Henrici de Blandeforde ... Annales," ed. Riley, Rolls, 1866, p. 174.[740]"The old belief that the Waldenses (or Vaudois) represent a current of tradition continuous from the assumed evangelical simplicity of the primitive church has lost credit.... The imagined primitive Christianity of these Alpine congregations can only be deduced from works which have been shown to be translations or adaptations of the Hussite manuals or treatises." "Wycliffe," by Reginald Lane Poole, 1889, p. 174.Cf.J. Loserth, "Hus und Wiclif," Leipzig, 1884.[741]The great crisis in Wesley's religious life, what he terms his "conversion," took place on the 24th of February, 1738, under the influence of the Moravian Peter Böhler, who had convinced him, he says in his Journal, "of the want of that faith whereby we are saved."

[666]"Historia Anglicana," vol. i. pp. 453 ff. By the same: "Gesta abbatum monasterii Sancti Albani," 3 vols., "Ypodigma Neustriæ," 1 vol. ed. Riley, Rolls, 1863, 1876.

[667]Ibid., vol. ii. p. 27. See above, p. 201.

[668]"Chronicon Angliæ," 1328-88, Rolls, ed. Maunde Thompson, 1874, 8vo. Mr. Thompson has proved that, contrary to the prevalent opinion, Walsingham has been copied by this chronicler instead of copying him himself; but the book is an important one on account of the passages referring to John of Gaunt, which are not found elsewhere.

[669]"Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden ... with the English translation of John Trevisa," ed. Babington and Lumby, Rolls, 1865, 8 vols. 8vo.

[670]See above, p. 195.

[671]"The buke of John Maundeuill, being the travels of Sir John Mandeville, Knight, 1322-56, a hitherto unpublished English version from the unique copy (Eg. MS. 1982) in the British Museum, edited together with the French text," by G. F. Warner; Westminster, Roxburghe Club, 1889, fol. In the introduction will be found the series of proofs establishing the fact that Mandeville never existed; the chain seems now complete, owing to a succession of discoveries, those especially of Mr. E. B. Nicholson, of the Bodleian, Oxford (Cf.an article of H. Cordier in theRevue Critiqueof Oct. 26, 1891). A critical edition of the French text is being prepared by the Société des Anciens Textes. The English translation was made after 1377, and twice revised in the beginning of the fifteenth century. On the passages borrowed from "Mandeville" by Christine de Pisan, in her "Chemin de long Estude," see in "Romania," vol. xxi. p. 229, an article by Mr. Toynbee.

[672]The church and its dependencies were sold and demolished in 1798: "Adjugés le 12 nivôse an vi., à la citoyenne épouse, J. J. Fabry, pour 46,000 francs." Warner,ibid., p. xxxiii.

[673]Warner,ibid., p. v.

[674]"Et sachies que je eusse cest livret mis en latin pour plus briefment deviser, mais pour ce que plusieurs entendent miex roumant que latin, j'e l'ay mis en roumant par quoy que chascun l'entende, et que les seigneurs et les chevalers et les autres nobles hommes qui ne scevent point de latin ou pou, qui ont esté oultre mer sachent et entendent se je dis voir ou non at se je erre en devisant pour non souvenance ou autrement que il le puissent adrecier et amender, car choses de lonc temps passées par la veue tournent en oubli et mémoire d'omme ne puet tout mie retenir ne comprendre." MS. fr. 5637 in the National Library, Paris, fol. 4, fourteenth century.

[675]On Odoric and Mandeville, see H. Cordier, "Odoric de Pordenone," Paris, 1891, Introduction.

[676]A part of it was even put into verse: "The Commonyng of Ser John Mandeville and the gret Souden;" in "Remains of the early popular Poetry of England," ed. Hazlitt, London, 1864, 4 vols. 8vo, vol. i. p. 153.

[677]Here is a specimen of this style; it is the melancholy end of the work, in which the weary traveller resigns himself, like Robinson Crusoe, to rest at last: "And I John Maundeville, knyghte aboveseyd (alle thoughe I ben unworthi) that departed from oure contrees and passed the see the year of grace 1322, that have passed many londes and many isles and contrees, and cerched manye fulle straunge places, and have ben in many a fulle gode honourable companye and at many a faire dede of armes (alle beit that I dide none my self, for myn unable insuffisance) now I am comen hom (mawgre my self) to reste; for gowtes artetykes, that me distreynen, tho diffynen the ende of my labour, agenst my wille (God knowethe). And thus takynge solace in my wrecced reste, recordynge the tyme passed, I have fulfilled theise thinges and putte hem wryten in this boke, as it wolde come in to my mynde, the year of grace 1356 in the 34 yeer that I departede from oure contrees. Werfore I preye to alle the rederes and hereres of this boke, yif it plese hem that thei wolde preyen to God for me, and I schalle preye for hem." Ed. Halliwell, London, 1866, 8vo, p. 315.

[678]See above, p. 216.

[679]"Boethius," in "Complete Works," vol. ii. p. 6.

[680]"Troilus," II. 100. See above, p. 306.Cf.Boece's "De Consolatione," Metrum III.

[681]"Et ut patesceret totius regni communitati eos non respectu avaritiæ quicquam facere, proclamari fecerunt sub pœna decollationis, ne quis præsumeret aliquid vel aliqua ibidem reperta ad proprios usus servanda contingere, sed ut vasa aurea et argentea, quæ ibi copiosa habebantur, cum securibus minutatim confringerent et in Tamisiam vel in cloacas projicerent, pannos aureos et holosericos dilacerarent.... Et factum est ita." Walsingham, "Historia Anglicana," vol. i. p. 457 (Rolls).

[682]"Ad le Blakeheth, ubi ducenta millia communium fuere simul congregata hujuscemodi sermonem est exorsus:Whann Adam dalfe and Eve spanWho was thanne a gentil man?Continuansque sermonem inceptum, nitebatur, per verba proverbii quod pro themate sumpserat, introducere et probare, ab initio omnes pares creatos a natura, servitutem per injustam oppressionem nequam hominum introductam, contra voluntatem Dei; quia si Deo placiusset servos creasse utique in principio mundi constituisset quis servus, quisve dominus futurus fuisset." Let them therefore destroy nobles and lawyers, as the good husbandman tears up the weeds in his field; thus shall liberty and equality reign: "Sic demum ... esset inter eos æqua libertas, par dignitas, similisque potestas." "Chronicon Angliæ," ed. Maunde Thompson (Rolls), 1874, 8vo, p. 321; Walsingham, vol. ii. p. 32.

[682]"Ad le Blakeheth, ubi ducenta millia communium fuere simul congregata hujuscemodi sermonem est exorsus:

Whann Adam dalfe and Eve spanWho was thanne a gentil man?

Continuansque sermonem inceptum, nitebatur, per verba proverbii quod pro themate sumpserat, introducere et probare, ab initio omnes pares creatos a natura, servitutem per injustam oppressionem nequam hominum introductam, contra voluntatem Dei; quia si Deo placiusset servos creasse utique in principio mundi constituisset quis servus, quisve dominus futurus fuisset." Let them therefore destroy nobles and lawyers, as the good husbandman tears up the weeds in his field; thus shall liberty and equality reign: "Sic demum ... esset inter eos æqua libertas, par dignitas, similisque potestas." "Chronicon Angliæ," ed. Maunde Thompson (Rolls), 1874, 8vo, p. 321; Walsingham, vol. ii. p. 32.

[683]"Rotuli Parliamentorum, ut et petitiones et placita in Parliamento." London, 7 vols. fol. (one volume contains the index).

[684]Richard restored it entirely, and employed English master masons, "Richard Washbourn" and "Johan Swalwe." The indenture is of March 18, 1395; the text of it is in Rymer, 1705, vol. vii. p. 794.

[685]"Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 103.

[686]Ex. 13 Ed. III., 17 Ed. III., "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. pp. 107, 135.

[687]"Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 361.

[688]"Seigneurs et Sires, ces paroles qe j'ay dist sont tant à due en Franceys, vostre Roi vient à toy."Ibid., vol. iii. p. 3. A speech of the same kind adorned with puns was made by Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, to open the first Parliament of Henry IV.: "Cest honorable roialme d'Angleterre q'est le plus habundant Angle de richesse parmy tout le monde, avait estée par longe temps mesnez, reulez et governez par enfantz et conseil de vefves...." 1399,Ibid., p. 415.

[689]"Rotuli Parliamentorum." Speech of Knyvet, vol. ii. p. 316; of Wykeham, vol. ii. p. 303. This same Knyvet opens the Good Parliament of 1376 by a speech equally forcible. He belonged to the magistracy, and was greatly respected; he died in 1381.

[690]Ex: "Item, meisme le jour (that is to say the day on which the general proclamation was read) fut fait une crie qe chescun qi vodra mettre petition à nostre seigneur le Roi et à son conseil, les mette entre cy et le lundy prochein à venir.... Et serront assignez de receivre les pétitions ... les sousescritz."Ibid., vol. ii. p. 135.

[691]Ibid., vol. ii. pp. 136, 163. "Fut dit à les ditz Communes de par le Roy, q'ils se retraiassent par soi à lour aunciene place en la maison du chapitre de l'abbeye de Westm', et y tretassent et conseillassent entre eux meismes."

[692]Vol. ii. p. 107, second Parliament of 1339.

[693]"Ils tretèrent longement,"Ibid., ii. p. 104.

[694]"Sur quele demonstrance il respoundrent q'il voleient parler ensemble et treter sur cest bosoigne.... Sur quel bosoigne ceux de la Commune demorèrent de lour respons doner tant qe à Samedi, le XIX. jour de Feverer."a.d.1339, "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 107.

[695]"Ils n'osoront assentir tant qu'ils eussent conseillez et avysez les Communes de lour pais." They promise to do their best to persuade their constituents.a.d.1339; "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 104.

[696]"Et les nuncia auxi la cause de la longe demore quele il avoit faite es dites parties saunz chivaucher sur ses enemys; et coment il le covendra faire pur defaute d'avoir." "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 103, first Parliament of 1339.

[697]51 Ed. III., "Rotuli Parliamentorum," ii. p. 374.

[698]"Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. 323. This speech created a great stir; another analysis of it exists in the "Chronicon Angliæ" (written by a monk of St. Albans, the abbot of which, Thomas de la Mare, sat in Parliament): "Quæ omnia ferret æquanimeter [plebs communis] si dominus rex noster sive regnum istud exinde aliquid commodi vel emolumenti sumpsisse videretur; etiam plebi tolerabile, si in expediendis rebus bellicis, quamvis gestis minus prospere, tanta pecunia fuisset expensa. Sed palam est, nec regem commodum, nec regnum ex hac fructum aliquem percepisse.... Non enim est credible regem carere infinita thesauri quantitate si fideles fuerint qui ministrant ei" (p. 73). The drift of the speech is, as may be seen, exactly the same as in the Rolls of Parliament. Another specimen of pithy eloquence will be found in the apostrophe addressed to the Earl of Stafford by John Philpot, a mercer of London, after his naval feat of 1378.Ibid., p. 200.

[699]"Rotuli Parliamentorum," ii. pp. 337 ff.

[700]June 25, 1376.

[701]The speech of this year was made "en Engleis," by Simon, bishop of Ely; but the Rolls give only a French version of it: "Le prophet David dit que ..." &c., vol. ii. p. 283.

[702]"Sires, I thank God, and yowe Spirituel and Temporal and alle the Astates of the lond; and do yowe to wyte, it es noght my will that no man thynk y^t be waye of conquest I wold disherit any man of his heritage, franches, or other ryghtes that hym aght to have, no put hym out of that that he has and has had by the gude lawes and custumes of the Rewme: Except thos persons that has ben agan the gude purpose and the commune profyt of the Rewme." "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. iii. p. 423. In the fifteenth century the Parliamentary documents are written sometimes in French, sometimes in English; French predominates in the first half of the century, and English in the second.

[703]On Wyclif's family, see "The Birth and Parentage of Wyclif," by L. Sergeant,Athenæum, March 12 and 26, 1892. This spelling of his name is the one which appears oftenest in contemporary documents. (Note by F. D. Matthew,Academy, June 7, 1884.)

[704]"Determinatio quedam magistri Johannis Wyclyff de Dominio contra unum monachum." The object of this treatise is to show "quod Rex potest juste dominari regno Anglic negando tributum Romano pontifici." The text will be found in John Lewis: "A history of the life and sufferings of ... John Wiclif," 1720, reprinted Oxford, 1820, 8vo, p. 349.

[705]"Ambassatores, nuncios et procuratores nostros speciales." Lewis,ibid., p. 304.

[706]All these details are found in the "Chronicon Angliæ," 1328-88, ed. Maunde Thompson, Rolls, 1874, 8vo, p. 123, one of the rare chronicles the MS. of which was not expurgated, in what relates to John of Gaunt, at the accession of the Lancasters. (See above, p. 406.)

[707]This extreme leniency caused an indignation of which an echo is found in Walsingham: "Oxoniense studium generale," he exclaims, "quam gravi lapsu a sapientiæ et scientiæ culmine decidisti!... Pudet recordationis tantæ impudentiæ, et ideo supersedeo in husjusmodi materia immorari, ne materna videar ubera decerpere dentibus, quæ dare lac, potum scientiæ, consuevere." "Historia Anglicana," Rolls, vol. i. p. 345, year 1378.

[708]See in the "Fasciculi Zizaniorum magistri Johannis Wyclif cum tritico," ed. Shirley, Rolls, 1858, 8vo, p. 258: "Responsio magistri Johannis Wycclifi ad dubium infra scriptum, quæsitum ab eo, per dominum regem Angliæ Ricardum secundum et magnum suum consilium anno regni sui primo." The point to be elucidated was the following: "Dubium est utrum regnum Angliæ possit legitime, imminente necessitate suæ defensionis, thesaurum regni detinere, ne deferatur ad exteros, etiam domino papa sub pœna censurarum et virtute obedientiæ hoc petente."

[709]"Statutes of the Realm," 5 Rich. II., st. 2, chap. 5. Walsingham thus describes them; "Congregavit ... comites ... talaribes indutos vestibus de russeto in signum perfectionis amplioris, incedentes nudis pedibus, qui suos errores in populo ventilarent, et palam ac publice in suis sermonibus prædicarent." "Historia Anglicana,"sub anno1377, Rolls, vol. i. p. 324. A similar description is found (they present themselves, "sub magnæ sanctitatis velamine," and preach errors "tam in ecclesiis quam in plateis et aliis locis profanis") in the letter of the archbishop of Canterbury, of May 28, 1382, "Fasciculi," p. 275.

[710]"Select English Works," ed. T. Arnold, Oxford, 1869, vol. i. p. 176.

[711]"Historia Anglicana," Rolls, vol. ii. p. 119. Elsewhere, in another series of unflattering epithets ("old hypocrite," "angel of Satan," &c.), the chronicler had allowed himself the pleasure of making a little pun upon Wyclif's name: "Non nominandus Joannes Wicliffe, vel potius Wykbeleve." Year 1381 vol. i. p. 450.

[712]L. Sergeant, "The Birth and Parentage of Wyclif," in theAthenæumof March 12, 1892.

[713]The Wyclif Society, founded in London by Dr. Furnivall, has published a great part of the Latin works of Wyclif: "Polemical Works in Latin," ed. Buddensieg, 1883, 8vo; "Joannis Wyclif, de compositione Hominis," ed. R. Beer, 1884; "Tractatus de civili Dominio ... from the unique MS. at Vienna," ed. R. Lane Poole, 1885 ff.; "Tractatus de Ecclesia," ed. Loserth, 1886; "Dialogus, sive speculum Ecclesie militantis," ed. A. W. Pollard, 1886; "Tractatus de benedicta Incarnatione," ed. Harris, 1886; "Sermones," ed. Loserth and Matthew, 1887; "Tractatus de officio Regis;" ed. Pollard and Sayle, 1887; "De Dominio divino libri tres, to which are added the first four books of the treatise 'De pauperie Salvatoris,' by Richard Fitzralph, archbishop of Armagh," ed. R. L. Poole, 1890; "De Ente prædicamentali," ed. R. Beer, 1891; "De Eucharistia tractatus maior; accedit tractatus de Eucharistia et Pœnitentia," ed. Loserth and Matthew, 1892. Many others are in preparation.Among the Latin works published outside of the Society, see "Tractatus de officio pastorali," ed. Lechler, Leipzig, 1863, 8vo; "Trialogus cum supplemento Trialogi," ed. Lechler, Oxford, 1869, 8vo; "De Christo et suo Adversario Antichristo," ed. R. Buddensieg, Gotha, 1880, 4to. Many documents by or concerning Wyclif are to be found in the "Fasciculi Zizaniorum magistri Joannis Wyclif cum tritico," ed. Shirley, Rolls, 1858, 8vo (compiled by Thomas Netter, fifteenth century). See also Shirley, "A Catalogue of the Original Works of John Wyclif," Oxford, 1865, 8vo, and Maunde Thompson, "Wycliffe Exhibition in the King's Library," London, 1884, 8vo.

Among the Latin works published outside of the Society, see "Tractatus de officio pastorali," ed. Lechler, Leipzig, 1863, 8vo; "Trialogus cum supplemento Trialogi," ed. Lechler, Oxford, 1869, 8vo; "De Christo et suo Adversario Antichristo," ed. R. Buddensieg, Gotha, 1880, 4to. Many documents by or concerning Wyclif are to be found in the "Fasciculi Zizaniorum magistri Joannis Wyclif cum tritico," ed. Shirley, Rolls, 1858, 8vo (compiled by Thomas Netter, fifteenth century). See also Shirley, "A Catalogue of the Original Works of John Wyclif," Oxford, 1865, 8vo, and Maunde Thompson, "Wycliffe Exhibition in the King's Library," London, 1884, 8vo.

[714]R. Lane Poole, "Wycliffe and Movements for Reform," London, 1889, 8vo, p. 85.

[715]On this treatise, and on the use made of it by Wyclif, see: "Johannis Wycliffe De Dominio divino libri tres. To which are added the first four books of the treatise 'De pauperie Salvatoris,' by Richard Fitzralph," ed. R. Lane Poole, 1890. The "De Dominio divino," of Wyclif, seems to have been written about 1366; his "De Dominio Civili," about 1372.

[716]"Quilibet existens in gratia gratificante, finaliter nedum habet jus, sed in re habet omnia bona Dei." "De Dominio Civili," chap. i. p. 1.

[717]"De Dominio Civili," chap. xiv. p. 96, chap. xvii. pp. 118-120.

[718]"Vel esset lex superaddita in lege evangelica implicata, vel impertinens, vel repugnans." "De Dominio Civili," chap. xvii.

[719]The worst is the ecclesiastical form: "Pessimum omnium est quod prelati ecclesie secundum tradiciones suas immisceant se negociis et solicitudinibus civilis dominii." Chap. xxvii. p. 195.

[720]Chap. xxx. p. 212.

[721]Chap. xxxv. p. 250.

[722]Chap. xxxvii. p. 266.

[723]A conclusion pointed out as heretical by the archbishop of Canterbury in his letter of 1382. "Fasciculi," p. 278.

[724]"Kingis and lordis schulden wite that thei ben mynystris and vikeris of God, to venge synne and ponysche mysdoeris." "Select English Works," ed. Arnold, vol. iii. p. 214.

[725]The principal ones will be found in: T. Arnold, "Select English Works of John Wyclif," Oxford, 1869-71, 3 vols. 8vo; F. D. Matthew, "The English Works of Wyclif, hitherto unprinted," London, Early English Text Society, 1880, 8vo. (Many of the pieces in this last collection are not by Wyclif, but are the work of his followers. In the first, too, the authenticity of some of the pieces is doubtful.) See also: "Wyclyffe's Wycket, which he made in Kyng Richard's days the Second" (a famous sermon on the Eucharist), Nuremberg, 1546, 4to; Oxford, ed. T. P. Pantin, 1828.

[726]S. Berger, "La Bible française au moyen âge," Paris, 1884, p. 120. This version was circulated in England, and was recopied by English scribes; a copy (incomplete) by an English hand is preserved in the University Library at Cambridge; P. Meyer, "MSS. français de Cambridge," in "Romania," 1886, p. 265.

[727]"The Holy Bible ... made from the Latin of the Vulgate, by John Wycliffe and his followers," ed. by J. Forshall and Sir Fred. Madden, Oxford, 1850, 2 vols. 4to. On the share of Wyclif, Hereford, &c., in the work, see pp. vi, xvi, xvii, xx, xxiv.Cf.Maunde Thompson, "Wycliffe Exhibition," London, 1884, p. xviii. The first version was probably finished in 1382, the second in 1388 (by the care of John Purvey, a disciple and friend of Wyclif).

[728]Labbe, "Sacrorum Conciliorum ... Collectio," vol. xxvi. col. 1038.

[729]"Select English Works," vol. iii. p. 100.

[730]"Select English Works," vol. ii. p. 296.

[731]Ibid., i. p. 189.

[732]Ibid., i. p. 381.

[733]His adversaries, perhaps exaggerating his sayings, attribute to him declarations like the following: "Quod sacramentum illud visibile est infinitum abjectius in natura, quam sit panis equinus, vel panis ratonis; immo, quod verecundum est dicere vel audire, quod stercus ratonis." "Fasciculi Zizaniorum," p. 108.

[734]"Ille panis est bene miraculose, vere el realiter, spiritualiter, virtualiter et sacramentaliter corpus Christi. Sed grossi non contentantur de istis modis, sed exigunt quod panis ille, vel saltem per ipsum, sit substantialiter et corporaliter corpus Christi; sic enim volunt, zelo blasphemorum, Christum comedere, sed non possunt.... Ponimus venerabile sacramentum altaris esse naturaliter panem et vinum, sed sacramentaliter corpus Christi et sanguinem." "Fasciculi," pp. 122, 125; Wyclif's statement of his beliefs after his condemnation by the University in 1381. Again, in his sermons: "Thes ben to rude heretikes that seien thei eten Crist bodili, and seien thei parten ech membre of him, nekke, bac, heed and foot.... This oost is breed in his kynde as ben other oostes unsacrid, and sacramentaliche Goddis bodi." "Select English Works," vol. ii. p. 169. This is very nearly the theory adopted later by Latimer, who declares "that there is none other presence of Christ required than a spiritual presence; and that presence is sufficient for a Christian man;" there remains in the host the substance of bread. "Works," Parker Society, Cambridge, 1844, vol. ii. p. 250.

[735]Auricular confession, that "rowninge in preestis eere," is not the true one, according to Wyclif; the true one is that made to God. "Select English Works," vol. i. p. 196.

[736]"Doctor in theologia eminentissimus in diebus illis, in philosophia nulli reputabatur secundus, in scolasticis disciplinis incomparabilis." "Chronica de eventibus Angliæ,"sub anno1382, in Twysden, "Decem Scriptores," col. 2644.

[737]"Select English Works," vol. iii. pp 216, 217.

[738]Ibid., ii. p. 414.

[739]Conclusion No. 12. "Henrici de Blandeforde ... Annales," ed. Riley, Rolls, 1866, p. 174.

[740]"The old belief that the Waldenses (or Vaudois) represent a current of tradition continuous from the assumed evangelical simplicity of the primitive church has lost credit.... The imagined primitive Christianity of these Alpine congregations can only be deduced from works which have been shown to be translations or adaptations of the Hussite manuals or treatises." "Wycliffe," by Reginald Lane Poole, 1889, p. 174.Cf.J. Loserth, "Hus und Wiclif," Leipzig, 1884.

[741]The great crisis in Wesley's religious life, what he terms his "conversion," took place on the 24th of February, 1738, under the influence of the Moravian Peter Böhler, who had convinced him, he says in his Journal, "of the want of that faith whereby we are saved."

CHAPTER VI.

THE STAGE.

Dramatic art, in which the English people was to find one of the most brilliant of its literary glories, was evolved slowly from distant and obscure origins.

In England, as in the rest of Europe, the sources of modern drama were of two sorts: there were civil and religious sources.

The desire for amusement and the craving for laughable things never disappeared entirely, even in the darkest days; the sources of the lay drama began to spring and flow, owing to no other cause. The means formerly employed to amuse and raise a laugh cannot be expected to have shown much refinement. No refinement was to be found in them, and all means were considered good which ensured success; kicks were among the simplest and oftenest resorted to, but not at all among the grossest; others were worse, and were much more popular. Let us not wonder overmuch: some of them have recovered again, quite recently, a part of their pristine popularity. They were used by jugglers or players, "joculatores," nomadic sometimes, and sometimes belonging to the household of the great. The existence of such men is testified to from century to century, during the whole of the Middle Ages, mainly by the blame and condemnation they constantly incurred: and so it is that the best information concerning these men is not to be sought for in themonuments of the gay literature, but rather in pious treatises and in the acts of Councils.

Treatises and Councils, however, might to our advantage have been even more circumstantial; the pity is that they, naturally enough, consider it below their dignity to descend to very minute particulars; it is enough for them to give an enumeration, and to condemn in one phrase all the mimes, tumblers, histrions, wrestlers, and the rest of the juggling troup. Sometimes, however, a few particulars are added; the peculiar tricks and the scandalous practices of the ill-famed race are mentioned; and an idea can thus be formed of our ancestors' amusements. John of Salisbury in the twelfth century alludes to a variety of pastimes, and while protesting against the means used to produce laughter, places them on record: a heavy laughter indeed, noisy and tumultuous, Rabelais' laughter before Rabelais. Of course, "such a modest hilarity as an honest man would allow himself" is not to be reproved, and John did not forbear to use this moderate way of enjoyment; but the case is different with the jugglers and tumblers: "much better it would be for them to do nothing than to act so wickedly."[742]

No doubt was possible. The jesters did not care in the least to keep within the bounds of "a modest hilarity"; nor did their audience, for in the fourteenth century we find these men described in the poem of Langland, and they have not altered in any way[743]; their tricks are the same, the same shameful exhibitions take place with the same success; for two hundred years they have been laughed at without intermission. Many things have come and gone; the nation has got tired of John's tyranny, of Henry the Third's weakness, of the Pope's supremacy, but the histrions continue to tumble and jump; "their points being broken, down fall their hose," (to use Shakespeare's words), and the great at Court are convulsed with laughter on their benches.

Besides their horseplay, jugglers and histrions had, to please their audience, retorts, funny answers, witticisms, merry tales, which they acted rather than told, for gestures accompanied the delivery. This part of the amusement, which came nearest the drama, sharp repartees, impromptu dialogues, is the one we know least about. Voices have long been silent, and the great halls which heard them are now but ivy-clad ruins, yielding no echo. Some idea, however, can be formed of what took place.

First we know from innumerable testimonies that those histrions spoke and told endless nonsense; they have been often enough reproached with it for no doubt to remain as to their talking. Then there is superabundant proof of the relish with which men enjoyed, in the Middle Ages, silly, teazing or puzzling answers; the questioner remaining at the end rolled up in the repartees, gasping as a fly caught in a spider's web. The Court fool or buffoon had for his principal merit his clever knack of returning witty or confusing answers; the best of them were preserved; itinerant minstrels remembered andrepeated them; clerks turned them into Latin, and gave them place in their collections ofexempla. They afforded amusement for a king, an amusement of a mixed sort, sometimes:

—Why, says the king, are there no longer any Rolands?—Because, the fool answers, there are no longer any Charlemagnes.[744]

Walter Map, as we saw, was so fond of happy answers that he formed a book of all those he heard, knew, or made in his day. The fabliau of the "Jongleur d'Ely," written in England in the thirteenth century, is a good specimen of the word-fencing at which itinerant amusers were expert. The king is unable to draw from the jongleur any answer to any purpose: What is his name?—The name of his father.—Whom does he belong to?—To his lord.—How is this river called?—No need to call it; it comes of its own accord.—Does the jongleur's horse eat well?—"Certainly yes, my sweet good lord, he can eat more oats in a day than you would do in a whole week."[745]

This is a mere sample of an art that lent itself to many uses, and to which belonged debates, "estrifs," "disputoisons,""jeux-partis," equally popular in England and in France. Some specimens of it are as old as the time of the Anglo-Saxons, such as the "Dialogue of Salomon and Saturnus."[746]There are found in the English language debates or dialogues between the Owl and Nightingale, thirteenth century; the Thrush and Nightingale; the Fox and Wolf, time of Edward I.; the Carpenter's Tools, and others.[747]Collections of silly answers were also made in England; one of them was composed to the confusion of the inhabitants of Norfolk; another in their honour and for their defence.[748]The influence of those estrifs, or debates, on the development of the drama cannot be doubted; the oldest dramatic fragment in the English language is nothing but an estrif between Christ and Satan. The author acknowledges it himself:

A strif will I tellen on,

says he in his prologue.[749]

Debates enjoyed great favour in castle halls; impromptu ones which, as Cathos and Madelon said, centuries later, "exerçaient les esprits de l'assemblée," were greatly liked; they constituted a sort of society game, one of the oldest on record. A person amongthose present was chosen to answer questions, and the amusement consisted in putting or returning questions and answers of the most unexpected or puzzling character. This was called the game of the "King who does not lie," or the game of the "King and Queen."[750]By a phenomenon which has been observed in less remote periods, after-dinner conversations often took a licentious turn; in those games love was the subject most willingly discussed, and it was not as a rule treated from a very ethereal point of view; young men and young ladies exchanged on those occasions observations the liberty of which gave umbrage to the Church, who tried to interfere; bishops in their Constitutions mentioned those amusements, and forbade to their flock such unbecoming games as "ludos de Rege et Regina;" Walter de Chanteloup, bishop of Worcester, did so in 1240.[751]Some of that freedom of speech survived, however, through the Middle Ages up to the time of Shakespeare; while listening to the dialogues of Beatrix and Benedick one wonders sometimes whether they are not playing the game "de Rege et Regina."

Parody also helped in its way to the formation of the drama. There was a taste for masking, for the imitation of other people; for the caricaturing of some grave personor of some imposing ceremony, mass for example, for the reproduction of the song of birds or the noise of a storm, gestures being added to the noise, the song, or the words. Some jugglers excelled in this; they were live gargoyles and were paid "the one to play the drunkard, another the fool, a third to imitate the cat." The great minstrels, "grans menestreus," had a horror of those gargoyles, the shame of their profession;[752]noblemen, however, did not share these refined, if not disinterested, feelings, and asked to their castles and freely rewarded the members of the wandering tribe who knew how to imitate the drunkard, the fool, or the cat.

On histrionic liberties introduced even into church services, Aelred, abbot of Rievaulx in the twelfth century,gives some unexpected particulars. He describes the movements and attitudes of certain chanters by which they "resembled actors": so that we thus get information on both at the same time. Chanters are found in various churches, he says, who with inflated cheeks imitate the noise of thunder, and then murmur, whisper, allow their voice to expire, keeping their mouth open, and think that they give thus an idea of the death or ecstasy of martyrs. Now you would think you hear the neighing of horses, now the voice of a woman. With this "all their body is agitated by histrionic movements"; their lips, their shoulders, their fingers are twisted, shrugged, or spread out as they think best to suit their delivery. The audience, filled with wonder and admiration at those inordinate gesticulations, at length bursts into laughter: "It seems to them they are at the play and not at church, and that they have only to look and not to pray."[753]

The transition from these various performances to little dramas or interludes, which were at first nothing but tales turned into dialogues, was so natural that it could scarcely attract any notice. Few specimens have survived; one English one, however, is extant, dating from the time of Edward I., and shows that this transition had then taken place. It consists in the dramatising of one of the most absurd and most popular tales told by wandering minstrels,the story, namely, of the Weeping Bitch. A woman or maid rejects the love of a clerk; an old woman (Dame Siriz in the English prose text) calls upon the proud one, having in her hands a little bitch whom she has fed with mustard, and whose eyes accordingly weep. The bitch, she says, is her own daughter, so transformed by a clerk who had failed to touch her heart; the young woman at once yields to her lover, fearing a similar fate. There exist French, Latin, and English versions of this tale, one of the few which are of undoubted Hindu origin. The English version seems to belong to the thirteenth century.[754]

The turning of it into a drama took place a few years later. Nothing was easier; this fabliau, like many others, was nearly all in dialogues; to make a play of it, the jongleur had but to suppress some few lines of narrative; we thus have a drama, in rudimentary shape, where a deep study of human feelings must not be sought for.[755]Here is the conversation between the young man and the young maid when they meet:

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