May 28.
London Bridge Committee. Lord Londonderry a little better than before, but not much. He is running down his character altogether. He has now formed an alliance with the Duke of Cumberland, and through him made his peace with the King. The Duke of Cumberland wishes to be reconciled to the Duke of Wellington. In the House of Commons there is a small Ultra-Tory party, not fifty. In our House I doubt whether there are twenty.
May 30.
Chairs. Lord W. Bentinck seems to be so ill as to make it doubtful whether he can remain in India should he recover. The letter is dated January 27. He was then in danger. The vessel did not leave Calcutta till the 30th. The news then was that he was better, and had sat up for six hours. It was acoup de soleil.
London Bridge Committee.
The Duke showed me a letter from Lord Rosslyn, accepting most cordially thePrivy Seal.
I suppose we shall have a Council on Monday, or on some early day next week, for me to give it up.
June 1.
To the Cabinet room.
There is a report that Varna [Footnote: Varna was in the hands of the Russians, having been taken in the previous campaign.] iscernéeby 40,000 men, Bazardjik taken, the Russians running from Karasan, and from 6,000 to 8,000 Russians, who had been thrown over the Danube at Hirsova, driven into it at Czernavoda by the garrison of Silistria. [Footnote: These reports seem to have been unfounded. Soon after this date the decisive battle of Kouleftcha opened to the Russians the road to Adrianople.] Clanwilliam wrote me he thought the Duke attached some credit to this last rumour.
News from Calcutta of February 1 states that Lord William Bentinck was then out of danger. Lady William, who was going to set off to join him, had determined to expect him at Calcutta.
Lord Rosslyn's appointment is in the newspapers to-day. The 'Times' highly delighted.
June 2.
London Bridge Approaches Committee. Lord Londonderry very anxious to have an adjournment over the Derby; however, he must attend to 'the last concern.'
House. Anatomy Bill put off till Friday. The Bishops, Lord Malmesbury, and many others very hostile to it.
It seems certain that the Russians have recrossed the Danube. I am inclined to think they have been beaten.
June 3.
The Bishop of Oxford is dead; a great Grecian is to succeed him.
The King is in excellent humour. The Duke of Cumberland rather going down.
We had some talk about the Anatomy Bill. The Duke is afraid of passing it. Indeed, it is not a Government measure. Probably it will be withdrawn for the year. The Bishops are very hostile to it.
June 4.
London Bridge Committee from eleven till four. We made great progress in our evidence, and, indeed, nearly proved our case. From four to five we had a very painful discussion in consequence of some words which passed between Lord Durham and Lord Beresford. We succeeded at last in settling the difference.
Lord Beresford, having no good word at his disposal, said he did not second theevil deedsorimproprietiesof noble lords. He really meantirregularities, and irregularities only as a member of the Committee. Lord Grey was present and much distressed. The Duke of Wellington's authority induced both to become amenable to the wish of the Committee.
June 5.
Anatomy Bill. Some talk; but a general agreement suggested by the Archbishop of Canterbury, that the Bill should be read a second time, and not proceeded with this session. The Duke of Wellington expressed his general approbation of the principle, but thought postponement desirable. He pledged himself tocooperatein bringing in a Bill on the same principle, and having the same objects, next year; but did not pledge himself to bring it in himself.
June 7.
Cabinet at half-past three. First question: whether we should extend the time for putting an end altogether to the Brazilian slave trade from March 13 to September 13, 1830, for the equivalent of obtaining for ever the right to seize ships fitted up for the slave trade, whether they had slaves on board or not. The Brazilians have been encouraged by their Government to interpret the treaty as permitting the return of any vessels quitting the Brazils on slave expeditions before March 13.
Dr. Lushington, who was consulted by Aberdeen, seemed to think it was worth while to obtain the concession, but still seemed to think that by extending the time, we should permit the transportation of a very large number of slaves, of whom many might be destroyed by ill-treatment, and that it was hardly justifiable with a view to a distant advantage, to sacrifice immediately and certainly a great number of persons.
This prevailed—the real fact being that Peel does not like awkward questions in the House of Commons.
So the treaty remains as it is, and both parties will interpret it as they please. There will be many disputes, for the interpretation is very different.
June 8.
Received a private letter from Colonel Macdonald at Tabriz, with copies of letters received by him from a gentleman he had sent to Teheran on hearing of the massacre of the Russian mission; and from another gentleman, travelling unofficially, who first heard the report between Tabriz and Kamsin.
These accounts only confirm what we had already heard of the arrogance and violence of the Russians. They deserved their fate.
Colonel Macdonald says that General Paskewitz cannot dispose of more than 25,000, or, at most, 30,000 men, although he has a nominal force of 110,000 men under his command.
Colonel Macdonald says there has been no serious resistance on the part of the Turks, except at Akhalsik.
He has done what he can to dissuade them from war with the Russians; but I think the universal feeling of the people will propel them.
The insurrection at Teheran appears to have been instigated by the Mollahs and the women, but it was evidently national, or it must have failed.
June 10.
Council. Lord Winford kissed hands. He walked in with great difficulty on two crutches, which he placed behind him and so leant back upon. The King had a chair brought for him, and had him wheeled out. The man who pushed his chair very nearly shipwrecked him at the door.
The Attorney-General (Scarlett), [Footnote: Afterwards Lord Abinger.] theChief Justice of the Common Pleas (Tindal), and the Solicitor-General(Sugden), [Footnote: Afterwards Lord St. Leonards. Lord Chancellor 1862. ]all kissed hands. The Chief Justice of the Common Pleas was sworn in asPrivy Councillor. Lord Rosslyn was sworn in as Privy Councillor and PrivySeal. The King did not address a word to me, who gave up the seal, or toRosslyn, who received it.
House. Nothing of moment.
Dinner at Lord Bathurst's. Lord Rosslyn dined here.
Aberdeen read a paper lately received from the Russians, in which they concede all we ask about blockades, &c., except as to the Gulf of Enos. The Duke says he shall bring Lièven to the point about this, and generally about their views. He feels the Government is stronger now than it was— that the country is stronger, and we may insist more. He says the question is, 'Shall we permit the ruin of the Turkish Empire?' I have long felt that to be the case, and to that I answer 'No.'
We had some conversation as to the charter. The Duke seems rather inclined to continue thenameof the Company. I am for thenameof the King.
June 11.
The world has had imposed upon it a story of the Chancellor'ssellinghis Church preferment. The 'Age' is to bring forward its charges on Sunday next. This is an arrow from the Cumberland quiver.
I mentioned Lord Clare's wish to look forward to the Government of Bombay or Madras to the Duke last night, and he did not by any means receive the proposition unfavourably. I told Clare so to-day.
June 13.
Gaisford has refused the Bishopric of Oxford—wisely, for he was only a Grecian and had good preferment. He is a rough man too. I am glad he has refused it. I do not think mere Grecians good bishops.
Lord Clare told me Glengall was to be the new Irish peer.
June 15.
Committee as usual. Lord Londonderry more insane than ever. The Duke said he had never seen anything more painful.
We made hardly any progress. The victory will belong to thesurvivors, and I do not think Lord Durham will be one of them.
House. Lord Londonderry made a foolish speech, and the Duke an excellent one, very severe upon him, and defending the City. If we do not get the City by this Committee the City is impregnable.
Hardinge told me Lord Grey seemed out of humour. I do not think he is in good humour.
June 16.
At last some hope of a compromise respecting London Bridge.
June 17.
The eternal Committee is, I trust, at an end. The agents have come to a compromise, and if the Common Council should confirm the terms, as I conclude they will, the thing will be at an end. We shall then have Parliament up by Monday or Tuesday next.
Cabinet dinner at Lord Melville's. The Duke was astonished at Lord W.Bentinck's strong and sudden step of transferring the Supreme Governmentpro temporeto Meerut. He said he always expected some wild measure fromLord W. Meerut was in too exposed a situation.
Twenty thousand Afghan horse might ride in upon the seat of government if placed in the north-west provinces. It is astonishing how much the Duke is prejudiced by his old Indian feelings. Whateverishe thinks best. Meerut is ill and absurdly chosen, but Calcutta is certainly the worst chosen seat of government.
We are to have a Cabinet on Saturday for the King's speech. On Monday or Tuesday Parliament will be up. On Wednesday we dine at the India House, and on the Monday following, the 29th, will be the fish dinner.
June 18.
Called to compliment the Duke on the anniversary of Waterloo. Left with him Lord W. Bentinck's minute and despatch on transferring the Supreme Government Departments and allpro temporeto Meerut, and a proposed letter, censuring the Governor for having done this without previous sanction, and directing the members of Council and the Departments to return.
The Duke objects to any removal of the seat of government to the upper provinces. It would there be exposed to the sudden inroads of cavalry. In India a cloud of cavalry rises like a squall in the Mediterranean. At Calcutta the Government, protected by the rivers, is safe, and always accessible from England.
June 19.
Rode to town. Met Rosslyn. He told me Lord Clanrickarde [Footnote: Lord Clanrickarde was son-in-law of Mr. Canning.] intended to make some observations on foreign policy this evening.
Had some conversation with the Duke. He doubted whether the Supreme Governmentcouldleave Calcutta and preserve its powers. I told him of the newspaper report of to-day that leases for sixty years were to be given to indigo planters, and this without any authority from home. He seems to have suspected from the first that Lord W. would do some monstrous thing, and certainly he does seem to be emancipating himself.
House. Lord Clanrickarde made his little speech. Aberdeen his. Then Lord Holland, and then the Duke. Afterwards Goderich. Lord Holland talked as usual very vaguely. No notice had been given, and few people knew there was anything to be done. So ends the House for this year.
June 20, 1829.
Cabinet. King's speech. Some time occupied in wording it, but no material alterations. Aberdeen's the worst part. The King is made toauspicateand to pray, but not to trust that the Franchise Bill and the Relief Bill will be productive of good.
The Chancellor has prosecuted the 'Morning Journal' for a libel accusing him of having taken money for Sugden's appointment as Solicitor-General. I heard him tell Lord Bathurst, with reference to another calumny against him, that he had fortunately preserved through his secretary the grounds on which he had given every living he had disposed of.
June 21.
Had a visit from Loch. He wishes the despatch to Lord William to be worded more gently, as he thinks Lord Williammeantwell. This shall be done.
June 22.
Wrote draft paragraphs to the effect above stated to Lord W. Bentinck, and added a paragraph giving the Duke's reasoning against the removal of the Government from Calcutta to the north-west provinces.
I had some conversation in the House with Lord Lauderdale on China trade, &c. He seems friendly to the Company and to the Government.
Went to the House at 4. Found a good many peers there. By mere mistake a Bill, slightly and necessarily amended by the Lords, was not sent down to the Commons, although directions to that effect were given, and it by accident was placed amongst the Bills ready for the Royal assent. So it received the Royal assent. It became necessary to pass a Bill to make this Bill valid in law. Lord Shaftesbury thought our House ought to inform the Commons we had discovered the error; but the Speaker, [Footnote: C. Manners Sutton, afterwards Lord Canterbury.] to make a flourish, insisted on announcing it first to the House of Commons. All the steps to be taken were settled between the Speaker, Lord Shaftesbury, and Courtenay. When I went down I found it had not been settled that anything should be done first by us. I suggested that Lord Shaftesbury should acquaint the House with the circumstance, and that we should appoint a Committee to inquire before the message from the Commons came up. This was done.
We ordered a message to be sent, but before our messengers left the House we heard the Commons would not receive a message, so I moved that the order we had just made should be rescinded, and we had a second conference. The Commons were well satisfied with our reply. The last sentence had been, 'The Lords hope the Commons will be satisfied with this explanation.' As we in the first paragraph expressed our desire to preserve a good understanding between the two Houses, and in the second one regret that this mistake had taken place, I thought it was going too far to expressa hopeonly that our explanation would be satisfactory.
We inserted 'the Lordsdoubt not,' instead of 'the Lordshope.'
At night received a letter from the Duke of Wellington, saying he thought we might get Courtenay to resign at once and get in Lord Chandos. I am to see him at ten to-morrow on the subject.
June 23, 1829.
Wrote early to the Chairs and begged them to come to me immediately. Sent Loch the Duke's note and told him why Lord Chandos's being brought in was of so much importance. Saw the Duke at 10. The King was very much out of humour yesterday. He wanted to make Nash a baronet. The Duke refused. The King then went upon his Speech, which he did not like and had altered. He left out the specific mention of the Relief and Franchise Bill, and there he was right, and he converted the prayer that the measure might tranquillise Ireland, &c., into ahopethat it would—thus making it a little stronger, but that he did not know.
The Duke of Cumberland, on hearing of Castlereagh's appointment, said, 'Whoever ratted he would not,' alluding to Lord Londonderry, who has been nibbling at the Cumberland faction. However, Lord Londonderry is much annoyed at Castlereagh's taking office. He neither likes the expense of an election for Downshire, nor losing a vote he thought he could dispose of.
Hardinge will not sit again for Durham. Without Hardinge Lord Londonderry will have trouble enough there.
The King was much out of humour during the Chapter of the Garter, and said everything was done wrong.
Saw the Chairs. They had just got a letter from Sir John Malcolm, resigning from December 1, 1830. This would have been in any case a long time for Courtenay to wait out of office; but they said the idea of his being proposed had got wind, and several of the Directors were very adverse. Neither of the Chairs likes him, and if they supported him they would do it very reluctantly. As Loch goes out of office in April, and we cannot tell who will be deputy, and six new Directors come in, there really are not the means of saying to Courtenay, 'You are sure of your election,' and without this he could not be asked to resign.
I took the Chairs to the Duke. He received them very cordially, told them I had stated the circumstances to him, and he gave up the point.
We then talked of the legality of the removal of the Supreme Government from Calcutta. On looking into the acts it seems very doubtful whether any act done by the Governor-General in Council away from Calcutta would be valid unless it were one of the acts the Governor-General might do of his own authority. For instance, 'a regulation' issued by the Governor-General in Council at Meerut would not be valid, because the Governor-General alone could not issue one.
The Duke said Lord William did everything with the best intentions; but he was awrong-headed man, and if he went wrong he would continue in the wrong line. Other men might go wrong and find it out, and go back; but if he went wrong he would either not find it out, or, if he did, he would not go back.
June 24.
Sat as Commissioner to prorogue Parliament. The King's alteration in the Speech certainly made it better and stronger. He now expresses hissincere hopethe measures of the session will produce tranquillity, &c. People thought the Speech rather short and jejune.
Dined at the 'Albion' with the Directors. The dinner was given to LordDalhousie. There were there the Duke, the Chancellor, Peel, Sir J. Murray,Lord Rosslyn and Goulburn, the Speaker, the Attorney General, Courtenay,Ashley, and Bankes; Duke of Buccleuch, Lord Camden, Lord Montagu, LordHill, Sir Herbert Taylor, Sir Byam Martin, Sir A. Dickson, Colonel Houston,Lord Dalhousie, and Sir Sidney Beckwith, and their aides-de-camp; a greatmany Directors, and in all rather more than 100 people.
The Duke, in returning thanks, spoke of the cordiality and good understanding existing between the Directors and the Government,which was never more necessary to the Company than now.
I said the good understanding would always exist while such men as Loch were in the chair, and while I was at the Board of Control. I paid a high compliment to Loch, and then congratulated them on the appointments of the two Generals. Their mildness of manner, their benevolence of character, and the goodness of their natures would obtain for them the affectionate devotion of a grateful soldiery, and, educated in a school of continued victories, they were the fittest leaders of an army which had never met an enemy it had not subdued. I ended by saying I was sure they would devote themselves to the maintenance under all circumstances, not only of the efficiency, but of an object which they would pursue with equal interest—of the happiness and well-being of the native army of India. I spoke rather well, was attentively heard, and well received. I sat by the Duke of Buccleuch. We had a good deal of conversation. He seems a fine young man. Lord Rosslyn complained he could never see a draft till it was a month old, and that there had been no new despatches placed in the boxes since he came into office. I told him no one complained more of the same thing than Aberdeen did when Dudley was in office, and I believe all Foreign Secretaries had a shyness about showing their drafts till they were sent off and unalterable.
June 25.
At the office found a letter with enclosures from Colonel Macdonald, datedTabriz April 20. What he has been doing in Persia I do not know.
I have written to him to call upon me on Saturday.
Called on the Duke to tell him the substance—which is, that the Turks have already 30,000 men and sixty pieces of cannon at Erzeroum. That a dispossessed Pacha is in arms at Akiska. That the Russians have reinforced the garrisons of Natshiran and Abbasabad, and have withdrawn all their troops to the left bank of the Araxes, with the exception of those who garrison Bayazid. The plague seems rife at Erivan. The Russians about Count Paskewitz abuse the English very much.
June 27.
The Chairs told me Lord W. Bentinck had extended to all persons the benefit of the regulation as to coffee planters,omitting, however, all the restrictive clauses. They think very seriously of this, and very justly. The Calcutta newspapers consider the principle of colonisation to be conceded.
We must abrogate this 'Regulation' without loss of time. I went to the Duke to tell him of it. He said Lord W. Bentinck was not to be trusted, and we should be obliged to recall him. He is gone down in a steamboat to Penang.
No news of much importance at the Cabinet room, except that Lord Heytesbury's despatches confirm the account of the sickness of the Russian army.
The Turks seem to have given the Russians a great smash at Eski Arnaut.
June 30.
A battle near Schumla between the Russians and Turks. The Turks were besieging Pravadi. Diebitsch marched from Silistria and moved upon their communications with Schumla. The Turks seem to have been surprised. They fought gallantly, however, and seem to have caused the Russians great loss.
Saw Arbuthnot. He came to the India Board to speak about his friend, Russell Ellice, whom he wishes to make a Director. We afterwards talked of the House and the Government. I think all will turn out well. We have six months before us, but certainly at present we are weak in the House of Commons, though I believe gathering strength in the country, and already very strong there. If we play the great game, striking at the mass, we must succeed. It would never do to go picking up individuals. We must do our best for the country, and we shall have it with us. The worst of it is, the King is the most faithless of men, and Cumberland is at work.
The Duke asked Hardinge the other day what he thought of the Government. He said he thought that by losing Canningites and Brunswickers it was fifty weaker than Lord Liverpool's, and these fifty go the other way, making a difference of one hundred on a division. Lord Camden thought if the Brunswickers would not come in we must get a few Whigs—Abercromby, Sir James Graham, the Althorpe people. Stanley would come for anything good, and Brougham too.
Arbuthnot asked me if I thought Lord Rosslyn would be cordial with us. I said Yes. His letter of acceptance was most cordial, and with the Lords he was on excellent terms. The only danger would be if Peel and the Commoners were shy.
Lord Grey, I said, I did not think in very good humour, but he would differ on foreign politics rather than on questions of a domestic nature. The Duke will not be coquetting with him, because he says very honestly he should be exciting expectations in Lord Grey which, while the King lives, he does not think he can gratify.
Saw Mr. Elphinstone by appointment. I wished to have his opinion with regard to the new settlement of Indian Government, which may take place on the expiration of the present Charter. He seemed to think that the Administration of the Government in the King's name would be agreeable to the Civil and Military Services, and to people in England. He doubted whether, as regarded the princes of India, it would signify much, as they now pretty well understood us. He doubted whether the orders of Government here would be better obeyed. He thought there might be an advantage in keeping the King's authority in reserve, to be used only on grand occasions. He confessed, however, that 'having been educated, and having lived under the existing system, he was not best qualified to propose to another. He had his prejudices.' He thought the best mode of arriving at the truth would be by taking the opinions of practical Indians as to reforms and alterations suggested by theoretical men.
I asked him to consider the expediency of dividing the territory as now into three unequal Presidencies, of giving to the Governor-General the labour of superintending the Administration in detail of the Bengal Presidency—of having Members of Council. I told him there were many minor points of detail discoverable only by those employed at home, which required and must receive amendment. Such, for instance, is the interpretation given to the Act of Parliament, by which aregulationmust be sanctioned or rejectedin extenso,there being no power to alter a word, or to reject part and take the rest.
Mr. Elphinstone seems to dread a long peace in India. We hold everything together by the Native Army, and we cannot retain that unless we retain the affections of the European officers. In the present state of our finances this is difficult.
July 1.
At half-past five received a letter from the Chairman, and the draft relative to the removal of the Governor from Calcutta. The Court wished to have it back to-day. That was impossible; but they have omitted words I inserted in theprécis,and must restore, declaring that had the removal been legal, still the Members of Council would have been ordered back. I have now been obliged to give reasons for this addition, and the reasons will be so much worse, as matters of record, that I have suggested to the Chairman he had better substitute a draft containing the words.
I think we must detain thePallasthat it may take out both letters—this and the one relating to the leases which is not yet prepared, or we must have an overland dispatch.
Delay is one of the inconveniences attending the present system of Indian Government. I told the Chairman in my private note that if we allowed Lord W. Bentinck to emancipate himself in this manner we should really be abandoning all real control over the Government of India. I see clearly there is a Bentinck party in the Court.
July 2.
Saw Hardinge. We had some conversation upon the subject of the Government. He seems more alarmed than I am. I trust to the King's fears and the Duke's fortune; besides, we have the country.
Hardinge told me the King was very much out of humour. The admission of Lord Rosslyn had not answered. None followed. Lord Durham, Calthorpe, and others left Lord Lansdowne to coalesce with Lord Grey. Hardinge wished me to try Herries again, with the view of opening the Mint by making him Chancellor of the Exchequer in India; but I told him Herries said his domestic circumstances made it impossible, and the Duke did not seem to like it at all.
Herries thinks Lord Durham would be glad to be Minister at Naples; for my part I am sure nothing will win Lord Grey but a place for Lord Grey himself, andthat, in the present state of the King's mind, the Duke is not in a condition to offer.
July 4.
Cabinet at half-past three.
The Duke read a list of the several points to be considered before the nextSession. I cannot recollect half of them. East India Charter; Bank Charter;Usury Laws; East Retford; Duties on Sugar; Duties on Tobacco; Canada; WestIndies; Education in Ireland; Irish and English Churches; Poor in Ireland;Public Works; Commission on Ecclesiastical Courts; Reform of EnglishCourts; Reform of Welsh Judicature; Reform of Courts of Equity; Scotch Lawof Entail; Salaries of Scotch Judges—increase; Salaries of EnglishJudges—reduction; Grand Juries, Ireland; Militia Laws; Stamp Duties,&c., &c.
The only talk we had was about Irish Poor, and Public Works in Ireland. The feeling seemed against anything like Poor Laws, and against Public Works too. This is mine. The first productive of mischief, the second useless.
Undoubtedly it is a great hardship that the English parish should have the burden of Irish poor, but on the other hand in many cases the payers of poor's rates in these parishes have derived advantage from Irish labour.
Fitzgerald, Peel, and Goulburn are to look into this subject, and all connected with Ireland.
Fitzgerald, Peel, Lord Rosslyn, and, I think, either Herries or Goulburn seemed to think the opposition to the continuance of the China monopoly would be much greater than we expected. Fitzgerald seemed desirous the question of commerce should be reserved, and that of Government decided. I told him the two were inseparably connected.
July 6.
Wrote to Lord W. Bentinck telling him I much regretted the having been obliged to send the two letters, relative to the removal of the Government, and the leases—told him the Duke coincided in opinion with the Court.
I then expressed my surprise that the Local Government did not obey better. Said they seemed to forget the orders of the Directors were the King's orders transmitted through the channel of the Court and the Board. I added I should endeavour to introduce into every branch of Indian Government the subordination and the improvements now established in the King's service—depended on his co-operation, &c. I sent the letter to the Duke to ask him if I should send it.
July 7.
At quarter to six a messenger arrived from the Duke, to whom I sent yesterday my letter to Lord W. asking if I should send it? The Duke desires to see the despatches to which it refers. I have accordingly begged Jones to send them to him. I shall however be in town early myself to-morrow.
I told the Duke in my note I should stay in town till late to-morrow to sign the letter as to the six regiments if they passed it. I am glad to have an excuse for not going to Windsor to the Recorder's Report.
July 8.
Office at 2. Wilson absent, so I could not transact any military business.Carried the letters relative to the leases and the six regiments to theDuke. He said mine about the regiments wasvery good indeed.
The Emperor of Russia seems to have laid himself out most ably at Berlin to captivate the King, and the army, and the people.
Seymour's despatches are useful. He mentionssmallthings, which show the character of men.
The Emperor does not disguise his desire of peace. He wants nogaranties matériellesat the Bosphorus for safe passage. He asks the principle of a pecuniary indemnity, but does not seem disposed to contest the details. Bernstorff observed truly, we could not get out of the Greek Treaty without the help of Russia, and Russia wanted us to get out of the way.
The Sultan begins to affect European manners. Calls upon ladies and talks about education! Dines with a merchant! After all, considering his education and hisentourage, Sultan Mahmoud is the most remarkable man in Europe.
July 9.
Office at 2. Met Herries. Told him I should send him a statement of our Indian loans, and place Leach at his disposal. We could then talk them over, and see whether we could effect any financial operation. My idea is that by offering some little higher interest in. India we might induce the holders of the remittable loan to give up that privilege of receiving the interest in England if resident here.
Saw Major Cunningham. He looks more than forty, well, certainly, but I should doubt his doing much hard work. He does not think himself a good person to command Irregulars. His Rohillas were almost in as good order as Regulars.
He told me Lieutenant-Colonel Skinner was a man of large landed property. He had raised his corps very much from his own estate and neighbourhood, and was a sort of feudal chieftain. He has been educated like a native, though the son of a Colonel in the Company's service.
Saw Sir Murray Maxwell. [Footnote: He had commanded the 'Alceste,' which took out Lord Amherst as Ambassador to China twelve years before.] It seemed to me Sir Murray wanted to be sent with a frigate to try to open a commercial communication with Pekin. He thinks even Japan might be induced to trade. The instant the Chinese found the ship was gone and Lord Amherst meant to return by land they would have nothing to say to him. They probably took him for a spy.
Sir Murray thinks the Chinese might be led to give a port to the northward.
He describes the Spanish population of Manilla as being very small—the native population large. It is but four days' sail, with a good breeze, from Manilla to Canton. Always a favourable wind. The harbour magnificent.
I think the whole object of his visit was to get a ship, and a sort of half embassy.
July 10.
Received a letter from Lord Clare, who saw the Duke yesterday. He says the Duke was very kind and told him he should get all the information he could before the Committee of next year. I shall most willingly assist him.
July 11.
Cabinet. Talked of Ireland. The disposition to outrage seems increasing. The Duke said we were responsible for the success of the measure of this year, and we must put down the armed meetings. Warburton must be ordered to do so. The Duke said emphatically if we do not preserve the peace of Ireland we shall not be a Government. Peel is to write immediately. He thinks the first appearance of a determination to put down these meetings will have the effect of crushing them. We spoke of Poor Laws, Education, and Grand Juries. Lord F. Levesondespairsas to the two first. Upon both the Government will form its opinion. I am glad to see that the more the question of Poor Laws is considered the more the introduction of them appears unadvisable,or of any approach to them. I have ever held this opinion.
In Cabinet we again, having done so many weeks ago, considered whether any extension of time should be given to the Brazilians for the termination of their traffic in slaves.
Aberdeen seemed very indulgently inclined towards the slave dealers—not so Peel and Fitzgerald. They seemed first of all to think it would be an awkward Parliamentary case, and Peel protested against our becoming responsible, as we should, for the horrible consequences which might attend the continuance of the trade for six months. The Chancellor thought a vessel leaving the coast of Africa, that is, engaging in the slave trade, at such a period as would afford a reasonable probability of her arriving on March 13, should be safe. I think February 13 was, after much desultory discussion, fixed as the day after which no vessel should leave the coast of Africa.
The Brazilians had offered as an equivalent for six months an agreement that in future vessels fitted for the slave trade, even if they had no slaves on board, should be seizable. It seemed to be the opinion, a little exaggerated, I think, that no prospect of future prevention of slave- trading could justify us in permitting for an instant the immediate benefit we had within our grasp.
July 12.
The great day in Ireland; but I hope its happening on Sunday may break its effect. The orders for vigorous interposition, determined upon on Saturday, will have been of no use in preventing collision to-day, or even to-morrow, should the anniversary be postponed.
The Duke of Cumberland goes to Hanover, but he returns in October, and old Eldon meets him then in London. They had a regular Cabinet to decide whether he should go or not.
Read the court-martial of Lieutenant Lewis, of the Bombay Artillery, who struck an officer in the presence of his wife. The Chairs wish to restore him. It is impossible. There is an end of all moral and gentlemanlike feeling if it be not understood that a man's person is sacred in the presence of his wife. We presume a wife to have feeling, and a man to respect it.The blowalone would have been a good cause of dismissal.
Had a letter from the Bishop of Calcutta, who, on offering to execute episcopal functions at the Cape, was told by Hay, of the Colonial Office, that the cape was not in his Patent, and he could no do so. This is a mistake. He can exercise episcopal functions, but not episcopal jurisdictions.
Had a letter from Mr. Joliffe, of Merstham, [Footnote: The seat of the Joliffe family, near Reigate, in Surrey.] proposing steam-boat navigation to India. An application from Salisbury for a letter of recommendation to Lord W. Bentinck, in favour of Mr. Chester. Told him this was not a good time to ask a favour of Lord William, and it would be better to send the recommendation with the man, who does not sail till October.
July 15, 1829.
Office. Found a letter from Loch, suggesting the irregularity of my sending for his officers, and communicating with them on the subject of despatches to be sent to the Indian Government, and expressing a hope that nothing would occur to interrupt the harmony which existed between us.
I said in reply that I have expressed a wish to see Colonel Salmond, and afterwards to see Colonel Farant, merely from my desire to expedite business, and to do it well. That it was mentioned in conversation with Colonel Salmond and Mr. Wilson on Monday, that there was no irregularity in that course, and that I immediately determined to desist from it. That I believed I had so expressed myself at the time to Colonel Salmond.
I added that I could assure him I would not willingly, by endeavouring to extend the limits assigned by Parliament to the power of the Board, or by my manner of exercising that power, interrupt the harmony which so happily existed between the court and me.
Went to the Foreign Office. I fear the defeat of the Turks near Shumla was decisive; but still we have only Russian accounts, and they doso lie! It seems certain the Russians took the opportunity of opening a negotiation. The carelessness of the Turks in not keeping a good look-out towards Silistria seems unaccountable, and they dawdled sadly before Pravady. The new Vizier is very inferior to old Hussein Pacha, whose caution would have avoided this catastrophe.
Dined with the East India volunteers. The officers of the regiment are all clerks in the Company's service. The non-commissioned officers and privates serve in their warehouses.
There are now 600 men. During the war they had three regiments, each 800 strong—all their own servants.
When my health was drunk I spoke of the Duke of Wellington's natural fondness for India, of the high terms in which he always mentioned the gallantry of the Indian army, and the purity of the Civil Service. I said the Ministers were animated by his example, &c.
The Speaker told me he thought Mr. Stanley [Footnote: A curious instance of the failure of political prophecies, even by men of judgment and experience. Seventeen years later he was leader of a party, and twenty- three years afterwards Prime Minister.] would never rise higher than he was now. It had been a curious Session—all men endeavouring to avoid committing themselves.
July 16.
Loch showed me two letters of Sir J. Malcolm, in which he deprecates the sending of more writers, and saysnumbersmay be diminished, but notsalaries, especially in the higher ranks; and if writers are sent they must be provided for. I believe he is right. I had already suggested the non-appointment of writers this year, and the Chairs seemed to acquiesce— indeed, to have thought of it themselves.
Recorder's Report. Before the report Madame de Cayla, the Duchess D'Escars, &c., were presented to the King. I had some conversation with Rosslyn and Herries as to the Indian Question. Herries seemed to be afraid of the House of Commons. Rosslyn a little, too, of public opinion as to the opening of the China trade. They both seemed rather hostile to the continuance of the present system. I said I considered it to be a settled point that the patronage of India should be separated from the Government. The necessity of making that separation led to one great difficulty. The necessity of remitting home in goods 3,200,000£ led to another difficulty, and to making the Government of India, wherever it might be placed,mercantile. The East India Company would not, and could not, without the monopoly carry on the concern.
Neither Herries nor Rosslyn seemed to admit the necessary separation of the patronage of India from the Government.
I said that, if it might not be separated, it would be easy to make a better and a cheaper government. I can see that Peel, Fitzgerald, Herries, Rosslyn—perhaps Sir G. Murray—will be against the Company.
The Duke said it was clear to him that the remittances must be made in goods, and could not be made by bills. He is for the monopoly.
In a few days the papers will be printed. A copy will then be furnished to each member of the Government, and I shall receive their observations.
The Recorder's Report was a very heavy one. All the cases bad, and seven ordered for execution.
The King seemed very well.
Stratford Canning and Lord Strangford were at the Court, to be presented on their return.
Before the report we read the last Irish papers. The Duke of Northumberland and Lord F. Leveson seem to think rather favourably of the condition of Ireland. The belief of Peel and Goulburn, and, I believe, of the Duke, is thatoneexample would settle all.
Lord F. Leveson says that the Brunswickers are encouragedfrom St. James'sto expect that the Relief Bill will be repealed. Many wish for an explosion, the Catholics less than the Protestants.
July 19.
Hardinge and Wood dined with me. Hardinge says the Duke of Cumberland has determined not to leave England, but to send for the Duchess and his son. The Duchess of Gloucester did not before, and will not now, receive the Duchess of Cumberland. Old Eldon wants a guarantee that no more Whigs will be admitted. I believe he would be satisfied with none but his own admission.
Hardinge seems to think we may not have a majority when Parliament meets. Ithink he is wrong. I trust to the Duke's fortune and to 'the being aGovernment,' which is much, and to the others not being able to form aGovernment, which is more.
July 22.
Had a letter from Loch. He does not like the disbanding of the six regiments, but he says he brings it before the Court again on Monday, having promised every possible information.
Read some of Colonel Tod's 'Rajastan.' I had rather see Rajastan or Rajpootana than any part of India. It would really be interesting. Colonel Tod seems to be an enthusiast about the country and the people. He was there apparently at least sixteen years. The story of the beautiful Princess of Oudeypore [Footnote: Krishna Komari. She was poisoned by her father to avoid the hostilities of the rival princes who demanded her hand. The father was still living when Colonel Tod wrote. The House of Oudeypore was the only native reigning family who disdained to intermarry even with the Emperors of Delhi. See Tod'sRajasthan, i. 066.] in Tod's book and Sir J. Malcolm's is the most romantic and the most interesting I know. That family of Oudeypore or Mewar seems to be the most ancient in the world. It far surpasses the Bourbons and the House of Hapsburg.
July 23.
Chairs at eleven. Told them of the danger in which they were, from the feeling of the mercantile districts and of the country; that we could not look Parliament in the face without having done all in our power to effect reductions in a deficit of 800,000£ a year; that without a commanding case no Government, however strong, could venture to propose a renewal of the monopoly.
They were obliged to me for my information. I advised them to turn their attention immediately to all the great points.
On the subject of the six regiments the Court differ from the view I took. Loch gave me a long statement of facts, which I must read attentively, and then communicate with the Duke.
They are so enamoured of old habits that they hesitate about desiring their Indian Governments and the subordinate correspondents of these Governments to place upon the back of their voluminous letters aprécisof their substance!
After the Chairs were gone I saw Bankes and Leach, and while they were with me Sir Archibald Campbell called. I saw him immediately. He is a fat, rather intelligent-looking man, well mannered, and sensible. I talked to him of the idea of exchanging Tenasserim. [Footnote: The furthest province of the British territory towards Siam, extending along the coast south of Pegu, and lately conquered from the Burmese Empire.] He did not like giving up his conquest. I gave him one secret letter, and he will make his observations upon it.
He left Lord William at the mouth of the Hooghly. They had found out the removal of the Government was contrary to law. They had intended to be itinerant for a year or two.
It is only in the Bengal army that the officers are old. There they rise by seniority. In the Madras army they are made from fitness.
The Madras army, though most gallant, was quite unequal, from deficiency of physical strength, to face the Burmese. The Burmese soldiers brought fourteen days' provisions. All men are liable to be called upon. They never had more than 120,000 in the field.
The English army took 2,000 cannon, and it was believed the Burmese had 2,500 left.
Sir A. Campbell says there have been 60,000 refugees from Ava—all now settled in Tenasserim. I had thought there had never been more than 10,000, and that some, about half, had returned.
Upon the whole, he seems enamoured of his conquests, but he did not adduce any good reason against exchanging it.
At the Cabinet room. Saw Lord Rosslyn there, as I used to be last year,désoeuvréand bored, as all Privy Seals will be. He seemed dissatisfied with the state of affairs in Ireland and in England. At Manchester there is a fear of a turn-out of some more cotton-spinners. Every thing depends upon the harvest.
The negotiations with the Turks came to nothing. The Grand Vizier's answer to Diebitch is excellent.
The sickness amongst the Russian troops continues, and Diebitch has not more than 40,000 men, even with Roth's corps.
The Ambassadors have been very well received at Constantinople. All are in good humour there, notwithstanding the losses near Shumla.
The Emperor does not go to the army.
Lord Heytesbury represents Russia as being the least formidable of the great Powers for the purpose of offensive operations, and seems to think she contains many elements of convulsion.
Metternich is trying to cajole the Russians by pretended fears of revolutionary principles.
They talk of a King in Columbia, and the French are intriguing to place aFrench prince on the throne, after Bolivar.
July 25, 1829.
Cabinet room. The Ambassadors seem to have been received most cordially at Constantinople. We know no more of the Grand Vizier's losses. That he experienced a complete defeat there can be no doubt.
In Columbia, the French seem rather inclined to place, after Bolivar, a Prince of the House of Orleans on the throne, and it does not seem unlikely that the Columbians may consider it their best arrangement.
The Emperor of Russia seems to be desirous of Peru, and the King of Prussia has, at his request, sent the Baron von Müffling as his Minister to the Porte to mediate.
The Irish accounts are very bad. Lord F. Leveson seems now to think very seriously of the state of things. Doherty is come back much alarmed from Barris, where he has been with Blackie on a special commission.
July 28.
I recommended to the attention of the Chairs the establishment of steam communication with India by the Red Sea.
July 29.
Readprécisrelative to Kotah.
Thesepréciswill make me thoroughly acquainted with the history and circumstances of the Rajpoot States, which are by far more interesting than others.
There is a looseness and a vulgarity in the East India House writing, the literature of clerks which is quite disgusting. Our clerks write better than theirs, but they do not write concisely and correctly.
July 30.
Read Lord Heytesbury's letters. He is very Russian. They have certainly got the plague at Odessa, and in all the stations of the Russian army.
Met Peel at the Cabinet room. He said Ireland was in rather a better state. He agreed with me in thinking the Brunswickers were the cause of all the mischief. He believed the King had begged the Duke of Cumberland to stay, and that the Duchess was certainly coming over. They wish to attack the Ministry through the side of Ireland—to make a civil war rather than not turn out a Government.
He had written to the Duke suggesting that we ought to have a Cabinet respecting Ireland, and he thought the Duke would come to town on his letter.
August 1.
Had from Sir G. Murray papers relative to the Canada question, upon which he wishes to have the opinion of the Cabinet to-morrow. The immediate question is whether a Bill passed by the Colonial Legislature for altering the state of the representation shall be confirmed by the Crown.
The state of Canada is such that I am convinced we ought in prudence toplace the revenue collected under the 14th Geo. II. at the disposal of theChambers, retaining, as they are willing to retain, a fixed salary for theGovernment judges, independent of the annual vote.
Sunday, August 2.
Cabinet at 4. Irish question. Lord F. Leveson seems to be much alarmed. He wants to use the Bill of this year for the suppression of an expected meeting at Derry, which meeting is to be unarmed, sing songs, drink toasts, make speeches, and petition for a change of Ministers.
It was considered that the powers entrusted to Government by the Bill for the suppression of the Roman Catholic Association were never intended to be exercised for the putting down of such a meeting as that intended to be held at Derry. If the Brunswickers there come out of their houses and have a processioncausing fearand threatening the peace, the common law can put them down. Care will be taken to have troops enough at Derry.
Lord F. Leveson likewise asks whether he shall proclaim martial law! Peel very properly asks him what martial law is. In fact it is the absence of all law—and can only be endured when a country is on the eve of rebellion or actually in rebellion. [Footnote: This was exactly the description given of it by Lord Beaconsfield with reference to Jamaica in 1866.]
It seems to me that Lord Francis is unequal to his situation. I wish we hadHardinge there. He would never go wrong.
Herries told me he thought, after reading the papers I had sent him, that there was more of care for the Company than he expected.
Peel has written a very good letter to Lord F. Gower, telling him that the first thing they must do is to establish anefficient police, to be paid for by Ireland—and of which the officers must be appointed by Government.
August 3.
Saw Hardinge. He has perfected a very excellent system in Ireland by which all the 30,000 pensioners are divided into districts, in each of which is a chief constable who pays them. If they move from one district to another they have a ticket, so that the residence and the movements of all are known. Of 30,000 about 10,000 are fit for duty. Blank orders are ready at the Castle, directing the march of these men upon five central points, where they would be incorporated with the regiments, so that in a few days the army could be reinforced by 10,000 men. There are others who are not very capable of doing anything but mischief if against us. These would be ordered to the garrisons.
I wish Hardinge was in Ireland instead of Lord Francis.
August 6.
Chairs at 11.
Astell does not seem to like my letters relative to the delay in answering despatches from India and in communicating events in India; and respecting the amount of military stores sent to India, and the expediency of enquiring whether their amount could not be diminished. Loch did not say anything. It was an attempt at bullying on Astell's part, which I resisted, and successfully.
August 10.
The Russians appear to have passed the defiles on the northern side of theBalkans, and almost without loss. There is, I conclude, a force nearBourgas, but all that is to be hoped is that the Turks will be wise enoughnot to fight. It was an unlucky appointment, that of the Grand Vizier. OldHussein never would have committed his fault.
R. Gordon has been magnificently received at Constantinople.
Polignac has been made Prime Minister of France. De Rigny is made Minister of Marine. The Government is Tory, and I should think very favourable to English alliance, not Greek, and certainly not Russian. If it should be able to stand, it must be good for us. Received letters from Colonel Macdonald from Tabriz. He says the Russians at Tiflis talk as if they were going to war with us.
August 11.
Received Persian despatches. The Persians will pay no more. They wanted to go to war. No one would go as Envoy to Petersburg but anattaché. They all thought they should be beheaded. Macdonald seems to have kept them quiet.
Cabinet room. Met Lord Melville. Read Gordon's letters from Constantinople. The Turks have not above 20,000 men there. They are not disposed to yield at all. Gordon thinks if we declared we would fix in any manner the limits of Greece, and maintain them, the Porte would not quarrel with us, and would rather do anything than yield the point of honour by acknowledging the independence of the Greeks.
The Russians mean to pass the Balkans with 60,000 men and march onAdrianople. They send a large force by sea to Sizeboli to turn Bourgas.
Lord Francis Leveson holds out the apprehension of a long religious contest in Ireland. [Footnote: Unhappily, like other pessimists, he seems to have judged Ireland correctly.] I believe he looks only at the surface and judges from first appearances.
August 12.
A victory gained by Paskewitz over the Seraskier, whom he has taken prisoner, with thirty-one pieces of cannon, &c., near Erzeroum—that is, three days after the battle, Paskewitz, still in pursuit, was within forty miles of Erzeroum.
Wrote two letters to the Duke—one on the subject of Sir J. P. Grant, who has closed the Courts at Bombay because the Government would not execute an unlawful process, and the other respecting Persian affairs, giving the substance of the despatches which I enclosed.
We have a Cabinet to-morrow at 12 on Turkish affairs. I would not allow the Russians to advance any further. I would send one from our own body,incognito,to Paris to talk to Polignac and endeavour to get him to join us in an act of vigorous intervention which would give character to his Government and save Constantinople. I would pass the English and French fleets through the Dardanelles, and give Russia a leaf out of the Greek Treaty. But I do not expect that this will be Aberdeen's course.
Drummond, whom I saw, said the Duke was delighted with the account of theJaghirdars of the Kistna. Granville is gone to Ireland.
The Duke was gone to Windsor. It is the King's birthday.
August 13.
When the Cabinet was assembled the Duke said we were not to consider the state of things at Constantinople, and what we should do. He thought the Russians would get to Constantinople, and into it. If they did he thought there was an end of the Ottoman Empire. He was doubtful whether, after the innovations introduced, the Turks would cordially support Mahmoud, [Footnote: Sultan Mahmoud, as is well known, remodelled the whole internal organisation of the Turkish Empire. He was denounced as the Giaour Sultan by old-fashioned Turks.] and already there were insurrections of the Greeks. It was just what he predicted in his letter to La Ferronays, and what Lord Dudley afterwards said in a letter to Lièven; the success of the Russians was the dissolution of an Empire which could not be reconstituted. It was too late to interfere by force, even if we had been disposed to do so alone.
He thought France, if we did nothing, would be quiet—if we did anything, she would take the other line. Polignac was a more able man than people supposed, and he would adhere to the course he adopted. We might endeavour, at any rate, to ascertain his feelings and intentions.
As to the Greek question we must have a conference, and consider the suggestions of the Ambassadors, namely, that whatever we chose to make Greece, should be declared independent, and guaranteed. Both the Duke and Aberdeen thought France and Russia would both take the proposition into consideration. The former as tolimits, the latter for delay. France had already told us that, provided we could agree upon the limits, she was inclined to adopt the suggestion of the Ambassadors.
We asked whether the permanent occupation of Constantinople by Russia was to be submitted to? The answer was,No, to be opposed by war. It seemed to me and to Fitzgerald we had better endeavour to prevent, at a small expense, even if alone, a measure we could only retrieve if it took place at an enormous expense, if at all, and which would in all probability effect the ruin of the Turkish Empire. I did not think affairs quite so desperate. I thought the Russians might get to Adrianople, but not to Constantinople, and that they could not maintain themselves at Adrianople without the command of the sea. We had six ships at the mouth of the Dardanelles, and these with the Turkish Fleet would open the Black Sea.
I was for passing our ships up to Constantinople and placing them at the disposal of the Ambassador, for from hence we cannot give orders adapted to circumstances. It was repliedthatwould be war. If war were to be declared we should do as much mischief as possible, and go to Cronstadt, not to the Black Sea. We should have our ships beyond the Bosphorus when Russia occupied the Dardanelles, and shut us in. This would make us ridiculous.
As the object is not to do mischief to Russia, but to save the TurkishEmpire, I should say that measure was to be effected at the Bosphorus, forConstantinople, once taken, and the Ottoman Power annihilated, it would beof no use to distress Russia.
Fitzgerald seemed to be of my opinion that, however desperate the chance, we should do all we could to save Constantinople, and at any risk.
It was determined that our fleet in the Mediterranean should be reinforced by three or four line-of-battle ships, on the principle that wherever any Power had a large force, we should have one—not a very wise principle, it seems to me, if we are never to use force. I interceded for a few powerful steamers, with 68 pound carronades, and I think Lord Melville seemed inclined to acquiesce.
Questions are to be put to Polignac to ascertain what he would do in certain events. I said he never would open himself to Lord Stuart. It was then suggested by the Duke that Aberdeen could write a private letter. This will, I believe, be done. I said to Fitzgerald, who was next to me, 'Neither letter nor Stuart will get anything out of Polignac. One of ourselves should go to Paris as an individual, see Polignac, and return before the Conference.'
I suggested Rosslyn, as he had nothing to do. Fitzgerald said he could go and return in a week, and seemed to wish to do so. However, nothing was said openly; and with all the means of success in our hands, for, I think, Polignacmightbe brought into our views, we shall lose all by not using proper instruments; just as we have lost the Greek question by persisting in keeping Stratford Canning.
We had a good deal of conversation as to the limits of Greece. The Duke was for adhering to the Morea. It wasreallythe best line. It was what we had guaranteed. We had told the Turks we did not mean to go beyond it.
Aberdeen has always had a little private hankering after Athens, though he ridicules it. He had no scruple about annexing Athens, although not yet taken. I said I thought Polignac would be disposed to hold our language to Russia, if we would make some concession on the subject of Greece, and enable him to settle that question withéclat. He would then be supported by France in any strong language he might hold, and would establish himself by the experiment of his first fortnight of office.
However, the Cabinet seems disposed to look at accessories, not at principles, at the minor objects rather than atthe one great object, which is inducing France to act with us to prevent the occupation of Constantinople or to force its evacuation. Instead of yielding upon points of minor importance, in order to carry the question, we are to insist now on the minor points-the evacuation of the Morea by the French, and then, I fear we shall weaken Polignac's Government, and lose our object.
Our foreign policy has certainly been, most unsuccessful. We have succeeded in nothing.
The communication to be made to Polignac is to be made to him confidentially, and he is to know it is not to be made to Austria. It is considered that in any case Austria would support France and England if they acted together, and any indication Austria might give of moving alone would bring down Prussia upon her. This line, I think, well considered and prudent.
It seemed to be thought that, if the Turkish Empire should bedissolved, Austria might be inclined to share the spoils and be quiet; but if it were onlyweakened, she would feel she suffered.
It seemed to be admitted by all that we ought to have taken a decided step long ago. That we were too late, and that we were inexcusable.
I said a year ago Aberdeen would ruin us—he would gradually let us down, not by any flagrant error, but by being always under the mark. The Duke, occupied as he is as Prime Minister, wanted an efficient secretary for Foreign Affairs, and he could not have had a worse.
Peel seems to think Ireland stands much better since the proclamation respecting the attack made by the Ribbonmen upon the Orangemen in Fermanagh. He seems to think the Irish Government ready enough when things are brought to their notice, but that they do not read or attend to the reports made to them.
August 19.
I am inclined to think from what Colonel Hodgson says that leather might be made in India as well as here. They have the hide of the buffalo. They want thetanning, and some one must be sent from this country to teach them. He told me of a Mr. Cotton who was long at Tanjore, where the iron is, and I have written to him.
August 22.
The Russians have taken Erzeroum, and have quite dispersed the Turkish army in Asia. Every success of theirs in that quarter makes my heart bleed. I consider it a victory gained over me, as Asia ismine.
August 28.
The 'Courier' of last night throws doubts on the reported victory of Kirkhilissa. The Sultan is said to be now ready to treat. The plague is in the Russian army, and in the country before them. Had a long conversation with Hardinge on Indian affairs.
August 29.
Read a letter from Mr. Cartwright, the Consul at Constantinople, dated the 9th. The loss of Erzeroum is to be attributed to the Janizaries. In all Asia they seem to be rising. The Russians are not expected to advance till they are joined by 15,000 men, coming by sea. Thus our fleet would have saved Constantinople.
Cabinet at half-past three. Before the Cabinet read Lord Heytesbury's andMr. Gordon's despatches. Lord Heytesbury seems to be a mere Russian.
August 31.
Mr. Gordon describes the Turkish Empire as falling to pieces. The national enthusiasm and religious feeling of the people seem to be gone. The Sultan is unpopular. The populace of Adrianople desires the advance of the Russians, so scandalous has been the conduct of the Asiatics. The Pacha of Egypt gives no assistance, and thinks the weakness of the Porte constitutes his strength. The people of Trebizond have invited Count Paskewitz. Erzeroum was lost by the treachery of the Janizaries.