I went to the Duke and told him what they said. He is, as usual, sanguine, and thinks it will blow over.
I told the Duke I thought he had better look out for a Governor-General, for it might be necessary to recall Lord W. Bentinck. The objection to making Malcolm provisional successor is that he would stay till he died in order to be Governor-General one day. Otherwise his provisional appointment would strengthen the local Government very much.
At the Cabinet they had all read my letter in the 'Times,' except theChancellor. I told him to read it.
Peel was indignant at the publication. Lord Rosslyn said Joseph Hume had had the letter some time in his possession, and must have sent it to the 'Times.'
Peel said it was a very good letter. I said I was not ashamed of it.
They all laughed very much at the simile of the elephants.
Cabinet. Much discussion as to the terms of the speech. Aberdeen's part was very ill done indeed. It underwent much alteration and was improved. That regarding distress and remedies was postponed. There is no remedy, and it is best to say so.
In the meantime the export of almost all manufactures is increased largely in quantity, but the value is diminished. Still this proves continued and increased employment, although at low wages. This is a state of things in which we cannot try to make corn dearer or wool either. Nothing but the extreme cheapness of our manufactures makes their export possible.
Aberdeen read his letter to Consul Barker respecting the. Pasha's designs. The last paragraph, which intimated that the Pasha's persistence 'would too probably lead to our decided opposition,' was omitted. It was thought that the recommendation, 'to weigh well the serious consequences of a measure highly objectionable to us, and to which other Powers could not but be unfavourable,' was thought sufficient to stop the Pasha.
If the first words had stood, we must have used the same to France, and the threat might have led to collision. In any case the Pasha would have communicated the expressions to France.
The Duke and the Chancellor were to see Leopold to-morrow.
Another Cabinet to-morrow at four for going on with the Speech.
January 30.
Hardinge called. He told me all was not settled as to Lord Chandos having the Mint. He referred to the Duke of Buckingham, [Footnote: He had, as appears from the Wellington correspondence, pressed for years his claims to a seat in the Cabinet, with an importunity to which the Duke of Wellington expressed his objection. His large parliamentary interest, which almost made him the chief of a party of his own, made him appear entitled to expect it.] who would rather have it himself, with a seat in the Cabinet.
Lord MountCharles goes out to annoy his father, and force him to give him a larger allowance, unaccompanied by the condition of constant attendance in the House of Commons.
Read the Duke of Northumberland's letter to Peel on the state of Ireland. The Duke represents the Catholic Relief Bill as having produced none of the evils anticipated by its opposers, if it has not produced all the benefits expected by its supporters—as having upon the whole worked better than could have been expected in so short a time and under such circumstances.
The disturbances he thinks confined to the counties of Tipperary, Clare, and Roscommon; in the first produced by too high rents; in the second by late collision and the want of proper management on the part of the gentlemen; in the last by attempts to convert the Catholics, and the zeal of new converts. The Catholic Union is dissolved. The great body of the Catholics have abstained from the ostentation of triumph.
Monday, February 1.
Bankes called this morning, but I did not see him. He saw Henry. He came to say he was out, and S. Wortley in his place. When he understood Lord Chandos did not take the Mint, he went to the Duke and offered to remain, thinking his going out, with Lord Chandos's declining to come in, might, taken together, embarrass the Government. However, the arrangement was already made.
Read Lushington's minute on the Neilgherry hills. He wants to make an English colony there. If he had, every man would make some excuse, desert his duty in the hot months, and go to the Neilgherry hills.
Read the first volume of Gamba's 'Travels in South Russia.' He was Consul of France, but writes like a Russian. He talks of restoring the commercial communication with Asia by the Phasis, Caspian, and Oxus. All this is absurd. Unless indeed the Russians, after occupying China, turn the Oxus into its old course, and thus enable themselves to carry goods by water carriage to the foot of the Himalaya, or rather within 250 miles of Cabul.
February 5.
Received last night a note from the Duke asking me, if I could, to have aCabinet to-day on Batta. If I could not, to send Peel the letters ofMalcolm, &c.
I determined to have the Cabinet. Peel had not read till the day before yesterday the Batta papers, and, although inclining to the opinion that the present orders must be maintained, he thinks it, as it is, a serious question for the Government to decide after the minutes of Lord William Bentinck and the members of council, with the apprehension of a mutiny as the possible result of our standing firm. I said if we gave way the other armies would bring forward their demands—that it was a question, not only between the Home Authorities and the army, but the Home Authorities and the Local Government which had for sixteen years resisted the orders sent to them.
The Duke cautioned the Cabinet as to the character of the Indian army, which he said was amercenary army, retained in obedience by nothing but the wish to return to England; but he thought after what had taken place we must resist, and adhere to our present orders. Peel wished all the members of the Cabinet to read the minutes before they decided, and there is to be a Cabinet on Sunday.
It was determined that if a question should be asked to-night, Peel should say 'the orders had not been countermanded.' Peel observed very justly on the state of things which seemed to exist in India. An army sending such memorials to the Government, and the members of the Government writing pamphlets against each other. In point of fact, years will be required to restore a proper tone to the Government of India.
I mentioned to the Duke the mission of two Russian Poles to India and Manilla, and that I suspected Russia of a wish to purchase Manilla. Neither the Duke nor Aberdeen seemed to think the Spaniards would or could sell the Philippines. However, Aberdeen will write to the man at Madrid to find out whether any proposal to that effect has been made by the Russian Government.
The members of the House of Commons consider their majority last night fortunate. The House is very loose. In the majority and minority were the most opposite parties. O'Connell went out with Sadler. The Brunswickers are in high glee, and have sent for their valiant champion, Falmouth. In our House they made a poor show.
Prince Leopold is not by any means disposed to take Greece without Candia, and it was thought, from Lord Lansdowne's speech, he and others had advised him to take this line. Aberdeen is very much embarrassed to find a substitute.
February 6.
Spring-Rice asked Bankes in the House last night whether the letter to Sir J. Malcolm published as mine was mine. Bankes said that I had no copy of it, and therefore could not say it was correctly given. It was a private letter. Brougham, and Mackintosh, and that ass, M. A. Taylor, spoke in reprobation of it. Mackintosh most unfairly and disingenuously pretended to understand I endeavoured to get off by saying it was a private letter, and said it would be an extenuation of my offence if I would disavow the sentiments contained in it. What must he be himself to suppose I would disavow what I had written! Upon the whole, the tone taken by Peel and Bankes, but more especially by Peel, was too apologetical. I shall be obliged to go to the House on Monday to have a question put to me by Lord Lansdowne. I shall distinctly declare he may consider the letter as mine, and that I am ready to defend every line of it. Wrote to Lord Wellesley to offer to put his name upon the Committee on East India affairs if he would attend. He declines on account of ill-health.
Received a note from Peel begging me to have the Chairs to meet him on the appointment of the committee. I sent to the Chairman, and he came and met Peel; but Astell was out of the way. We are to meet at half-past one to- morrow. Peel did not seem to have looked much into the subject, which the Chairman observed.
Saw Bankes. He is not certain of succeeding now to the secretaryship of the Admiralty, but he expects it ultimately. He thinks the Duke of Buckingham had nothing to do with Lord Chandos's rejection of the Mint: but does not know how it went off. He thought that Lord Chandos had accepted, and the Duke seems to have thought so too.
A very good account from Ireland. The country gradually and quietly coming round.
Sunday, February 7.
Cabinet. First, Batta. The Duke gave his decided opinion in favour of adhering to the present order. After some conversation, but no opposition, the Cabinet acquiesced unanimously in that decision, which has been mine from the first.
I had a moment's conversation with Peel about the letter to Sir J. Malcolm, and told him I would defend every word of it, elephants and all.
Then we had a good deal of discussion respecting the policy to be pursued with regard to Cuba, against which the Mexicans are preparing to organise a slave insurrection, for which purpose they have sent a Minister to Hayti. It seems to be generally believed that Canning, about the year 1823, issued a sort of prohibition to the Mexican and Columbian States to attack Cuba, but no trace can be found in the Foreign Office of any such prohibition.
Sir R. Wilson means to ask a question upon the subject to-morrow. He says, if you prohibit the Mexicans and Columbians from attacking Cuba, you should prohibit the Spaniards from attacking them—which is fair—in fact the expedition of Barradas was undertaken before we knew anything about it, and if we had wished we could not have interfered.
The question as to what answer should be given to Sir R. Wilson, and what policy pursued, was deferred till to-morrow.
In the meantime it appears that Mr. Robertson, who is at Mexico, remonstrated strongly with M. de Bocaregna, respecting the objects of the embassy to Hayti, and he was told by Aberdeen that he did quite right, and that not only ourselves but other states might view with disapprobation an attempt to excite a warfare of an uncivilised character in Cuba.
The French have assembled 35,000 men to attack Algiers. They promise not to keep it. [Footnote: This promise was repudiated by the Government of July.] They intimate their intention of assisting Mehemet Ali with a fleet; but in the meantime they are satisfied at Constantinople that Mehemet Ali will not move.
Aberdeen told Laval that we had informed the Pasha of Egypt that we should view with disapprobation his attack upon Tunis and Tripoli without the consent of the Sultan. Laval begged this might be repeated to him three times.
Much conversation as to the state of the House of Commons. The Tories are most radical. Sir R. Vyvyan told Holmes or Planta his object was to reduce the Government majorities as much as possible, and to make the Government as contemptible as possible. Sir E. Knatchbull leads about twenty-three. I think the probability is that, unless we make some coalition with the Whigs, we shall go to the ground between the two parties, [Footnote: This eventually occurred on the Civil List question after the accession of William IV.] both uniting against us upon some point (upon my letter to Sir J. Malcolm as likely as any other).
I took home Sir George Murray. He expressed his surprise the Duke should cling to the hope of reclaiming the ultra-Tories, whom he would not get, and who were not worth having.
I confess I think he carries it on too long, although I am not surprised he should have wished it at first.
Prince Leopold has given no reply to Aberdeen's letter, or to the offer of the ambassadors.
Lord Holland gives notice to-morrow of a motion about Greece, and LordMelbourne moves for some papers respecting Portugal.
Lord Melville gives notice for me of the committee on East Indian Affairs, and I am not to go down till Tuesday, that we may have out the letter to Malcolm and other Indian matters all at once.
February 8.
Wrote a memorandum for Peel and Bankes to this effect: 'That I had neither copy nor recollection of the letter; but that I had no doubt the letter published as mine was substantially correct. It was a confidential exposition of the motives which induced me to recommend two judges to the King. [Footnote: It was suggested that with these colleagues Sir J. Grant would be like a wild elephant between two tame ones. Alluding to the method of taming captured elephants in India.] It was never intended to be published, nor did I expect it would be. The expressions, therefore, were unadvised, but the sentiments were and are mine, deliberately formed upon full consideration of the official documents before me.
Cabinet. It appears on looking into papers of 1825 and 1826 that so far from our having prohibited Mexico and Columbia from making any attack upon Cuba, we uniformly abstained from doing anything of the kind. The Americans declared they could not see with indifference any state other than Spain in possession of Cuba, and further their disposition to interpose their power should war be conducted in Cuba in adevastatingmanner, and with a view to the excitement of a servile war.
We offered to guarantee Cuba to Spain in 1823 if she would negotiate with the colonies with a view to their recognition.
Subsequently we were willing to enter into a tripartite guarantee of Cuba to Spain with the United States and France.
The United States seemed not unwilling, but France held back.
Peel is to say there was no record of any prohibition, but that the United States declared so, and it was possible Mr. Canning may have intimated a similar disposition on our part. This is to keep open to us the faculty of interfering if we please.
The Duke thinks my letter does not signify one pin. The simile of the elephants evidently means no more than that an indiscreet judge was placed between two discreet ones.
The Duke told me he had offered a Lordship of the Treasury to Ashley, who had declined it. He then told him to make himself master of the Batta question. Ashley said he had not seen the papers. He said, let him see the papers. I told him I had sent them the moment I got them to him, and he had desired me to send them to the Cabinet room, which I did. When they were taken from the Cabinet room they went to the India Board, and Ashley might have seen them. I had never kept any papers from him. We then talked about the speech to be made in moving the committee. The Duke seems inclined to have little said. Peel seems disposed to say little; but he knows little. I think they are wrong. I am sure it is necessary to correct the erroneous notions which have been propagated with respect to the trade. They will otherwise acquire so great a head it will be impossible to beat them back.
However, this we are to talk over with Peel tomorrow.
General King, who voted against the address on Thursday, is turned out by the King himself; the Duke having only mentioned the fact. I dare say the King may be alarmed by the spirit shown by the House of Commons.
The suicide of . . . . on account of his wife's seduction by the Duke ofCumberland, will drive the Duke of Cumberland out of the field.
February 9.
Called on the Duke. He advised a very narrowed statement in moving for the committee. I rather doubt his judgment upon this point. I fear the opinion of the country will become settled, and that when the strength of our case is brought forward it will be found unequal to the driving back of the stream. However, I made a speech as he desired. Lord Lansdowne said a few words.
Lord Durham then questioned me as to the authenticity of my letter to Sir J. Malcolm. I acknowledged it was substantially correct, and declared I could not have entertained any other sentiments without a dereliction of duty. He expressed disapprobation, considering the letter as evincing a determination to control the independence of judges. The Duke replied—then Lord Melville—then Lord Holland—I last. I declared that, as my father's son, I was the last man capable of harbouring a thought against the independence of judges; but I would resist their usurpation, more especially when they usurped powers withheld from them by Parliament as dangerous to the peace of India and to the stability of the British power.
I said India could not bear the collision of the Supreme Court and theLocal Government. If we did not support the Government we should loseIndia.
I was determined to maintain the integrity, the dignity, the authority, and the unapproachable power of the Local Government, and especially to support a man who, at that distance from England, acting in the faithful discharge of his public duty, incurred the highest responsibility and the greatest personal risk in defence of what he considered essential to the stability of the British power in India. I believe I did well. They all told me I should hear no more of it.
February 10.
Saw Bankes. He says the House of Commons is loose indeed; but he thinks Ministers will have a majority on the East Retford business. The worst of it is that those who ought to be the friends of Government will not stay out a debate. Last night Peel and Goulburn were left with a decided minority, but the House was counted out.
Saw Hardinge. He seems to think there is no great danger, and he thinks the House is in so loose a state that the accession of an individual or two would not draw others; that Brougham may be quieted, and that the others do not much signify.
In the meantime Abercromby has been made Chief Baron of Scotland. AnotherWhig gone. A very valuable intimation to those who remain.
Lord Lansdowne brings in Zachary Macaulay, son of the old saint. [Footnote:The late Lord Macaulay. He is erroneously described by his father'sChristian name.] They say a very clever man indeed, at least as a writer.
Hardinge told me the Duke told Mrs. Arbuthnot I spoke very well last night. At dinner the Chancellor and Sir George Murray congratulated me on what had taken place.
After the Cabinet dinner, much talk and nothing settled. The motion of Sir J. Graham will, I think, be amended—and easily. There is a disposition, very properly, not to give Portuguese papers. As to the Lord Holland's motion on Friday no decision is come to.
Gave the Duke the petition of the Bengal half-castes.
Mr. Jenkins, who was for many years resident at Nagpore, called upon me and offered himself as successor to Sir J. Malcolm. He said the Chairs were disposed to him, if the Government had no objection. I said I was aware of the services he had rendered, but that there were many distinguished servants of the Company, and likewise persons of ability who had not been in India, whose several qualifications must be considered. It was further a point upon which I must of course communicate with the Duke of Wellington. The man is a person of dry cold manner, not prepossessing.
I am disposed to think Mr. Chaplin the best Indian for the situation.
February 11.
I think Polignac's Ministry must fall, and really, as regards himself, I cannot feel regret, as he is the greatest liar that has exercised diplomatist functions for a long time. I had thought better of him. If their expedition ever sails for Algiers they will find what it costs to send an expedition over sea. I think, however, they will succeed, and, if they do, they will keep Algiers.
Sir R. Gordon entertains a very different opinion from that expressed by Aberdeen as to the future fate of the Ottoman Empire. He thinks the events of the late war prove little, and that the Sultan has learnt a lesson which will induce him to treat his rayas better—that the war once over, all men will return to their duty. However, he gives no good reasons for his opinion. He states very fairly the difficulty of his own position. He says he has hitherto believed it was the intention of his Government to support Turkey. He has therefore had influence, because where he has advised concession the Turks have understood we meant it should not be hurtful to them—but now, how can he advise the Turks to yield to what is asked, when he knows the Government think that the more is taken from Turkey, the more is saved from Russia? Sir R. Gordon says his colleagues are by no means of opinion that the Ottoman Empire is falling, and that France allows their officers to go in numbers to serve with the Turkish troops.
Received a letter from Sir J. Macdonald in which he tells me the TurkishAsiatic provinces are falling away from the Sultan.
He encloses a letter from a Mr. Sterling, giving a very interesting account of his journey by Meshed and near Balkh to Cabul. He took a new road to the north of the Paropamisan ridge. In Cabul he experienced no difficulty.
February 12.
House. Lord Holland's motion of a resolution that the House would not be satisfied with any plan for the pacification and settlement of Greece, which did not secure to that state the means of independence by sea and land, and leave the Greeks free to have their own Constitution. His information was most inaccurate. Yet on this he founded his distrust of the Government. Notwithstanding this distrust he was neither with them nor against them, nor did he wish to turn them out. He made an indifferent speech. Aberdeen a fair one ill delivered. The Duke spoke admirably. The brains were beaten out of the motion. No division. Goderich and Clanricarde and Melbourne spoke; Lord Melbourne poorly.
On the East Retford [Footnote: It will be remembered that this question had led to the resignation of Huskinsson and his friends.] question last night we had a majority of twenty-seven in a House of 226 members—the high Tories voting with Government.
Bankes has now the offer of a Lordship of the Admiralty till Croker can be got rid of; but he will not go. Castlereagh will have the Treasury Lordship—that is, 600£ a year more for having been careless.
February 13.
After seeing the Chairs spoke to the Duke about the Bombay succession. He asked what I meant to do with Elphinstone? I considered he had left India altogether. The Duke thought he must return—that he would go to Bombay again with the expectation of afterwards going to Madras. I think the Duke has an idea of making him Governor-General. I mentioned Mr. Chaplin. The Duke mentioned Mr. Jenkins, of whom he thought highly. He had done well at Nagpore, and he had had some correspondence with him when in India which gave him a good opinion of him. The Duke spoke of Mr. Russell, but thought he had been mixed up with the Hyderabad transactions. I then mentioned Clare. The Duke thought him better than any of the others mentioned. That it was a great thing to have a man of rank; he must be well supported; he had not a very strong mind. However, on the whole he seemed better than the others, and I am to propose him.
I am very glad to have Clare. I have a great respect and regard for him— but I have a little hesitation as to his fitness. He will, however, be a most zealous and honourable servant of the public, and his good manners will keep people in good humour and in order.
Leopold has sent in his answer. I have not seen it yet. He accepts on conditions.
The debate last night in the Commons is considered very favourable. Dawson's amendment was adopted—and Planta and Holmes say the temper of the country gentlemen is much improved. They are quite in spirits again.
A hint of Peel's, but a hint that the Government did not fear an appeal to the country, seems to have had a good effect.
February 14.
Cabinet. On Thursday Peel, in opening the Compensation Bill, will detail the various legal reforms.
He is disposed to diminish gradually the number of crimes for which the punishment of death is awarded. The Duke seemed reluctant and so did others. However, the Chancellor did not object.
My father considered that where a man could not protect his own property the law ought to protect it for him by higher penalties. However, now it seems a man must protect his own property, and punishments are to be proportioned more to the extent of the moral offence than to the necessity for preventing crime.
Then we considered Leopold's answer. The man accepts provided—
1. There is a guarantee of the new State.
2. That the frontier is slightly altered.
3. That the three powers protect the present insurgents in Samos and Candia.
4. That a loan of 1,500,000£ is guaranteed.
5. That he may have troops furnished to him.
6. He stipulates that the Greeks should have the power of declining him,le soussigné, as their Prince.
A guarantee there will probably be, and therefore the alteration of boundaries, which Leopold knew could not be listened to, is in fact unnecessary.
Each power separately and individually may use its good offices with the Porte for the protection of the Greeks in Samos and Candia, and indeed, under the agreement as to an amnesty, each would be bound to do so; but no triple agreement will be entered into, the object being to get out of the Treaty of July 6.
Aberdeen seemed disposed to allow 1,000 men of each of the three Powers to go to Greece. This would continue the triple action, and as these troops would go, not against any external enemy, but against Greeks, the measure would be somewhat in contradiction to the declaration the other night that the Greeks and their Prince might make what Government they pleased. After some conversation it seemed the general opinion that it would be better to pay the cost of the troops than to have our own there, and in fact the same money would enable Greece to have twice the number of Germans or Swiss that she could have of British. This I thought. But I suggested that Greece could not want a large sum down. A sum might be required for outfit, but then an annual sum. Peel proposed the whole loan guaranteed should be 700,000£, of which 100,000£ to be paid down as outfit, and then 100,000£ a year for six years at 5 per cent; the three Powers guaranteeing each a third part of the interest. It is better to guarantee the loan, then to pay money down. The loan, they say, can be made at three. Aberdeen says the Greeks give a most flourishing exposé of their future finances, and he thinks they will become a rich State, and the Powers be exposed to no danger of being called upon for the payment of the interest. I think he begins to love his Greek progeny.
The Duke only desired we would get out of the treaty. I suggested the inexpediency of our joining in the guarantee. A guarantee gave no right of intervention we should not otherwise possess, and it obliged us to interfere when we might not desire to do so. However, I fear there will be a guarantee.
February 16.
Cabinet. There seems to be little doubt that the Emperor Pedro means to direct an expedition from Rio against Portugal, Terceira being the point ofrassemblement. This is a practical answer to the question recently put by us conjointly with France and Austria as to the intentions of the Emperor, and therefore we are at liberty to act as if a specific answer had been received. It seems Austria will be very unwilling to recognise Don Miguel; France not.
The object of recognising him is to prevent a revolutionary war in Portugal and the entrance of Spanish troops into Portugal to oppose it.
Whenever Miguel is recognised, I think Lord Rosslyn will be made Master- General of the Ordnance, Lord Beresford going to Portugal as Minister, and then the Privy Seal will be disposable. I dare say the Duke, out of good nature, will offer it to Lord Westmoreland.
Aberdeen read the remonstrance he proposed sending to Spain against the proposed expedition to Mexico.
Leopold met the Plenipotentiaries, and Aberdeen thinks he would have acceded, but he evidently required the sanction of another person. The French Ambassador used very strong language, telling him his Court would be very much hurt indeed at finding him make these difficulties after all that had passed, &c.
Peel told me he was disposed to grant the motion for any correspondence between the Board of Control or any member of it, &c., with a direct negative. To move the previous question was an admission of some error. I was telling him the circumstances when it was necessary to attend to Aberdeen's business. I must tell him to-morrow.
February 17.
At the Cabinet dinner at Lord Melville's, talked to Peel and gave him a copy of the report of the Privy Council and of my letter to Sir J. Grant. He is disposed to take a high tone, and thinks men will follow him better when he does than when he temporises. I am sure they will.
He says he would reduce everything so low as not to be beat upon establishments. If he is beat upon unimportant questions he does not care, and will not go out. They will not get a majority for stopping supplies, and if they can agree upon motions, he is prepared to play the game of '83 [Footnote: Alluding to Pitt's course at the beginning of his first Ministry. He retained office a whole Session in spite of the motions carried against him, and in the general election of 1784 obtained an overwhelming majority.] with them. I am sure he is right.
February 18.
House. First a question from Lord Holland whether the orders to the Admiral respecting Greek slaves, &c., would, after the settlement of Greece, apply to Candiot Greeks. Then Lord Melbourne's motion for Portuguese papers. He did not speak well—but very bitterly. Goderich spoke pathetically against the Terceira affair—Lord Wharncliffe well with us—Lansdowne wide and loose—the Duke very excellent—Aberdeen worse than usual, and very imprudent, abusing Miguel and making awkward admissions.
It was quite established that Canning had nothing to say to the Portuguese Constitution, and I think we shall hear no more of Terceira. Fifty-two to twenty-one—no proxies.
February 19.
Cabinet. Leopold's answer. He wants troops and money. After long talk it was resolved the French troops might stay a year, till he could raise others, and money should be given.
February 20, 1830.
In riding with Lord Rosslyn had a long conversation with him upon Indian matters. He had just been reading the despatches from Lord Stuart and Lord Heytesbury upon these subjects. I told him I had anticipated all Lord H. suggested and had done, I really thought, all that could be done. I am to send him the secret letter. He thinks, as I do, that Aberdeen is in a great hurry to get rid of the Greek question, and disposed to incur future embarrassments to avoid present inconvenience.
Lord Rosslyn does not much like the division of last night, but I believe it was a good one.
February 21.
This morning looked through the finance accounts of the three years, ending 1819, and the three ending 1828, with a view to comparing the state of the country with what it was before Peel's Bill. The increased consumption is astonishing. The increase of British tonnage and in the number of seamen since 1819 is equal to the whole tonnage and to all the seamen in the foreign trade with Great Britain, although that is increased nearly in the same proportion with our own.
The increased consumption of tea and coffee is 50 per cent. The number of pounds in 1819 being about 30,000,000 of pounds, and now 45,000,000 pounds.
The import of foreign raw produce is much increased—of that produce which competes with the landed produce of England.
Hardinge called. He thinks the Government quite safe now. Indeed, he never had much apprehension. He regrets Sir James Graham's divergence from the road which leads to office. He thinks he came up to London intending well; but that he thought under present circumstances he could be a more considerable man out of office than he would be in a subordinate situation.
The Duke of Northumberland says the salary of the Lord-Lieutenant may well be reduced to 20,000£ a year.
February 24.
Lord Rosslyn, who called upon me at the office, thinks I may go a little too far in my directions with regard to Russian spies, that is, in a public despatch. I had directed that if it appeared danger was likely to arise from their return to Europe or from their passage into any Asiatic country, their persons should be placed under restraint, and in all cases their papers and letters got possession of. He suggests that this might be mentioned in a private letter, or left to the discretion of the Local Governments.
We had a long conversation on Lord Stanhope's motion for to-morrow, whenWhigs and Tories are to combine to beat us.
The division last night in the House of Commons on Lord J. Russell's motion for giving two members to Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, was not satisfactory. There were 140 for it, and only 188 against it. The Tories stayed away.
February 25.
House at 4 and until 2. Lord Stanhope's motion for a Committee of the whole House on the internal state of the country. He made a weak speech, because to get votes he abstained from stating the cause of distress, which in his opinion is currency, or any remedy. Goderich and Lansdowne made good speeches. Rosebery not a bad one, though as usual pompous. All suggesting some remedies—all for reducing taxation, but against a Committee of the House. Lord Radnor made a good vulgar speech. King spoke better than usual. He proposed, but afterwards withdrew, an amendment for a Committee upstairs. The Duke, who alone spoke on our side, did not speak well, and some of his statements were hazardous. Lords Darnley and Bute declared there was no distress near them.
We divided well. There being but fifteen present for Lord Stanhope's motion, and ten proxies.
February 26.
Chairs at 11. Went over with them the letter on Batta.
Lord Wharncliffe intends on Tuesday to propose examining the Chairman of the East Indian Company.
February 27.
Wrote a note to Loch to tell him of Lord Wharncliffe's intention. He does not like the idea at all, and wishes to see me before the Committee sits. I have named Monday at eleven. I told him my feeling was against his being examined, as I thought it unfair; besides, he was not the best witness. I told Lord Wharncliffe he should examine Lord Amherst.
At the Cabinet room I attempted to read the papers respecting Irish education. My opinion is that it would be better to let the matter rest for the present; the agitation of it may revive animosities, and if any good be attainable, it may be attained at a more favourable period than the present. I rather doubt whether it might not be yet more safely left to the people themselves, as education in England and in Scotland.
March 1.
Cabinet. We were to have talked about Irish education, but more important matters intervened. There is a motion on Friday of Mr. Davenport's for a Committee on the internal state of the country. Peel thinks there will be a union of parties in favour of it. He feels it must be opposed. Some of the friends of Government have said they must vote for it. He proposes that Goulburn should to-morrow give notice of his intention of explaining his views as to taxation on Monday week. Peel thinks that he can procure an adjournment of the debate till after Goulburn's exposé.
Goulburn suggests taking off the whole of the beer tax, and remitting the hop duty for this year, as well as remodelling it. He likewise proposes lowering the duties on East and West India sugar, the former from 37_s_. to 25_s_., and the latter from 27_s_. to 20_s_.
As the revenue is decreasing, these reductions cannot be taken from it. There must be a commutation. This he proposes to be a modified property tax, to apply to landed property, all fixed property, and the funds as well as all offices, but not to the profits of trade.
March 2.
There seems to have been some incivility last night on the part of Sir Charles Burrell and Sir E. Knatchbull against me, with reference to my opposition to the Duke of Richmond's motion on the wool question last year.
March 3.
Peel's. Met Bankes, Graham, and Ashley. It was, after talk, agreed that the papers asked should be refused, unless in the course of the debate it should appear that the granting of Grant's petition and the report of the Privy Council would improve the division. I expect a regular attack upon myself from all quarters. I would give a year of the House of Lords to be there to throw grape-shot amongst the small lawyers.
Cabinet room. Read despatches relating to the expedition to Algiers, which is certainly going.
Cabinet dinner at Peel's. The affair of the vacated offices becomes serious, for it seems certain that it is necessary to take the declaration again upon any new patent, and the Board of Admiralty should have taken the declaration as well as Castlereagh—the Board of Control as well as me.
The Chancellor continues to have no objection to reducing the salaries of the Supreme Court Judges.
March 5.
Chairs at 11. I got rid of them as soon as I could, as I wished to go to the Committee.
Loch showed me a letter from Lord William Bentinck, by which it appears that the officers of the Cawnpore division of the army wished to have a general meeting for the election of delegates to England. Sir J. Whittingham forwarded their request to Lord Combermere, highly disapproving of it. Lord Combermere directed the Adjutant-General to write a letter coinciding with Sir J. Whittingham's opinions, and adding that he would be the advocate of the army both in India and in England. Lord William (Bentinck) is going up the country with theGovernmentand wishes to take Lord Dalhousie with him. He expects very uncivil treatment, and says the discontent is deep-seated. The same account is received from other quarters.
The debate was adjourned last night. R. Grant made a speech in a moderate tone, but disingenuous. Lord Ashley spoke good stuff apparently, but Henry says he could not hear him. Lord Graham was unembarrassed and did well; but the 'Times' hardly gives him ten words.
I sent a note to Peel to-day observing upon the disingenuousness of Grant's speech. He told me he had been reading the papers, and saw it was no question of judicial independence, but of judicial aggression, and he thought the tone of the Governor who was in the right much better than that of the Judge who was in the wrong. So I hope he will make a good speech.
March 6.
Read letters from Sir J. Macdonald. They came by Constantinople. The only news they contain is that the Russians certainly have the intention of conquering Khiva and Bokhara. This comes from Chasanes Murza. I told the Duke, who seems disposed to make it an European question.
I showed the Duke a most atrocious libel on royalty which has been published in the 'Calcutta Gazette.' If the King saw it he would recall Lord William by the Sign Manual. A letter must be written immediately in the press. It is in such a state that our Government cannot stand if it be permitted to go on uncontrolled.
I asked the Duke as to taxation. He said he thought it could be done without income tax. To lay on income tax would be to weaken ourselves in the opinion of all foreign Powers. Besides, it would prevent our reducing the Four per Cents.
He calculated the loss of the beer duty at 3,500,000£. and, marine insurance, cider, remission of hop duty, &c., would make the loss 4,500,000£.
To meet this he expected
£Surplus of last year 1,700,000Additional from general improvement 400,000Additional malt by reducing beer duties 500,000Increased duty on spirits 500,000Reducing Four per Cents 750,000Savings 1,400,000Ireland, soap, &c. 450,000Stamps 200,000————-5,900,0004,500,000————-1,400,000
There may have been more; but he spoke, and I write from memory.
I told him I thought that with a diminished duty on beer and an increased duty on spirits he could not expect an increase of 500,000£ on spirits. He admitted that was the weak point. He said he was sure we could not carry an income tax while we had a million surplus. If we have a good harvest, I have no doubt the increase on malt will be great; but I apprehend there must be a repayment of beer duties, and if there should be, the loss will be enormous.
March 8.
Sent Mr. Elphinstone a letter giving an account of the travels to the North of the Paropamisan range into Cabul.
The Duke said we really must look out for a new Governor-General. I suggested Hardinge. He said Hardinge had not as yet station enough in the opinion of the public, in the army, or in Parliament. He wished him to be Secretary in Ireland. It would have been much better if he had gone there instead of Lord F. Gower, and Lord P. to the War Office. To be sure, then we should not have had the reductions Hardinge had effected. He had, as I knew, always wished Hardinge to go to Ireland.
I observed that Hardinge was rising every day in public estimation, which the Duke acknowledged, and I added that I was sure none would do the duty better, for he had firmness and habits of business. The Duke seems to think of Elphinstone. He said he was a very clever man. I told him I had been an hour and a half with Elphinstone last night. I told the Duke all my notions respecting individual responsibility, members of Council, &c., and that I had begged Elphinstone to think of them. The Duke seemed generally to approve of them. It seems Lord Wellesley never would go to Council. I do not wonder at it; but the Duke used to tell him he was Governor-Generalin Council—that he ought always to go there.
March 10.
Dined with the Duke. Cabinet dinner. Only the Peers there. The others detained by Lord Palmerston's motion on Portugal, on which there was a majority of two to one, 150 odd to 70 something. Huskisson made a very bad dull speech. We talked about a successor to the Speaker. They seem to think he will not resign now, as he would not get a good pension in the present temper of the House.
The candidates are Sir J. Beckett, Littleton, G. Bankes, Wynn of course. I mentioned Frankland Lewis as a good man, which he would be. I dare say the Chairs will think he should be elected unanimously.
It seems there must be a Bill of Indemnity for not taking the declaration, two Bishops, Chester and Oxford, not having taken it. The Duke finds he has at Dover, as Lord Warden.
We had some little conversation about the income tax, which the Duke is very hostile to, and I am glad we shall not have it.
March 11.
The Russians have at last sent their reply to our expostulatory note. I have not had time to read it. Lord Heytesbury calculates that the last war cost them 12,000,000£, but they endeavour to conceal the amount.
Peel told me the House was quite excited against the Bombay judges, and that the division fairly represented its real opinion.
March 12.
There was but one black ball in the election of Lord Clare, and the Chairs think that was put in by mistake; no one objected.
March 13.
Read Sir H. Parnell's pamphlet on taxation.
Cabinet room at two. I had only got half through the Russian answer when the Cabinet met for the subject of taxation.
I rather expected to find that the Duke had had communications with Goulburn, and that the idea of a property tax was given up. However, that seemed not to be the case. It was determined the whole beer duty should be given up in any case.
£The expected revenue is 50,250,000The expected expenditure 47,930,000—————Surplus 2,320,000Add by reduction of Four per Cents 777,000By 1_s_. 6_d_. on British,and 2_d_. on Irish and Scotch Spirits 400,000By stamps in Ireland 220,0003,717,000Deduct beer tax, £3,200,000, but the loss tothe revenue from the probable increase of malt,calculated at 2,500,000—————1,217,000Probable increase of revenue 450,000—————Sinking fund 1,667,000
The conversion of stock into annuities is proceeding at the rate of 1,000,000 pounds a month, and the increased annual charge already is 250,000 pounds. Certainly to this extent the estimated three millions of surplus might be fairly reduced; but to reduce the surplus to 1,200,000 pounds or 1,600,000 pounds would be an entire abandonment of the system adopted by the Finance Committee and the Government.
It seemed to me that the members of the House of Commons were all in favour of the income tax; all the Peers against it. The Duke was strongly against it. He apprehended the reduction of establishments, and particularly the pressure of the tax on men of 1,200 pounds a year, and under.
If I imposed the income tax, I would make it the means of a thorough reconciliation between the higher and lower classes. In this manner only would it be effectual and make a strong Government.
I object greatly to Goulburn's deductions from the old income tax. He exceptsoccupiers; that is, as regards land occupiers, quite right; but he excepts manufacturing capital and capital engaged in commerce. Now, why should the man who has 100,000 pounds in a manufactory, and makes 10 per cent, on that sum, pay nothing, while the man who invests his 100,000 pounds in the funds gets only 3 1/2 per cent, and pays 5 per cent, out of that reduced profit? The man who has a manufacturing orcommercial capitalis asaving man. He can afford to pay something to the State, and why should he not? So the lawyer who may be making 10,000 pounds a year is to pay nothing. If he takes 5,500£. a year and becomes a judge, he pays 137 pounds 10 shillings. Yet his interest is still for life.
In all this there seems to me unfairness.
If the tax be imposed as it is proposed, it will be very difficult to include afterwards the classes now exempted. It will be impossible to take off the tax, and whenever a tax is unpopular, those upon whom it presses will say, 'Take it off. It is only adding 1/4 or 1/2 per cent. to the income tax.'
A real property tax is the fairest of all taxes—but an income tax is the most unfair even when it affects all income; but when it affects the income of some who have a life interest, and not the income of others in the same situation, it is most unfair indeed.
It is quite erroneous to suppose that those who pay an income tax are the only persons who suffer from it. The reduction of establishments, the diminished consumption, the increased economy in every article of expenditure on the part of those affected by it have necessarily the effect of reducing the wages of labour. The labourer may buy some things cheaper, but he has less wherewith to buy.
Sunday, March 14.
Saw Hardinge at two. Told him how we stood as to the question of taxation. He said he thought the income tax would be popular, but agreed with me in thinking it should be established on strictly just principles.
Cabinet at three. Goulburn read a new statement showing the surplus this year, if we reduced beer and leather, and next year too. The surplus this year is about 2 millions. Next year about 1,500,000£.
The income tax reaches the funds, and the Irish, and the parsimonious, and the rich—so far it is good, but it likewise reaches the man of 100£ a year. It tends to diminution of establishments, to diminished demand for labour. To create an alteration in demand generally.
It was proposed to exempt professions and trades. This was unjust, and it would have led to an entire separation and hostility between the landed proprietors and the united body of labourers and manufacturers.
These last would have joined on all occasions in urging a further and still a further increase of income tax, and would never have consented to a tax on consumption. The income tax would finally absorb all other taxes.
Another great objection to the income tax now is that it would have the effect of perilling the reduction of the 3 per cents.
The Duke, Rosslyn, and I were decidedly against income tax. Lord Bathurst and Lord Melville, as well as the Chancellor, less decidedly so, but still in favour of abiding by the reduction of the beer and leather tax. Aberdeen said nothing, neither did Sir G. Murray, so they were understood to go with the majority.
Goulburn acknowledged the discussion had to a great extent changed his opinion, and that he was not then prepared to propose the tax.
Herries seemed much in its favour; but more, as it seemed to me, because he wished to maintain a large surplus according to the decision of the Finance Committee than for any good reason. Peel was decidedly for a property tax. He wished to reach such men as Baring, his father, Rothschild, and others, as well as absentees and Ireland. He thought too it was expedient to reconcile the lower with the higher classes, and to diminish the burthen of taxation on the poor man. I accede to the principle; but I doubt whether taxes on consumption do really press more heavily on the poor man than an income tax. What he has to look to is not the actual price of the article he wants, but the proportion which his wages bear to that price. It matters little to him what the price of candles may be, if he has not money wherewith to purchase them. That system of taxation is best for the poor man which most tends to increase the funds for the employment of labour; and every disturbance in the system, every alteration of demand, does intrinsic mischief.
After this matter was decided, Peel behaving most fairly, and declaring he would support the decision of the Cabinet whatever it might be, and that in this case the decision of the Treasury was to be principally looked to, we talked of Queen Donna Maria, in whose name Don Pedro has established a Regency in Terceira.
I read Leopold's letter to Lord Aberdeen, in which he refers to his letter of February 11, for the statement of his views in taking the Greek coronet, saying that he only acceded from courtesy, and as a matter of form, to the protocol, and further urging some alteration in the frontier. He has made an application for a joint guarantee by the three Powers of a loan of 60,000,000 paras, or 2,400,000£. Now we only agreed to guarantee 50,000£ a year, and that for troops. Nothing will be said upon this point till he has withdrawn his letter. He seems to be Aberdeen's pet. I do not think, had the Greeks searched Europe, they could have found a man whose character was more congenial to their own.
March 17.
Leopold has withdrawn his obnoxious letter.
March 18.
House at five. Debate on the Duke of Richmond's motion for a select Committee on the state of the labouring classes, and the effect of taxation upon the productive powers of industry.
A most dull debate, till Lord Holland spoke. I answered him. Lord Lansdownenext, then the Duke. I spoke, showing the impracticability of theCommittee. I however showed up Committees rather too much. This LordLansdowne took hold of, not very fairly, but he did it well.
We had in the House 69; they 39.
With proxies we had 140 to 61. My uncle voted in the minority, and so didCoplestone. Dudley, Lord Malmesbury, Lord Gower, voted with us.
The Whigs, Brunswickers, and Canningites were in the minority. The Duke ofCumberland was there.
I find we have some recruits—in proxies Lord Lauderdale, Duke of Bedford,Downshire, Lord Wilton; and Lord Jersey sits behind us. He has now LordLauderdale's proxy. All this is consequent upon Lord Rosslyn's accession.Lord Grey has now no one left. No one expressed a wish to turn out theMinisters.
March 19.
It seems that in the House of Commons Huskisson made a friendly speech, finding he can do no harm, and Lord Althorp a very friendly one. In short, everybody seems to be of opinion that the worst thing that could be done would be to turn out the Government.
Peel says, and so does Herries, that the House is in favour of an income tax. That what we have determined upon is the best for this year, but that next year there must be an income tax.
Cabinet. Leopold wants more money. It was agreed he should have 70,000 pounds a year loan guaranteed to him for seven years, instead of 50,000 pounds.
The holders of 4 per cents. are to have the option of 100 pounds stock 3 1/2, or 70 pounds stock 5 per cents. Trustees may only convert into the 3 1/2 per cents.
March 20.
Chairs at 11. They have made some alterations in the letter to the Indian Government respecting their conduct, and have praised Lord William for hisperseverance, &c. This is contrary to the Duke's view and to mine. I shall see whether I can allow their amendments.
I find they have likewise altered much in the letter relative to Batta.
March 23.
The Duke, Lord Bathurst, and Rosslyn went away at 2 to the Cabinet, where they decided against the Jew Relief Bill. The bishops have intimated that they must unanimously oppose it.
Debate on Lord Clanricarde's motion on the eternal Terceira question. TheDuke spoke very well. The House was flat. The division with proxies 126 to31, 4 to 1. We have now of Whig proxies Bedford, Lauderdale, Wilton,Downshire, Belhaven, Meldrum, and Lord Jersey.
March 24.
Cabinet dinner at Sir J. Murray's. Considered what course should be adopted upon P. Thompson's motion for a committee to revise taxation. Peel still hankers after the property tax, and rather unwillingly opposes this motion. However, it will be done on the ground that the remission of such a question to a committee would derange, by existing apprehensions and hopes, the whole industry of the country. In fact it would likewise vest the Government in the committee. Peel, Planta, and Holmes all think the division will be close. I do not apprehend that, if the debate be well conducted.
Had a long conversation with the Duke upon Indian matters. The recollections of his youth are strong upon him, and he still clings to the old forms.
March 25.
Read some evidence before the Commons on the China trade.
Committee. Examined Mr. Elphinstone. He gave very good evidence.
House. A flat discussion on the Kentish petition.
March 26.
We had two to one last night. The House not very full. It seemed by no means the wish of the House to have a property tax; quite the contrary.
Mr. Elphinstone re-examined by Lord Lansdowne and others. He gave a very good evidence, and quite knocked up colonisation.
Monday, March 29, 1830.
Office at 2. Looked over regulations, &c., relative to the half-castes and considered their question. Came to a decided opinion against their admissibility to offices which can be held by natives.
When Lord Carlisle presented the petition I said very little, expressed compassion for their situation, and a wish to relieve it in any manner consistent with the conservation of our empire and the well-being of the great body of the native population. I said what they asked was not equality of rights, but privilege.
Lord King's resolutions on the Corn Laws. A dull debate which lasted till nine—no division. The Duke did not speak well, and it was unnecessary for him to speak at all.
March 30.
Committee. Examined Mr. Chaplin, who gave a very good evidence. He is decidedly against the employment of half-castes.
I told the Duke at the Committee that I had written to the King immediately on Clare's appointment, and afterwards to Sir F. Watson, when I sent the warrant and had got no answer. The Duke said he would enquire about it. He thought he should have spoken to the Kingbefore. However, he would settle it.
March 31.
Committee at 1. Examined Mr. Ricketts, the half-caste, when Lord Carlisle had examined him in chief. Mr. Ricketts did not seem to know much about the law. It was odd enough to observe him looking round to me after every answer.
We had afterwards Mr. Baker, a strong contrast indeed with Mr. Ricketts. He gave very curious evidence relative to the trade of the Arabs of Malabar with Scinde, the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea.
April 2.
Cabinet. Question whether the French should be allowed to hire 9,000 tons of transports now in the river for the expedition against Algiers. The Duke was strongly against it. The French had behaved so ill to us, concealing their objects from us, and revealing them to other Courts, besides intriguing with the Pasha of Egypt.
Aberdeen was for giving the permission. He thought the French would consider it quite a hostile measure if we refused permission. However, permission will not be given.
Leopold is still negotiating about the money, and it seems doubtful whether he will not resign at last.
April 3.
The Company have got into an awkward scrape. It seems they have not made out their account of the prime cost of their tea as merchants do, that they have charged all losses whether from fixed rate of exchange or other causes, whereas merchants in general state prime cost on a calculation of the price in the place where the article is purchased, the other calculations going in diminution of profit.
I begin to think the maintenance of the monopoly will be impossible. I have long thought it very inexpedient. It would leave a sullen, settled feeling of discontent in the minds of the manufacturers and merchants of England.
April 6.
Wrote to the Duke to tell him I had not yet received the Duke ofDevonshire's memorandum respecting Sir W. Rumbold, and that in the meantimeI was getting into as small a compass as possible the information hedesired.
I added that the liberation of the Nizam changed our position with respect to Sir W. Rumbold, and I should be glad to speak to him about it.
I reminded him of Lord Clare's appointment, not yet approved by the King.
April 8.
Cabinet at 2. The Committee on the Bank Charter to be taken out ofHuskisson's hands.
The King was not well yesterday. The Duke recollected Clare's appointment, and thinks I shall have the warrant in a day or two.
April 9.
Wrote to Wrangham, begging him to send me the Cabinet box I desired the Cabinet messenger to take to my house yesterday. I think it contained the papers relative to Russian projects against India.
I have been so unwell the last two days I have been unable to do any public business.
April 12.
Had some conversation with Hardinge. He thinks the Duke will not remain inoffice above a year more, and that Peel will then be Minister, and thatPeel looks forward to that now. I said I feared he would be a very RadicalMinister.
Hardinge thinks Sir G. Murray would be very well satisfied to be Master-General, that he feels the Colonial Office is above him. I doubt, however,if he would like leaving it. If Peel was Minister he would have all theMinisters he could in the House of Commons.
From what Hardinge heard from Croker I am inclined to think that foolish fellow and others imagine they could go on without Peel.
I do not think it impossible we may have a dissolution of Parliament if there should be a good harvest.
April 12.
Sent the letter and list of Russian papers about China to the Duke. Wrote to Aberdeen and told him so. Observed at the same time that I should be very glad to make some arrangement with the Portuguese for excluding opium from their Indian ports; but I feared the present state of our relations with Portugal was not favourable for our doing so.
April 13.
Found in London the papers I had sent to the Duke. He says he is sorry he has read them. He had thought better of Sir Ch. Metcalfe. The only one of the four who writescommon senseis Elphinstone.
April 15.
The King was apparently very ill indeed yesterday.
Received a medal struck for the native troops engaged in the Burmese war from Loch, and another to be transmitted to the King.
April 16.
Saw Hardinge, who called upon me at R.
The King has really been very ill, but certainly not worse than the bulletin made him.
Sir H. Halford does not go down to-day, nor will there be any more bulletins.
Hardinge seems to be dissatisfied with Peel, who he says is cold and never encourages any one. All this is very true.
I think Hardinge rather looks to the Colonial Office. He thinks Sir G. Murray does not do the business well, and that he would be perfectly satisfied with the Ordnance. Hardinge does not like Ireland, yet, I think, he will find he goes to Ireland. The Duke certainly wishes it.
The Duke of Clarence is very fond of Hardinge, and tells him all he means to do when he is 'King William.' This seems much confined at present to changes in uniforms. He means to make the Bluesred, and to have gold lace for all the Line, and silver lace for all the Militia.
April 17.
Saw Sir A. Campbell at 1. He came about his claim upon the Company. I told him I transacted all business of that nature in writing. I gave him information as to the proposal of the Chairs, which is to give him staff allowances for a year, instead of Batta, by which he would gain about 15,850 R., or about 1,580£. What he wants is about 25,000£, or the difference between that and the value of his pension of 1,000£ a year—that is, 15,000£.
Went to the Foreign Office. No news there or at the Treasury of the King.The report is that he is better.