June 11.
House. I expected to get away immediately; but Lord Londonderry made a motion for papers, which led to a discussion of an hour and a half. He was put down entirely by Aberdeen, who really, with a bad manner, said very good things. At last Lord Londonderry chose to say the Contents had it and did not divide, so that the motion was negativednemine contradicente. Most scandalously many went out, not voting against the motion after Aberdeen had declared it would be injurious to the public service to give the Papers.
The King rather better, but weaker.
June 12.
Chairs. They did not come till half-past 11. I began to think they had taken huff and did not mean to come at all, as I had taken no notice of Astell's letter. However, they came. They do not much like my Nagpore letter, which it seems is contrary to the line of policy laid down by the Court and approved of by Wynne. I told them I took the responsibility upon myself. They were ministerial only. My opinion was confirmed by that of Jenkins and of the Duke.
Met at dinner, at Hardinge's, Arbuthnot, with whom I had some conversation about the Report he is writing on the China Evidence. He is to show it to me. The Duke saw the King, who is much better. The King said he would defer taking the sacrament till he was well; but he takes it to-morrow as aconvalescent.
June 13.
Cabinet at half-past 3. First considered the line to be adopted on the Forgery Bill, which seems to be to allow it to pass unaltered, throwing the whole responsibility on the House of Commons; but Peel is to see the bankers and merchants that he may ascertain what their opinions are now the Bill has passed the Commons abolishing the punishment of death for forgery. Peel's idea is that no conviction would be obtained.
I believe the French and the Russians are so alarmed by the effect produced in France by the continued exhibition of democratic violence in Greece and successful rebellion, that they would be disposed to enter into our views with respect to the nomination of a prince rather than leave the question open; but that they will procrastinate if they find we will unite with them in giving money which may keep Greece in a state of tranquillity. As to Capo d'Istria, he first wished to prevent the nomination of any prince and to keep the government to himself. When he found that would not do, he endeavoured to frighten Leopold into subserviency; but if he finds he can get money without having a prince, he will frighten other princes and remain there himself.
It is like paying money in consequence of a threatening letter. If it is done once there is no stopping.
I said I believed the dissolution of the Acarnanian army, happen as it might, would be better than its maintenance, and that the state of anarchy into which it was pretended Greece would fall if it had not money, would be a better foundation of improvement than the state of military thraldom in which it is now held.
Peel proposed that Dawkins should be instructed under circumstances of imminent danger to advance money not exceeding 20,000£, and this would be the best way of doing it. The Duke has great repugnance to giving anything, and objects to doing what might be considered an unconstitutional act. He hopes Aberdeen will be able to persuade the other Powers to give 30,000£ each, leaving us out of the subscription.
The thing was left undetermined. I suggested that it was by no means impossible a question might be asked by some 'friend of Greece' whether we intended to give or had given money in consequence of Capo d'Istria's representations, and then what we had done would come out. In fact if the King was well the matter would be brought before Parliament.
His illness creates great embarrassment. It is doubtful whether the Government can command majorities on questions on which a defeat under ordinary circumstances would lead them to resign; but it is known that now they cannot resign and cannot dissolve, and the Opposition has no other effect than that of interfering with the conduct of public business.
A powerful man would place this strongly before the country and bring theHouse to a sense of its duty.
The Duke showed me the letter he had written to Lord Combermere in reply to his, upon my Memorandum. It isexcellent.
There is to be a great fight upon sugar. Charles Grant makes a proposition, and Goulburn proposes to modify his original proposition by suggesting the addition of 6_d_. a gallon to Scotch and Irish spirits and to rum, thus leaving the proportional burthen nearly the same. In addition to this he proposes lowering the duty on the inferior kinds of sugar.
The French Expedition was in Palma Bay on May 31, awaiting the arrival of the last division, which was expected the next day.
June 15.
The King much better. He has been in good spirits about himself, and has expectorated, which is thought a good sign.
In the House of Commons Goulburn's altered plans seem to have succeeded with all parties as far as first impression goes.
June 16.
At the Cabinet dinner spoke to Lord Melville and Goulburn about the embarrassments of the civil servants. Both are very much indisposed to grant the papers asked for by Hume on the subject. I shall write to Arbuthnot to do what he can to prevent their being given.
The Duke got a number of papers stamped—indeed all the arrears, about 400. The King paid more attention to them than he ever did while he was well. He recollected everything.
The Duke did not think him so well as when he last saw him. The physicians do not like this catarrh. The Duke thought his hand was hotter than usual, that he was larger, and that altogether he was not so well. His judgment has hitherto been so correct that I attach much importance to it.
Peel spoke after dinner with muchennuiof his position in the House of Commons. He complained that it really was not worth a man's while to be there for so many hours every night. The sacrifice was too great. He said the Radicals had brought the House into such a state that no man could do business but themselves. He seemed not well, and thoroughly out of humour.
We had some discussion about the Forgery Bill. We are to see the Governor and deputy-governor of the Bank, &c. The Duke is much indisposed to acquiesce in the Commons' amendment.
Peel thinks that after the vote of the House of Commons no verdicts will be obtained; but may not a contrary vote of the House of Lords turn public opinion into its former course? I think it may.
June 17.
In French newspaper a bad report of the French fleet, which is very much dispersed. One division was in sight of the shore on May 30 when it came on to blow, and they ran to Majorca. The other divisions will have gone to the rendezvous on the African shore, where they will have met no men-of-war and much bad weather. The star of Napoleon is set.
Lord Combermere has written another letter to the Duke, in which he acknowledges his error as to the compact in 1796 and 1801, and says he was led into it by Col. Fagan. He restates all he before said on the other points, and still wishes his letter to go to the King.
The King seems to have had a good night. I did not hear the private account.
June 18.
Received last night from Astell a letter in which he speaks of an intended address of his respecting the Nagpore letter. I have told him he has already privately told me his opinion—that the Act of Parliament has made no provision for a representation on the part of the Secret Committee if they disagree with the Board, and I cannot receive any such representation officially. I have further told him that I think any more delay will be injurious to the public service.
Wrote a letter to Runjeet Singh to go with the horses. Showed it to Lord Amherst, Clare, and Auckland. Lord Amherst and Clare were delighted with it. Showed it to the Duke, who approved. Saw the Duke.
The King alarmed the princesses yesterday, but the Duke of Clarence did not think him so ill. I saw the Duke of Clarence's letter to the Duke of W. Halford thinks the expectoration is an additional evil.
June 19.
At 11 Privy Council to hear the appeal of Elphinstone (that is, East India Company) against Ameerchund Bidruchund, a case of booty. Remained till half-past two, when I was obliged to come away, having a dinner at Roehampton. Indeed I do not think that upon a point affecting the revenues of India I ought to vote as a judge.
Brougham ridiculed the Directors who sat there in a mass, nine of them. Fergusson spoke of "the Court." Brougham said he was not surprised he should make that mistake seeing such an array of directors. Brougham put itad verecundiamto the directors whether they would vote upon a question in which they were directly interested, and in which they had already appeared by Counsel.
They were and will be very sulky. They will stay away and decline supporting Government.
The bulletin is bad.
Two most impertinent letters from Lord Arbuthnot and Mr. Arbuthnot asking for, or ratherdemanding, cadetships. They will find I am not to be bullied.
June 21.
The King expectorated blood yesterday. He is failing in strength, and now certainly dying.
Read a memorandum of Wilson's on a proposed remodelling of the army. It is founded on my idea of bringing it into the form it formerly had, with fewer European officers and more native officers, in higher ranks. He proposes having two more European Non-Commissioned officers, a Subadar Major, and another Subadar, and several minor things.
June 22.
Cabinet. The Duke thought the character of the Government would be affected if we gave up the Forgery Bill in the Lords, not in consequence of any change of opinion, but of a majority of 13 in the House of Commons. I am satisfied the law, as it is, ought to be maintained. In the House Lord Lansdowne made a speech on moving the second reading, and Lord Winchelsea and the Duke of Richmond said they should vote for the Bill as it was— none, however, taking religious objections, Lord Lansdowne throwing out that he would consent to make the bill temporary. The Chancellor made a very good speech, expressing his general objections to the Bill as it stands, and reserving his reasons for the Committee.
The King is rather worse and weaker.
In the House of Commons last night a mine was sprung and all parties, Whigs and Tories, East and West Indians, united by a trick on the sugar duties. However, we had a majority.
June 23.
It seems Peel and Herries and even Goulburn himself rather doubts whether the sugar arrangement will work, and Peel has some doubt as to his majority. Altogether he is very much out of humour, or ratherennuyé, and a very little would induce him to give up.
Cabinet dinner. The Duke saw the King and some stamping took place. The King was much worse than on Saturday. The expectoration is matter from the lungs. Knighton says that if they can keep the bowels right he may live a month. Halford says if he was an ordinary man he should think he would not live three days. Tierney says his pulse almost failed while he was asleep this morning, and he thought he would have died. The Duke says he thinks more with Knighton than the others.
The King was perfectly alive to all the business done. He talks of going to the Cottage still.
Much talk at the Cabinet dinner as to what should be done as to dissolution; but all depends on the time of the King's death, and the state of public business then.
Peel, Herries, and all seem to think the Low Party gains, and will gain strength. Hume, on Whitbread's retirement, is to come in for Middlesex.
June 24.
House. Galway Franchise Bill read second time Counsel were to have been heard; but the petitioners declined having them. I fear we shall have a sharp debate about it to-morrow, and Lord Grey be directly opposed to the Duke, and the worst of it is I do not believe our case is very good.
Hardinge and Wortley both say we are in a great scrape with these sugar duties, and Ireland, which was all with us, is hostile again on account of the spirit and stamp duties.
Walked as far as Mrs. Arbuthnot's with the Duke. He told me his view of the Galway Franchise Bill, and is very certain of his case. He feels Goulburn has satisfied no one with his sugar duties.
The King seems much worse by the bulletin; but the private account was not much so. He was said to be worse when Lord Hill left Windsor. I really believe that we are so bothered with sugar duties and other things that an immediate demise and immediate dissolution would be best for us, and for the country.
June 25.
Went to the Duke about the Galway Bill before the House met. The Duke spoke very well and made a very good case. Lord Grey well, but the Chancellor demolished his speech, and placed the question on such good grounds that it was useless to speak afterwards; nor was there much subsequent debate. The Duke of Buckingham made a speech against us, in which he mistook every point, and gave me a great disposition to follow him; but I knew if I did I should have a whole hornet's nest upon me, and I wished to keep Durham and Radnor in check, or answer them. Had I spoken the debate would have lasted three hours more. As it was we got away by nine. On the division we had 62 to 47. Not brilliant. Our case was excellent. I had feared it would be indifferent. The Chancellor had got it up admirably. Lord Londonderry, the Dukes of Newcastle and Richmond, Calthorpe, all the Canningites, of course voted against us. Dudley was in the House at one time, but he did not vote against us, nor has he once since he went out.
The King much weaker.
June 26.
At half-past eight this morning I received a Cabinet box containing the bulletin signed by Halford and Tierney of the King's death, and Halford's private letter to the Duke of Wellington. The letter stated that the King had slept for about two hours and woke a little before three. Soon afterwards, Sir W. Waller only being in the room, he suddenly put his hand to his breast, and said, 'Good God, what is the matter? This is death?' He then sent for Halford. He and the others came, and so soon afterwards as I have said, he expired without the least struggle or pain.
Peel summoned a Cabinet at half-past ten. We met and talked of very little but in what dress we should go to the Council, which was to be at twelve. It was agreed we should go in black, shoes and stockings, but not full dress. However, after I left the room the Duke arrived, and said the King [Footnote: The Duke of Clarence now became William IV] intended to appear in uniform, so the Duke, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, and Sir J. Murray, who were there, put on their uniforms. The group at the Council was most motley. Lords Grey, Lansdowne, Spencer, Tankerville, Sir J. Warrender, and some others being in black full dress. Lord Camden and some more in uniform, which several sent for after they arrived, as Salisbury and Hardinge. The mass, however, in plain black, some in colours. The Royal Dukes came in full dress.
We waited a long time before the Council, almost two hours, a time occupied in audiences.
The Duke of Cumberland got the King to send for Lord Eldon, who went in for a minute only. The Duke of Cumberland received his gold stick, and seemed very active. The Duke of Wellington, Lord Bathurst, Rosslyn, the Chancellor, and Sir R. Peel went in together, and personally acquainted the King with the late King's death. The King said he might not have an opportunity of seeing that day the rest of his late Majesty's confidential servants; but he told those present that all had his confidence, and that they would receive hisentire, cordial, and determined support. He told the Chancellor in a private audience not only the same thing, but that if at any time he should hear reports of his ceasing to place confidence in his Government, they were not to be believed. If he had any fault to find he would at once tell them.
When the Duke and the others came out from the King we all went to the ball-room, where we began to sign the proclamation, and a few, the Royal Dukes and others, had signed, when we were called to the Privy Council Room, where the King soon arrived, attended by the household of the late King. He took his seat, and read his declaration. He read it with much feeling, and it was well imagined, and will have a good effect. The Lord President entreated it might be printed.
I should have mentioned that before the King came in the Council made the usual orders, with the addition of an order for defacing the late King's stamps, which was accordingly done by the clerk of the Council.
When the declaration had been read the King took the Scotch oath in the usual form, the Lord-President reading it to him, and the King holding up his right hand.
He then said it was a satisfaction to him to find such a Privy Council, and requested them all to take the oath.
This the Royal Dukes did first, then the Speaker, that he might go to the House of Commons. Then the Archbishop and the Chancellor together, then the Dukes, with the Lord President and Privy Seal, then the Marquises, then others according to their rank. When all had taken the Privy Councillor's oath the Lord Chancellor took his, and the Clerk of the Council was sworn by the Lord President. The King then retired, and the Council ordered as usual respecting the disposal of the late King's body.
After the swearing in we signed the Proclamation. Some remained to alter the Liturgy. Queen Adelaide is to be prayed for, and the rest of the Royal family.
The Duke of Norfolk was there as Earl Marshal. He observed he was the only person there who was not a Privy Councillor, and expressed a wish to be one. The Duke mentioned it to the King, who readily assented. He observed there had been no Duke of Norfolk a member of the Privy Council since the time of James II., and that that Duke of Norfolk was a Protestant. The Duke of Norfolk, however, will consider the oath before he takes it. He would have taken the Earl Marshal's oath to-day, but it was not there.
We met in Cabinet at 4.
The only innovations I yet hear of are in the dress of regiments. The King intends, as he told Lord Farnborough, to live at Windsor. He intends to have a battalion of the Guards at Edinburgh, and a regiment of the Line at Windsor.
I went in, by some misdirection, the wrong way, and found Wood and Sir Ch. Pole waiting for the King. Wood, whom I met near the Horse Guards, as I was riding down to the Cabinet, told me the King had rehearsed his declaration to him, Sir Ch. Pole, and Lord Errol, before he went into the Privy Council.
There was no grief in the room in which we waited. It was like an ordinarylevée.
The Chancellor went down to the House between the Cabinet and the Council, and took the oaths.
The Lord Steward was sent for by Peel, and only arrived a quarter before four at the House of Commons.
Lord Holland, Grey, and others seemed to think the Proclamation ought to have been made to-day, and I think it might have been just as well.
The Duke of Wellington was much cheered by the people. The Duke was called out of the Cabinet to see Halford, but we had a long conversation as to the course to be pursued with respect to the Parliament, and especially with respect to the Regency question.
The House must sit next week, as the sugar duties expire on Saturday next, and Goulburn seems disposed to propose a Bill for the continuance of the present duties for a time; to take money on account for miscellaneous services; to throw over the judicial Bills and end the session at once.
The stumbling block is the Regency question—whether it should be brought forward now, and if brought forward, who shall be Regent.
Peel seems to think we can hardly avoid bringing it on; as the session would have lasted two months in the event of the late King's living, why should it not now, when the reason for Parliament sitting is so much greater? And what would be the situation of the country if the King should die, leaving a minor Queen?
Peel suggested appointing the Queen Regent for a year. I said, depend upon it, when the King once has her as Regent he will never consent to change her, and if you appoint her for a year you appoint her for the whole time.
He afterwards suggested her appointment for a year after the King's death on account of the probability of her pregnancy. To this I objected, the state of distraction in which the country would be placed during that year. It is impossible consistently with the constitution to have an Executive, of which the existence shall be dependent on the good pleasure of Parliament.
Peel then suggested the giving to the King the power of naming either the Queen, the Duchess of Kent, or any member of the Royal family. The objection to this is that he ought to name one of the two first—that we got no security against a bad nomination, which we ought to do.
The views we ought to have are these: to give all possible strength to the monarchy. This we do not, if we permit a frequent change of the Executive; if we diminish the power of the Crown while in the hands of a Regency. We want to give stability to the Government, and this can only be given by making the Queen Regent. If we do that we provide, as far as human wisdom can, for a stable Government of seven years.
We can in no casenameany other person than the Queen, because she may become pregnant, and in that event it would be monstrous to make the Duchess of Kent Regent. All we can do, then, is to give the King the option of choosing the Queen or the Duchess of Kent. He will name the Queen, and she will be the best.
It has been observed that all Kings of England die either on Saturdays orSundays.
June 27.
Came up to a Cabinet at half-past three. We had a great deal of conversation as to the course to be pursued. The Chancellor said that in the event of a minor succeeding to the throne, all the minor's acts would be valid, and under the responsibility of ministers the Great Seal might be put in the minor's name by the minor's sign manual to an Act creating a Regency.
It was determined to take the opinion of the Attorney- and Solicitor-General upon this point.
On the supposition that the law is as the Chancellor states, we considered what should be done. All turns upon our being able to get a temporary Act for the sugar duties, and if we cannot get that we arereallyno longer a Government. It was determined to carry through the Beer Bill and Beer Duty Bill, to throw over Stamps in Ireland, and carry Spirits. To take a sum of 800,000£ on account of miscellaneous estimates, and 250,000£ on account of the civil list.
These last points were decided at a Cabinet at Sir R. Peel's, whichassembled at eleven, and sat till near one; at which the Attorney- andSolicitor-General delivered their opinion, in conformity with that of theChancellor as to the legal competency of a minor sovereign.
The Attorney-General reminded us that if the King died before the newParliament assembled, the old Parliament would revive.
Peel talked a good deal of the Regency. He is much in favour of making the Queen Regent for a year after the King's death, to provide for the possible pregnancy. It seems the principle of all Regencies has been to make the guardian of the person Regent. It is curious that the case should never have been provided for of a Queen being left pregnant of an heir apparent, and that it should never have occurred. The difficulty would be infinite.
I consider the death of the King to have been one of the fortunate events which have often saved the Duke of Wellington. I really do not know how we could have gone on, had he lived two months.
The King wishes to make Lord Combermere a Privy Councillor, thinking all gold sticks have been so. We find he is misinformed, and the Duke means to show him the list of gold-sticks not Privy Councillors, and at the same time to tell him how Lord Combermere stands, having within these few months been censured by the Government. The Duke will show the King the correspondence which passed lately, and leave it to him to decide. There would be no objection to making him a Privy Councillor some months or a year hence.
Brougham made a violent speech against Lord Conyngham for not being in readiness to swear in the House of Commons.
June 28.
Went to St. James's at eleven. The Household, the Royal family, and the Ministers only were there. The King was dressed in plain black. He went to a large window looking into the courtyard, and stood forward. There were but few people there at first, the Horse Guards and the Heralds. The King's band played God Save the King, and those who were there cheered, upon which numbers of people came round from before the Palace and filled the courtyard. They then cheered well.
As the King passed through the line we formed for him to go to the window he came up to me and said he must begin by chiding me for not coming to him yesterday. In fact he had forgot I was a Cabinet Minister, and he therefore would see me to-day. I said 'it was my first and I hoped it would be my last fault.' After the Proclamation he sent for the Duke of Wellington, and when the Duke left him, for me. He asked about China. I told him how we stood there. That there was an interruption which would probably prevent the arrival of any ships this year; that orders had been given for a double investment next year. I said the state of affairs generally was by no means satisfactory. The King said he was afraid Lord W. Bentinck had not been doing well. I said I feared he had let down the dignity of his office, and had when he first went there run after popularity too much, and allowed the press to get ahead. It would now be very difficult to check it. I added that he went to make great reductions and had made some. That that had rendered him unpopular. He was honest and well-meaning. The King said he should go down to Bushey soon, and as I was living near he would have me over at eleven o'clock some morning, and give me some hours to make him acquainted with the state of India. I told him of the secret letter to the Bengal Government about the Nagpore Treaty, and the principles laid down, of which he highly approved. He then expressed apprehension of Russia. I told him all that had been done upon that subject, and of the present to Runjeet Singh, and the navigation of the Indus, with all which he seemed much pleased. I said I would send him the secret letters, and get together information that would bring the whole state of India before him as concisely as possible. As I was led to mention Sir J. Macdonald, I asked a coat for him, and the King granted it, thinking it very proper.
The Duke attends the opening of the King's will at 12.
The late King died, as was thought, of fatness about the heart. The dropsy was gone.
Cabinet. We had none at St. James's, but there was a council. The Duke of Norfolk attended to be sworn in as a Privy Councillor. We found, on reference to the Act of last session, that he must have taken the oath within three months before his receiving any office of trust or profit. So, on my proposal, the Petty Bag was sent for, and the Chancellor held a court of Chancery in the ball-room, where the Duke took the oath. He was afterwards sworn in, as were the Duke of Bedford, Sir S. Canning, Sir J. Mackintosh, Lord Bexley, and two or three others who were not in time yesterday. There were a good many orders in council, but of no moment.
There was the usual proclamation against vice and immorality.
The King did very well. He was very gracious to all who approached him, and had something to say to every one. He took little notice of Sir. J. Mackintosh.
Lord Bathurst had to change a sheriff. The King, when he heard the name of the new one (sheriff of Suffolk, I think), said,'He is a Whig.'Lord Bathurst said, 'He is a very good man, I believe, Sir, and is recommended by the Duke of Grafton.' 'Oh!' said the King, 'I do not mean to say it is wrong; only remember,he is a Whig.'
After the council we went to Peel's, but we remained but a short time, the Duke going to the House and Peel too before 4. In our House not a word was said. In the Commons Brougham, who seems, as Frankland Lewis told me, half frantic, made rather an apologetic speech for his attack upon the Lord Steward, but again hinted at intentional disrespect towards the House of Commons, not on the part of Ministers in that House, but of persons elsewhere. He reminded Peel that whatever accession of strength Ministers might have recently obtained, they could not carry on the Government without the confidence of the House of Commons.
His speech was very mysterious, and hardly any one understood it. Some thought he alluded to the accession of Lord Grey to the Government; that must have rested upon foolish rumour. He alluded, I conclude, to the King's support, now well known. What symptoms of disrespect for the House of Commons he may have discovered I know not. Probably he chooses to imagine them, to produce an effect.
He is evidently mad with disappointment. He could not well be wooed in such a temper, even if he were to be wooed at all.
After the House I rode to leave my name at the Princess Augusta's, and forgot the Duke of Cumberland, who lives close by; then I went to the Duke of Gloucester's, where I met F. Lewis, who told me of Brougham's speech and so on. I went with Wood to the Princess Sophia of Gloucester's. He told me all the King said of the late King's error in not frankly supporting his Government, and of his own determination to do so. He had been long in the habit of saying, 'the Queen is not with child.' There had been a report to that effect. Rode to the Duchess of Kent's and Duke of Sussex's. Met Lord Graham, Mr. and Mrs. Arbuthnot, and the Chancellor. Rode on with the Chancellor to Kensington. As we were coming away from the Palace we heard the trampling of horses behind us, and turning round, saw the King coming full tilt with his lancers; we had but just time to wheel round and salute His Majesty, who seemed much amused at seeing two of his Ministers amongst all the little children who were running by his carriage, and the Chancellor, so lately in all the gravity of his official robes, mounted on a little white New Forest pony of Lady Lyndhurst's. I rode on to Roehampton, dined there, and rode back.
At 10 a Cabinet at Peel's. We framed the message. Peel was very flat. The measure of immediate dissolution is one he does not half approve. He wished to settle the Regency question. He has been put out of humour by having his opinions upon that point not at once acquiesced in. He sees all the difficulties of our position, and does not meet them with energy andelan. He certainly is not an agreeable person to transact business with, but he is a very able man.
The accounts from Ireland are very bad. The potatoes are exhausted atLimerick, Tralee, and other places, and the new crop will not come in tillAugust. At Limerick some stores have been forced, and the troops attackedwith stones.
At Tralee there was a subscription of 450£ for the purchase of potatoes; 300£ was expended, and the Mayor of Tralee and othergentlemenbought some of these potatoes, which were offered at a reduced price to the people, forseed! Can any country be tranquil in which resident gentlemen can do such things? A discretionary power has been given to the Lord Lieutenant to expend 3000£ in food, should it become necessary, without further reference.
About 180 peers have taken the oaths. I fear we shall be beaten upon the Forgery Bill; we have a very narrow margin indeed, not above six or eight without bishops. It is supposed the bishops will stay away. I fear those will stay away who would, if present, vote with us, and all who are against will come. If this should be the case we must be defeated.
The King was perfectly reasonable about Lord Combermere. The Duke showed His Majesty the letters which had passed, and the King said he should not think of it. He told Peel and Lord Melville he wished the Royal Academy to remain open till after the King's funeral, that he might see the exhibition, and said Peel should attend him when he went. This Peel thinks very foolish, and his disposition seems to be to turn the King into ridicule, and to throw the suspicion of insanity upon all his acts. This is thetactiqueof the Whigs. The King takes the Sacrament on Sunday, and has desired the two English and one Irish archbishop to attend. This they call 'an indication.'
June 29.
At half-past ten went to Lord Rosslyn's, to arrange with him the Lords' Address. Went with him to Peel's, to show it to him. He was reading when we went in, and hardly looked up. He heard the Address which I read, and approved of it; but he hardly took any notice of us or of it. He seemed really ill, and quite broken down.
Called on Hardinge. We had some conversation respecting the state of the Government. His idea is that the strength of the Government in the House of Commons is much injured by Peel's being in a subordinate situation to the Duke. That if he was Chancellor of the Exchequer and First Lord of the Treasury, things would go on better, the Duke taking a secretaryship of State. This would do very well in the House of Commons, but very ill in the Cabinet. He is for getting Mr. Stanley, and suggests (or Rosslyn did, or both, for having talked to both on the same subject I may confound them) that Lord F. Leveson should be made a peer. I think that a good idea. He is of no use in the Commons, and his peerage would open a place which Mr. Stanley could fill.
Rosslyn thinks Aberdeen's notions upon foreign politics have, together with his assumption of independence which is of recent date, made the Duke rather sore, and that he would not be sorry to have another Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Lord Rosslyn wants to have Lord Grey in, and says he would as soon be First Lord of the Admiralty as Foreign Secretary. Rosslyn would, I think, like to go to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant. He would willingly give up the Privy Seal to Aberdeen. He thinks Sir G. Murray would make an excellent Governor General. I fear he would be too indolent. He said he knew, if there was a vacancy, the Duke would be glad to make him Master General.
I had said I believed Lord Beresford would go to Portugal as Minister, if Miguel would be on good terms with us. It seems Goulburn would be glad to be Speaker. That would open a proper office for Herries, and his offices might be divided, Lord Althorpe having the Board of Trade.
I really think some arrangement must be made to give us strength in the House of Commons. Saw the Duke at two. He approved of the address. Rosslyn, was with him. I told him how ill Peel seemed. He said he would go to see him.
House. The Duke moved the Address. He gave a character of the late King as one of the most accomplished, able, and remarkable men of the age. I saw Lord Grey smile a little, but the House generally was grave and formal. Lord Grey assented to the Address, butlaissait entrevoirthat he should be hostile to the Address to-morrow, hinting at the Regency. The same thing was done in the Commons.
The Duke told me the late King had three disorders which must have proved fatal, and he died of bursting a blood-vessel in the stomach. He had a concretion as large as an orange in his bladder, his liver was diseased, and his heart was ossified. Water there was not much, and all proceeding from the interruption of circulation about the heart. I read the report, signed by Halford, Tierney, Brodie, and A. Cooper.
We had East Retford again. Lord Londonderry, whom Lord Durham puts forward as his tool, moved an adjournment. The question was postponed till Friday. Afterwards the Duke of Buckingham, when most peers had gone away, moved the same thing, and then Lord Londonderry twice. We had majorities but gave it up at last. The Chancellor is heartily tired of the whole thing. The Duke went away while Lord Londonderry was explaining in answer to his speech, to the noble Lord's great annoyance.
I rode home with the Duke, who spoke of Lord Londonderry as a madman. He said Peel had not taken a sufficiently high line. He did not like the position he stood in in the House of Commons. The Duke said no Government was ever beaten by its enemies, but many have been by their friends.
The King was very amenable and good-natured to-day.
June 30.
Occupied all the morning in looking at the precedents in the case ofregency. There are two modern contradictory precedents, 24 Geo. II. and 5Geo. III., and no experience of either, nor has there been a minority sinceEdward VI. in 1547.
It is clear the sovereign is sovereign whatever be his age, and the Act appointing a regent must have his assent. Whatever has at any time been done, has been done or sanctioned by Parliament. Parliament cannot supersede the Royal authority.
It is remarkable that Parliament in 1811 made provision for the care of the King's person in case of his death; but none for the care of the kingdom in the event of the Regent's death, although the Princess Charlotte was but fifteen.
House at 5. The Duke moved the Address in a very short speech, not adverting to the regency. Lord Grey followed and declared his opinion of the incapacity of Government as exhibited in their measures during the last five months. Goderich said 'nothing had been done,' and was for going on with the business. Lord Harrowby wished a short Regency Bill to be passed, giving the regency to the Queen for six weeks, to provide for the case of pregnancy. The Chancellor made a speech, not long, admitting the law to be as stated, that is, that the sovereign immediately on accession possessed all Royal power. Eldon spoke against us, and treated the question of a Kingen venire sa merewith jocularity. I followed, and observed gravely upon his jocularity on such a subject; then stated my view of the question, and expressed my regret and surprise at Lord Grey's declaration, added I was happy to know at last where we were, who were our friends and who were our enemies.
Then got up the Duke of Richmond, totally misrepresenting what I had said as to Lord Eldon and Lord Grey, and endeavouring to make them appear as personal attacks to which no gentleman could submit. Lord Londonderry followed in the same tone. (After the Duke of Richmond I explained that I had not attributed improper motives to Lord Grey, nor attacked Lord Eldon's character.) We had afterwards Lord Lansdowne, Lord Harewood giving his first vote for the Government after the Catholic Question, andthatbecause it was the first measure of the new King. A foolish reason, but I dare say many voted on the same ground. Lord Wharncliffe spoke against us, Lords Bute and Wicklow and the Duke of Buckingham for us, Lord Radnor shortly against. The Duke replied. Then Lord Grey spoke, and observed, of course, upon what I had said, but not angrily, and I made an explanation which was satisfactory, and set us quite right again. He had imagined me to say he owed a debt of gratitude to the Government for the measure of last session. I said he had expressed gratitude, but we had not claimed it, because we only did our duty. In the lobby during the debate Lord Jersey told me he was afraid Lord Grey might have misunderstood the meaning of what I said about gratitude, and begged me to set him right immediately if it was so.
We had 100 to 54. A very good division. We went, at ten, to Goulburn's to dinner, and expected soon to see the members of the House of Commons, and to hear of as good a division there as in the Lords, but after an hour we heard the division had only been 185 to 139. This made us a little flat, and Lord Bathurst drank no more champagne.
I intentionally committed the Government thoroughly with the Whigs, for after Lord Grey's declaration it was idle to expect a vote from them, and our people were pleased, as I knew they would be. The Duke of Bedford and Lord Jersey voted with us. So did Dudley.
I shall have work enough now, as they have ten or twelve speakers, and we but three.
July 1.
Looked over the debates on the Forgery Bill this morning. Committee at one. Examined a manufacturer of camlets and bombazines from Norwich. House. Forgery Bill. The Chancellor made an admirable speech, Lord Lansdowne followed him, then Lords Wynford, Tenterden, and Eldon all against the bill. We divided 77 to 20. The Duke was delighted, he said, 'How very right we were.' So said the Chancellor. Peel would have given it up. Now, I think one large majority will set public opinion right again. The Chancellor said all that was contained in Peel's two speeches and much more. Peel and Brougham were under the throne.
Lord Bathurst, with whom I walked home from the House at three, when we talked of Goulburn's becoming Speaker, suggested Hardinge as Chancellor of the Exchequer. He would be an excellent one.
I met Goulburn in the Park this morning. He did not seem much pleased with the House last night. I see there were strong words indeed in the second debate, Brougham talking of theparasitesof the Duke of Wellington. Peel asked whether he presumed to call him a parasite? There was great confusion, and it ended by Peel's making an explanation for Brougham, in which Brougham acquiesced. Several members, amongst the rest, I hear, Castlereagh, were going to call Brougham out.
In the House Lord Bathurst told me Wortley had stayed away from the division last night, and had sent in his resignation. Soon after I received a note from Wortley telling me so, expressing great regret that he could not vote for a course of measures which excluded a Regency Bill. His regret was increased by my kindness and encouragement. I have sent his letter to the Duke, having shown it to Lord Bathurst in the House. I wrote an answer to say I felt great regret at his not being able to adopt our line, and expressing my personal regret at losing him, and my acknowledgments for the assistance I had derived from him.
His father and father-in-law both voted against us last night. He says in his note he has taken his line entirely on his own view.
I had some talk with Dudley in the lobby of the House. I began by saying he had acted very handsomely by us. He said he was friendly to the Government, and above all things unfriendly to Lord Grey and the Duke of Newcastle. The motion of last night he called pure faction.
Salisbury told me he stayed away to-night not liking to vote against us, on account of yesterday's declaration of war. The Duke of Gordon told me he was much pleased with me last night. I do not, however, think I spoke as well as usual.
Bankes I had some talk with. He said the Duke of Cumberland was hostile to the Duchess of Kent and Leopold. He would prefer the Queen as Regent. He had been much with the King for the last six weeks, and there was a good understanding between them. Bankes asked if I had left my name with him. I told him I had, and I believed all the rest had. By some mistake of a servant the summons to the Privy Council did not reach the Duke of Cumberland till the day after the accession, and he was very angry. It had been sent to Kew. He is satisfied now. Goulburn has hit upon amezzo terminewhich answers for the present session. He has reduced the duty on West Indian sugar to 24,9., and on East Indian sugar to 32s. The duty on other sugar to be 63s. I did not fail to tell Dudley and Bankes in what strong terms the King had expressed his determination to support the Government. They were both 'colpiti.' Dudley had had no idea terms so strong had been used. He comes to the Council to be sworn in on Saturday.
July 2.
Chairs at eleven. They have sent a representation on the subject of the Kattywar draft, impugning, as I understand, for I have not yet read it, the power of the Board to give orders in the Secret Department which do not require secresy.
I told the Chairs distinctly that I intended to take upon the King'sGovernment the whole responsibility of the foreign policy of India.
I saw Wortley, who thanked me very much indeed for my note of yesterday evening. He was much distressed, and evidently regrets extremely that he has tendered his resignation. He adheres, however, to his opinion that the Regency question should have been settled at least provisionally before Parliament separated. He was going to see Peel and afterwards the Duke.
He told me the Government could not be conducted in the House of Commons unless some more Ministers would speak-that there must be a change.
I called at Hardinge's. He told me the same thing, and that he had talked about it to the Duke yesterday and made him promise to place the ministerial seats in the House of Commons at Peel's disposal. Hardinge is for having Edward Stanley. He spoke of Wilmot Horton, but he is not of Cabinet calibre. I think Hardinge is disposed to displace Murray rather than either of the others. He talked again of making Peel First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Duke Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs—Aberdeen going to Ireland. Aberdeen would not go there, I think. I told Hardinge Lord Bathurst had suggested him as Chancellor of the Exchequer. He would not hear of it.
It seems Brougham was almost drunk the other night. Hardinge and several others were getting up to question him when Peel stopped them. He pulled Hardinge down by the coat. Hardinge says Peel managed admirably.
In the House spoke to the Chancellor and Lord Bathurst, and told them I had heard we must have an addition of strength to the Treasury Bench. They both said they believed so too. Lord Bathurst again mentioned Hardinge.
Spoke to the Duke about Wortley. He said he had written a kind note to him, and told him he had been too hasty. He should have spoken to some of the Ministers first. The Duke evidently intends the thing to blow over.
Spoke to Lord Wharncliffe about the same thing. He said he would neither have voted nor have spoken against Government on Wednesday if he had had an idea of Wortley's resigning, because it gave the appearance of concert, and there really was none. He did not know of the letters till after they had been written. I said Lord Harrowby's taking the same line, both voting and speaking, gave the appearance of concert. He said he thought Wortley altogether wrong. That a young man, having joined a Government, had no right, for a difference on a single point, to resign. If he differed upon a system of policy it was another thing. I said I thought it would be allowed to blow over. He afterwards talked to the Duke, and I have no doubt Wortley will remain.
Lord Bathurst says W. Horton is a gentleman. I doubted it. He rather wishes to have Wilmot in office. But the person to be got is Mr. Stanley.
We had a discussion on a motion of Lord Londonderry's whether we should proceed with East Retford or not. I followed Lord Grey and spoke very quietly but, I think, reasonably, for going on. I said if we were obliged to postpone any measure, the last we should postpone should be one deeply interesting to the House of Commons and affecting their privileges.
I think we did all Peel could require. We had 45 to 13. I remained till eight, but I could stay no longer.
Lord Londonderry attacked me again, and said instead of planting a dagger in the side of Lord Grey I should have applied ahealing plaster!His comparative civility to the Government to-day was to conciliate their support to Sir R. Gresley for Durham.
The Duke told Hardinge yesterday I was always ready. I was a little too lively, but I was of great use.
July 3.
The King has done two popular things. He has allowed a passage to be made from Waterloo Place into the Park, and he has dismissed all the late King's French cooks! He will have no foreigners about him.
The foreign Ministers were all introduced to him to-day. He was very gracious, Aberdeen said, but he did not choose his topics quite so well as the late King, who had much tact and grace, neither does the King speak French well.
Lord Combermere came and had an audience to present a picture of the King of Delhi, painted by an Indian artist. It seemed not ill done, and had the appearance of an ordinary picture, but when placed against the light was a transparency. Lord Combermere did not remain long with the King, and when he came out he seemed annoyed. He remained some time, and the Duke was afraid he remained to be sworn in, in consequence of some incautious promise of the King. It was arranged that Buller, who had a list of the Privy Councillors, should turn him out with the rest who were not so, when the Council began. However, he went away a little before.
The Duke of Montrose has resigned, and the King has placed the office at the disposal of the Duke of Wellington.
Peel seems to think Lord Graham is dissatisfied and unfriendly. It seems he has been heard complaining of vacillation, &c., on the part of the Government, and does not attend well.
The Queen has named Lady Wellesley and Mrs. Berkeley Paget as two Ladies of the Bed-chamber. Valletort is to be in some high situation about the Queen. Lord Errol, her Master of the Horse.
I conclude Lord Conyngham will resign, but it is not known.
The Duke goes to Windsor to-morrow respecting the late King's papers, theDuke of Cumberland having meditated anenlèvement.
Peel thinks Brougham really rather mad, and would not be surprised to hear he was confined. Last year he was melancholy, and his friends andhe himselffeared he might commit suicide. Now he is in an excited state. Peel speaks of him as a most wonderful man in ability.
It seems that last night the leaders came down to make an attack, but the followers, not having been consulted, would not support. R. Gordon came over to Herries and said he should vote with Government. Hume, who in the morning had sent to ask Planta whether Government intended to oppose him for Middlesex (a question Planta was desired not to answer till the end of next week), was very civil, and disposed to let business pass. It is not impossible that the House of Commons may have done their business by this day week.
I am to look at the Beer Bill, and have already begun to read the Commons' debates upon it.
July 4.
Read all the debates on the Beer Bill, made notes, and considered the subject. The Queen seems to have selected her maids of honour from the neighbourhood of Bushey. This is amiable and very right.
July 5.
I proposed to Wortley, as Edward Stanley was an acquaintance of his, to give him a hint not to commit himself against the Government just now; but he says he does not know Stanley intimately enough.
I asked him whether he did not find the Duke of Wellington very kind. He really had the kindest heart of any man I ever knew. When I looked up I saw the tears in his eyes.
Clare told me he heard all the Whigs in our House, except Lord Lansdowne, were determined to push usà l'outrance; but Lord Lansdowne thought the Duke must endeavour to strengthen himself during the vacation. He could not do it now, as it would be a confession of weakness; but he thought he would do it before Parliament met. However, the others would not hear him.
There was a meeting at Lord Althorpe's yesterday, but I have not heard the result.
Talked to Clare about the affairs of Kattywar, and promised to give him precise instructions before he left England.
He will remain at Bombay, I think. He tells his mother three years, but he will remain till he has made some money and done something worth going there to do. He has got Elphinstone to make a list of the civil servantswith their characters.
The King took the sacrament yesterday with the Royal Family, and afterwards received the bishops and the judges. He made long speeches to both. Thirty minutes to the first, and twenty to the second.
Polignac seems quite firm, although certain he shall be in a minority of 1 to 2 or 3. It is expected he willevade, and that Villele may be able to go on with the new Chamber.
No news from Algiers. 15,000 men are assembled at Toulon as a reserve.
July 6.
Cabinet. Peel said the Lord Advocate would resign if we did not pass theScotch Judicature Bill, so we must struggle through with it. The WelshJudicature Bill is to be passed too. This will keep us sitting some time.The Commons will have finished on Friday.
House. We had the second reading of the Beer Bill. I said a few words to show the inaccuracy of one of Lord Malmesbury's conclusions; but I must speak in detail in the Committee.
July 7.
Last night we had 247 to 93, a great division. The Tories in general voting with us.
Looked over again all the papers relative to the Beer Bill.
In my way back from Roehampton met Lord Ravensworth, who told me the King had the gout, and that he had given the Guelphic ribbon to his three sons- in-law. He likewise told me what I knew before, that the Duke of Montrose had resigned.
I told him of the dismissal of the French cooks, which horrified him.
Cabinet dinner at Herries's. All the House of Commons pleased with their division. They got three county members to speak for others. The Whigs did not like the motion, and were unwilling to divide. Robert Grant divided the House. The King was delighted with the division.
He came to town to-day, almost for nothing, and received the Duke and others. He sent for Lord Rosslyn and told, him he had made his regiment the Queen's Own.
He has changed the uniform of the navy, which is to be blue with red cuffs and facings. He wore the uniform so to-day.
Aberdeen introduced Prince William of Prussia. The King desired him to stay, and said he should never receive foreigners except in his presence, and never but in his naval uniform. He should wear the military uniform now and then, but as little as possible.
All the cavalry are to be in red.
No news from Algiers. The Duke thinks they must be rather in want of provisions. The French are all in a state of sentiment, as Bourmont's second son has been dangerously wounded. Certainly the way in which it is mentioned in the dispatch is good, and indeed Bourmont, a very clever man, and first under fire with his four sons, will soon be popular with an army.
Polignac seems to be insensible rather than bold. He thinks all will go on well still.
The present intention is that we should all be in gala at the funeral, with black scarfs, &c.
I have asked several to dine at Roehampton and go from thence.
The Queen is to be present, I suppose, in the King's pew. The King is certainly to be chief mourner.
We had a great deal of talk after dinner about elections. I fear they have not been attended to in time. It is hoped Seaford will be conquered from Lord Seaford, and that the two Grants will be thrown out. We have nobody for Surrey and nobody for Middlesex.
July 8.
House. Answered the Duke of Richmond on the sale of Beer Bill. The Duke seemed very well satisfied, and the House was very attentive and cheered frequently. We had on a division 60 to 15.
July 9.
Lord Radnor made some observations upon the continuing of the Irish Arms Bill without explaining the reason, the Bill having been introduced in troublesome times and expiring at the end of this Session. Lord Grey supported him. It is clear Lord Durham and Lord Radnor evidently intend to make us look about us and not do work in a slovenly manner. I cannot find fault with them.
Lord Durham moved the printing of the Appropriation List, which was negatived without a division, as unusual; but I dare say he will ask questions as to some of the items.
July 10.
As I was coming home from the office I called on Hardinge. He considers the division to have been invaluable to us here and even to France. Certainly the French funds rose when it was known the present King held the same course as his predecessor. Hardinge thinks many men are disposed to support the Duke's Government under the idea that all sorts of calamities would attend the weak Government which must succeed it. He thinks Palmerston the best man to have in Goulburn's place, Goulburn going to the Speakership. He thinks W. Horton would be better than Frankland Lewis as his successor at the War Office, it being necessary in either case to get Lord F. Leveson into the House of Lords. Fitzgerald has written to Hardinge, and seems eager about politics. I wish he was well and could come into office again.
I do not know that the Duke or anybody would have any objection to Palmerston coming in by himself; but I doubt Huskisson's ever being in office again while the Duke lives. Neither will the Grants come in—indeed it is to be hoped they will both be turned out of their seats.
July 12.
Office. Backhouse brought the account of Sir J. Macdonald's expected death; the date, May 12. Sir Henry Willock will take charge of the missionad interim. He may be a sensible man, but the loss of Macdonald is severe. I do not know how we shall replace him.
Cabinet at 2. The business was the eternal slave question—what answer should be given to Brougham to-morrow. He is expected to propose some pledge of proceedinglegislativelyin the next session as to the admission of slave evidence and other points. A Bill has been prepared making slave evidence admissible, and it would probably have been introduced but for the early termination of the session. However, there seems to be great reluctance to embark in a contest with the Colonial legislatures. The foolish resolutions moved by Canning are deeply regretted. I was the only man who objected to them, when, two years after they had been found of no avail, it was proposed that the Lords should concur in them. Peel objects to any pledge on the part of Parliament, more particularly on the eve of a dissolution. It is thought thatby paying from our fundsfor an improved judicature in the West Indies we may induce the colonies to acquiesce in the admission of slave evidence, although imposed by the interposition of Parliament. I doubt it, and if we pass a law to which the colonies are adverse, which they will regard as beingno law, how are we to execute it? We may make judges and pay them, but we must procure submission to those judges, and further, we must makejurymen.
All these difficulties I foresaw when the Lords adopted the Commons' resolution; but I suppose Canning forced it upon Lord Bathurst and the Cabinet.
House at 5. Debate on the Scotch Judicature Bill. Lord Wynford made amiserable speech, which proved he knew nothing about the subject. TheChancellor was very angry with him, and once interrupted him improperly.The debate was dull, and there was no division.
July 13.
Went to St. James's at half-past one. A few Privy Councillors were there to be sworn in, amongst the rest the Duke of Hamilton.
The Duke of Wellington had to talk over the King about giving a lodge in Bushey Park to one of the FitzClarences for his life, and about gazetting the Queen's household. He found the King very reasonable indeed.
The King means to give his Ministers a grand dinner. He intends asking theSpeaker and the two Gold Sticks, butnotthethird, the Duke ofCumberland.
The Duke of Buckingham is Lord Steward. A bad appointment. The office of Lord Chamberlain was offered by the Duke of Wellington to the Duke of Bedford, Lord Rosslyn going to make the offer. The Duke of Bedford was much gratified, but declined on the ground of his health. The office was then offered to Lord Jersey, who accepted willingly.
House. The Chancellor made an excellent speech on the Welsh JudicatureBill, and it was read a second time without a further word. The ForgeryBill passed with a motion of Lord Holland'spro formâthat he mightprotest.
We had Sir Jonah Barrington for a short time. He is very roguish and sly.
There are no particulars yet of the capture of Algiers, except that the fleet co-operated.
The French seem to have been highly delighted.
July 15.
Sir G. Murray, Goulburn, and Herries came down to Roehampton at four to dinner. At five we set off for Windsor. The day was beautiful, and all the world made it a holiday. Carriages of all sorts and hackney coaches were on the road all the morning to Richmond. I never saw so many persons there, and chiefly of the class of shopkeepers. London was quite empty, but the Park quite covered with the people. It seemed to be a day of general recreation.
Arrived at Windsor at a quarter after seven. There were a few Lancers along the road from Frogmore, where the King and Queen were, but no crowd. Near the town there were a great many waggons. We turned to the right at the end of the Long Walk and drove through the park to the great gate of the Castle. Within the court were Horse and Foot Guards. We entered at the visitors' entrance, and went to St. George's Hall, where we all assembled. A great many were already come. They began forming the procession at half- past seven, and it was all formed so as to move before nine. I walked with Lord Hill. There were ten or twelve barons, a number of judges, six or eight bishops, and upon the whole a fair representation of the peerage and the Privy Council. There was a double line of Life Guardsmen within the castle, without Foot Guards, and the Blues in the chapel. We did not see the body as we passed. A screen of black concealed the room in which it lay in state. I imagine the King was in the room. As we returned it was open.
It struck nine as we came to the Round Tower. A rocket was fired as soon as the body moved, to give notice to Linden for the firing of the minute guns. The bands of the several regiments played the Dead March in Saul, &c., as the procession passed. The Foot Guards stood close together with arms reversed, every fifth man having a flambeau. The platform was, in most places, open on both sides. There was a good deal of air, but the night was warm. Had there been rain, or had it been cold, some must have died. There were but few people on the right of the platform in the inner court, but in the outer court there was a dense mass of people, and all the roofs were covered. There was hardly a whisper. All the people seemed very decent in their dress, and their conduct was perfect. The procession entered at the great door of the chapel and turned to the left, went down to the end of the aisle and then turned, facing the door of the inner chapel. In the space we thus went round were the Eton boys. In the chapel there were some persons on the right of the altar. I could not well see who they were, as there was a sort of haze, but they were all in uniform. With this exception the chapel was empty. We were all placed as we entered in the seats and stalls. The body was drawn upon a carriage. It was too heavy to be carried. The King had a vast number of attendants, such as equerries, &c. Half of them captains in the navy. The attendants pressed rather too close upon him. He was in black with the collars of all the orders. He nodded occasionally as he recognised people; but when his countenance was still he looked very grave. He is become very like his father. The assistant mourners, who were Lords Goderich, Sidmouth, Granville, Grantham, Carlisle, and some others, had no seats and stood during the service. The last who entered were the Guard, the colours preceding. These came half way into the aisle, the colours depressed. The colonels of the battalions and the general, Sir H. Vivian, came in with their caps on and swords drawn, and stood to the right and left of the King, but not near him. The banners were depressed on the two sides of the grave. Over the grave was a black canopy, on the top of which was an enormous crown. The music was good. The service was very ill-read by the Dean Hobart, and the Garter could not make himself heard when he recited the King's titles. Lord Jersey walked as Lord Chamberlain, Lord Conyngham as Steward. He broke his staff into the grave. Lord Cholmondeley was there as Lord Great Chamberlain, and sat on the left of the aisle in a stall opposite the passage. On the other side was the Earl Marshal. When all was over the King went out by the small door on the left near the King's closet, and so by the cloister to the platform. As soon as he appeared the Guard received him with presented arms and God Save the King. We all returned by the way we came. There was tea in St. George's Hall but we went on, and finding Goulburn's servant, followed him to the carriage, which was on the other side of the entrance gate, and so got away even before the King. We were at Roehampton by half-past one. The whole procession lasted about two hours and a half or rather less—that is, from the first move to the end.
It was very well arranged. Pohlman, our Deputy Black Rod, who is a Herald, was the acting person, and did his duty admirably. There was no interruption, no confusion, but everything managed as if we had been drilled and did the same thing every day. And so King George IV. is gone to his grave with all the pomp of royalty, and splendid the pageant was; but it was considered a mere pageant even by his household, who had lived so intimately with him for years. There was no regret. A coronation could hardly be gayer; but the procession was gravely done and decently.
The magnificence of the castle aided the spectacle and made royalty appear almost as imposing in death as at the moment when the Crown was assumed in the Abbey.
We had supper and they all went to London.
Huskisson and Palmerston were there. Huskisson very sulky and sour. Palmerston very cordial, as if he thought he might come in, I should be glad if he did.
It seems the Duke of Buckingham hints that he must have something more than the stewardship for his seven votes. No one likes his appointment, and we all feel as if an alliance with the Grenville party would bring us ill- luck.
July 16.
House. Administration of Justice Bill. A great many amendments made by Lord Tenterden. We struck out a clause by which Le Blanc would have been obliged to sit to tax costs every day in the year. Lord Eldon said the Bill as it was originally drawn was more like a string of resolutions at the London Tavern than an Act of Parliament.
The Attorney-General was very angry indeed at the alterations made in theBill, and threatened to throw it over in the House of Commons.
Nothing said about the Libel law; but Lord Holland is to say something on the third reading. Sir Jonah's case. W. Goady spoke. He spoke so slow, it was like a banker paying in sixpences to gain time. He was so dull I went away for fear of falling asleep. The Duke stayed and slept.