Nothing could be more perfect than the equipment of the army. They calculated the cost of the expedition at four millions.
I see by the newspapers that the Prince of Orange yielded the point of the colours to the deputation from Brussels. He seems to have conceded a great deal, but to have acted with great personal courage and decision. It is expected that the Commission he appointed have asked for the separation of Holland from Belgium, and the establishment of a Federal union only; two countries under one King with distinct legislatures, armies, &c. The great towns are quiet. Holland ready to march upon Brussels.
I shall not be satisfied unless some of the Bruxellois are hanged for pillage.
The answers of the King seem to have been firm and judicious.
It is impossible not to admire the constancy of the troops, who bivouacked for eight days in the park.
The French Government seems too weak or too timid to prevent outrage in Paris. The printers' devils will have no machinery for printing! It is entertaining to see those who make all revolutions suffer by them.
September 7.
Saw Greville at the Treasury. He told me he had got from Lord Chesterfield that Palmerston had no objection to come in. Lord Melbourne had; but they required the sacrifice of Aberdeen, Bathurst, and Arbuthnot. There must be some mistake about this condition. I told Greville if he could get afactto communicate it to the Duke.
It is feared the Prince of Orange is gone away to the Hague. He promisedColonel Jones he would be firm.
September 8.
The Prince of Orange certainly went to the Hague. He was received there enthusiastically. The proposition he takes is for Federal union. I fear he must submit to some modification of that, or encounter real opposition and civil war.
September 9.
Hardinge gives me rather an indifferent account of Ireland. Great animosity still existing between the Catholics and Protestants in thelowerranks; in the higher, peace. A revolutionary disposition raised in the middle classes by the example of Prance. Great dissatisfaction in consequence of the proposed taxation of last session.
He told the Duke, and so did Arbuthnot, that he might dispose of their offices if he wanted them. He seems to think Peel is tired and anxious to withdraw—annoyed at the idea of being unpopular, an idea the defeat of his brothers has given him. This makes him less energetic than he should be with respect to the measures necessary to strengthen himself in the House of Commons.
September 10.
It seems the desire of separation is general in the Netherlands. It is the result of national prejudice and vanity. The Dutch seem just as violent the other way, and the deputies were rather in danger at Rotterdam. The separation will probably defeat the objects of the great Powers in 1814, for it is idle to expect such terms of Federal union as will enable the two States to act cordially together.
September 11.
By withdrawing his troops from the palace, and going to the Hague, thePrince of Orange has ruined his cause. He has appeared to give it up.
September 13.
Read on my way to London the intelligence obtained by Lord Heytesbury relative to the Russian trade with Tartary and on the Caspian. It is very full and satisfactory.
The 'Times' has a sensible article on the state of France; the want of materials to form a constitutional monarchy, the growing dissatisfaction thatmoreis not done in a revolutionary sense, and the irresponsible power of a deliberative army of 800,000 men.
Ghent and Antwerp seem to cling to the connection between Holland andBelgium, and I begin to hope that if France is tranquil the Bruxellois andLiègeois may grow tired and become reasonable. Men cannot play atbarricades long when no one attacks them.
September 14.
House of Lords. I had to wait half an hour for the seals, which were carelessly carried off by Lady Lyndhurst in her carriage.
Talked to Rosslyn. He told me Aberdeen was led to expect another revolution in France. The paper they were going to prosecute was anaffichecalling upon the French people to overthrowl'aristocratie bourgeoise, which was as bad as the other, and to divide the lands.
In the Netherlands the people and their leaders are divided, and if Antwerp and Ghent, &c., remain firm, it signifies little what Brussels does. Brussels will be brought into terms by distress.
Rosslyn thinks some of the Whigs as well as of the Tories will be alarmed by events on the Continent and support Government.
He hears of no negotiations for accessions.
The people of Brunswick, very justly provoked, have turned the Duke [Footnote: This was the eccentric Duke who died a few years ago at Geneva, bequeathing his whole property to the city, who have erected a monument to him.] out of the town and burnt his palace. He escaped with ten Hussars. He deserves his fate. I believe he is mad. He is a completevaurien.
When Parliament is prorogued, as to-day, the peers are without their robes. The Chancellor was in his legal dress. The Commons appear without a summons by their clerks, and the Chancellor merely desires the proclamation to be read. However, as it is held,improperly,to be the first day of the sitting of Parliament, the return of the Scotch peers is laid on the table. All this is sanctioned by precedent, but contrary to reason.
September 20, 1830.
Wrote a long letter to Hardinge upon the political consequences of Huskisson's death, [Footnote: He was killed, as is well known, at the opening of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway.] urging the introduction of Palmerston and Stanley. The latter to Vent the junction of the Whig aristocracy with the Radicals.
I am sure, if measures are not taken immediately, we shall have all the Huskissonians, Whigs and Ultra-Tories (the last are insane), united against us.
Received from Sir J. Malcolm a letter with some enclosures about suttees. He has reluctantly and fearfully abolished suttee, making it culpable homicide to assist, and murder to force the victim. He has done it, I think, wisely by a repeal of a clause in one regulation and an amendment. Thus not putting it vainly forward as Lord William did in a pompous document.
He has abolished the Military Board, I believe, very wisely; but there may be a difficulty with the Duke, if I cannot do it without talking to him about it. I believe Sir J. Malcolm is quite right, and that there would have been no hope of preserving a system of real economy had the Military Board been permitted to remain.
I am curious to see his measure of checks on expenditure, that if it be good it may be adopted at the other Presidencies.
Received some letters from Lord W. Bentinck. Lord Dalhousie has been very ill, and the command of the army would fall, Lord William says, into the weakest hands, if anything happened to him.
The spirit of the army was becoming better, I gather from Lord William's letter, but it required much attention. I have been thinking all day of what measures may be adopted for improving it.
September 21.
Office. Read to Cabell my memorandum on the alterations which might be introduced into the army, which I wrote hurriedly this morning. He was long in the military department, and can be of much use. Cabinet room. I think the result of Lord Stuart's dispatches is that the moderate party are gaining strength. I should say the facts we see in the newspapers lead to a different conclusion.
The Ministers and the old leading members of the Chamber of Deputies act manfully against the crowd. Their declarations of intention are satisfactory. I really believe they mean to act honestly if they can.
Austria seems to have hesitated about the acknowledgment of the King of the French after the receipt of a dispatch from Petersburg, and Metternich, who seems to be growing weak, wavered after he had received General Belliard very cordially.
Prussia, that isthe King,hesitated about signing the letter to Louis Philippe when he heard of the doubts of Austria. The result, however, is that allentrainésby us will acknowledge; the Emperor of Russia, who was the most reluctant, having determined to do so if the others did. I should say there is this satisfactory conclusion to be drawn from what we have seen, that if France showed a disposition to aggrandise herself all Europe would be against her.
The object of the French Government is to place France exactly in the position in which she stood a fortnight before the ordonnances—that is, Talleyrand's wish, and he hasrédigéhis own instructions.
Read Aberdeen's letter, dated the 17th, stating the necessity of maintaining cordial intercourse with and between Spain and Portugal, and intimating that on the promulgation of an amnesty according to the terms recently communicated England will resume diplomatic relations with Miguel, but not otherwise.
Spain seems to be sensible. There was a movement of folly about Royalist volunteers which was put down, and the Government seems by no means disposed to give way to Absolutists. If the Queen should have a son Spain will probably be tranquil.
Talleyrand pretends the French will be reasonable about Algiers. I do not wish them to be so. I believe they could not have made a worse purchase. They will find the possession very expensive. Their troops will hate it, they will have nothing beyond their outposts, and it is no port.
My first opinion is strengthened, that they could not be worse than if they were left as they are.
September 24.
The populace and the burghers at Brussels have quarrelled, and fought a little. It seems the Liberals and the Catholics, [Footnote: They have formed the two opposing parties in the Belgian Chambers since the country became an independent State. They had temporarily united against Protestant Holland.] as the others are called, have been long diverging. The deputies and men of property, excepting M. de Stassart, have become alarmed. The Prince de Ligne and D'Aremberg and others have left Brussels. On the 21st, probably the 20th, in the evening a proclamation was published at Antwerp by Prince Frederick of Orange, noticing the excesses of the populace, and announcing that the troops would relieve the burgher guard. This must have been done in concert with the influential persons of the town who are alarmed for their property. The Liégeois are very violent. They will be expelled from Brussels. No more can get there, as the road is interrupted.
The Dutch have but 20,000 men, of whom the Belgians are as three to five. The Belgians had begun to desert, but they did not join the Bruxellois in any numbers. The hanging of some of the Brussels mob would have an excellent effect.
The Government of France seems to become weaker, and to permit things which discredit it.
A night or two ago someouvriersinsisted on going into the King's bedroom, after he was gone to sleep, woke him, and made him make a speech sitting up in his bed. Twelve departments have united against indirect taxes, and few pay those which are direct. Meanwhile, the Algerine treasure has been pillaged by the officers of the army, and ships clearing for Toulon go elsewhere to land it. They want a loan, while the fallen Government would have had a surplus. They will find the raising of a loan difficult. The French are displeased by the coldness of Austria and Prussia, and by the marching of Austrian and Prussian troops.
The King of Saxony has resigned, or rather he has associated his nephew with himself as Co-Regent; the brother waiving his claim to the throne.
The Landgrave of Hesse Cassel was met by a deputation requiring him to do a number of public acts, and amongst the rest the dismissal of all mistresses. It seems the Electoral Prince has one to whom he is going to be married.
The Duke of Brunswick lately galloped offlui Troisièmewhile his palace was burning!
These are odd times!
However, here people seem to be inclined to be quiet. Even the Common Council have by a large majority decided against congratulating or noticing the French people.
September 26.
Brandreth told me there was a report of the Belgian troops having entered Brussels, and of a great massacre. There will be news to-morrow as the wind is down.
September 27.
No direct news from Brussels yet. There has been fighting for two days, and it was known at Antwerp that the first regiment that entered was nearly destroyed. It seems the invitation of one section was a ruse.
There are to be no Cabinets for eight or ten days, the Civil List not being prepared. When we do meet we are not to separate.
There seems to be every expectation of a new Ministry in Paris, and in the revolutionary sense.
I saw Aberdeen. He rather expects it.
Read the report of the Commission appointed to form the articles of accusation against the Ministers. It is a party speech, with little points and prettinesses, affecting moderation, and full of rancour. It is a nation which has no idea of justice.
September 28.
Cabinet room. Dispatches of the 24th and 25th from Sir Ch. Bagot; but none from Mr. Cartwright. When Sir Ch. Bagot wrote last thirty hours had elapsed without official intelligence, although the distance is only thirteen hours. It was known there had been hard fighting, that it was necessary to take in succession every house in the Rue Neuve Royale, that the troops were in possession of the upper part of the town, and a proposition had been made by the lower town for a cessation of hostilities, after which they had recommenced.
It is evident the resistance has been most serious. 20,000 French are in the town, and these probably direct the defence. All clubs, and councils of all sorts, had ceased to have power two days before the attack. There has been perfect anarchy. The troops behaved admirably. They were much exasperated. No assistance had been sent by the country.
Aberdeen is confident the King's troops have been driven out, because no official accounts were sent. The Duke, and all the military men, say the non-arrival of dispatches proves nothing but that the affair was not over. During an engagement a general can think of nothing but victory. The importance of the result is incalculable.
At Paris the National Guard have dispersed a meeting of lookers on, who were led by curiosity to crowd about a riding school in which the Society of Les Amis du Peuple met the day after they were denounced by Guizot in the Chamber as agitating France. Two officers of the National Guard entered the riding school, and warned the meeting of the danger they were bringing upon public tranquillity. On the representation of the second they adjourned.
At dinner at Lord Rosslyn's the Duke said the French Government could not go on as it was. The chief of the National Guard necessarily commanded everything. The National Guard might become janissaries. I think the Government may go on as it isin form,but it will varyin substancefrom day to day. Management, a little good fortune, and a few examples of determination may make it a fair Government; a single error may produce anarchy.
The Duke gave an excellent account of the feeling at Liverpool, Manchester, and Birmingham. At Manchester it was better than at Birmingham, but there they received very coldly Tennyson's speech about giving them members, and at last put an end to it by striking their glasses with their knives, which made such a ringing that Tennyson was obliged to sit down. He deserved this for his bad taste.
The Duke was astonished by the machinery. Those who have witnessed the improvements of late years expect progressive improvements so great that they say a man who laid out 100,000£ now in the best machinery would, if he refused to adopt the new improvements they anticipate, be without profit in five years and be ruined in ten.
The rapidity of motion is so great in the steam carriages that even the Duke with his quick eyes could not see the figures on the posts which mark the distance at every quarter of a mile, and when two steam carriages crossed no face could be seen. [Footnote: This was on the Manchester and Liverpool Railway, then just opened, and describes the first impression made by railway travelling.] It was like the whizzing of a cannon ball. The cold is great, and they must have some defence against the wind, through which they pass so rapidly.
A new canal without locks, which brings coals to Birmingham in two hours, which by the old canal required nine, is more magnificent even than the railroad, splendid as that is. The railroad cost a million. For several days after it was opened the proprietors made 250£ a day.
The King has the gout. The Duke goes to Brighton to-morrow. We dine with him on Thursday. Cabinets will not begin till next week.
September 29.
No news in the newspaper from Brussels. No dispatches from Sir Ch. Bagot or Mr. Cartwright arrived at the office; but a gentleman who left Brussels at five on Sunday reports that they were then fighting in the town, but the troops had the worst of it.
The Consul at Ostend reports that the King's troops evacuated Brussels on Sunday night; that reinforcements from the country were pouring into Brussels; that there had been an attempt at insurrection at Ostend, which was put down for the time by the Governor, who killed two and wounded six; that eleven or twelve men had marched in from Bruges, which was in possession of the Bourgeois; that Ghent was expected to rise, and in a few days all Belgium would be separated from the King.
A son of Holmes of the Treasury arrived at the Foreign Office at four, and said he had left Ostend at three yesterday, when there was a report that the Dutch had made another attack and had recaptured the park.
It seems they never had more than the park. They had to take, and did take, the Rue Royale. They were more thoroughly masters of the Place Royale. They planted guns against the town, which were answered by guns from the rebels. At five on Sunday the latter were gradually advancing, and picking off the troops in the park.
The first day some rockets were fired and eighteen houses burnt; but Prince Frederick ordered the discontinuance of this, the only efficacious mode of attack.
Lord Blantyre was killed. He was lame and on a sofa, but curiosity led him to crawl to the window and peep out, when a ball struck him in the forehead. Lady Blantyre and his children were with him. He was much esteemed. He was in the Peninsula, and a gallant officer.
I think the employment of European officers in civil situations under native princes may be very useful to their subjects; and while we do not ourselves employ natives in high situations, to force all native princes to employ them is to make a striking contrast between their Government and ours, very injurious to ours.
Jones seemed to hesitate and to think I committed myself. However, I feel sure of my ground.
A letter from Lord Cleveland, expressing a wish to have the Vicarage ofIlchester, and offering an equivalent living in Shropshire, or Cheshire.
I sent his letter to the Bishop of Bath and Wells, saying I should be much obliged to him if he could make the arrangement, Lord Cleveland being a faithful and powerful supporter of Government.
Told Lord Cleveland I had transmitted his letter with a strong recommendation.
I made my letter as agreeable to the Bishop as I could, but I dare say he will refuse. Very likely he has given away the vicarage. I told Lord Cleveland I thought it probable.
September 30.
The Consul at Antwerp writes a long foolish letter in much alarm.
Mr. Cartwright's reports are come. He describes a horrible carnage. The events much as we know them. Sir A. Bagot says his Russian colleague has, with the consent of the King and the Dutch Ministers, written home to say Belgium can only be preserved by foreign aid.
At dinner at the Duke of Wellington's met Talleyrand and Vaudreuil. The others there were Aberdeen, Goulburn, Herries, Murray, Beresford, Lord F. Somerset, and Rosslyn.
Talleyrand is not altered since 1815, except that he speaks thick. He has not even changed his hairdresser or his tailor.
Lord Rosslyn showed me a letter from Lady Janet, who was in Brussels during the fight. She walked about frequently, and was treated with civility by the armed burghers. A few grape-shot fell into the courtyard, and she picked up one. She was at the Hotel de Brabant in the Rue Neuve. There was no pillage, nor any riot. The loss of the people was great. She left the town on Sunday (I think) with a passport from Count Hoogwoorst, and got round to Antwerp.
The troops are said to have lost only 600 men. Prince Frederick is about two leagues from Brussels, on the road to Louvain, waiting for heavy guns. This is the report. I suspect he will retreat altogether.
October 1.
On consideration thought it would be better to have a secret letter on the press, authorising the Government to allow their servants to be connected with the press. To this letter I thought it advisable to add an exhortation to redoubled zeal on the part of the Company's servants on account of the unsettled state in which the minds of men must be until it was decided under what form the future Government of India should be administered, and I directed the Government to make all thoroughly understand that no possible change could effect the public debt, or the rights of the natives or the just expectations of the European servants. My reason for thinking the officers of Government should be permitted to be concerned in the press is this, that if none but those who are unconnected with the Government, and who, according to the existing system, cannot be connected with it, manage the press, the probability is that everything will be said against the Government and nothing for it.
I showed the proposed letter to the Duke. He thought it would be better to pay people for writing than to employ the Company's servants, and that the concluding paragraphs would lead the Government to suppose it was quite decided that the Company should be put an end to. It is wonderful the sort of prejudice he has in favour of the Company. He thinks that unless Directors selected writers and cadets we should have an inferior sort of people in India. I have no objection to the patronage being in a corporate body, but I am satisfied the present system leads to a degree of delay which is more mischievous than misdirection. He acknowledges, however, that the service is much changed. The exhibition made by Courtenay Smith has produced a strong impression upon his mind. He has done more injury to the Company in his mind than all the evidence. He still seems unwilling to make his opinion up against the continuance of the monopoly. It must fall, however.
The King wishes to have Sir E. Barnes appointed provisional successor to Lord Dalhousie. The Duke thinks him a better man than Sir R. O'Callaghan, who was suggested by Lord F. Somerset. I suggested that it would be expedient to unite the influence of Governor-General with that of Commander-in-Chief, and make Lord William Bentinck provisional successor. The Duke seemed to think Lord William could not execute both duties, and that it was better to adhere to the general usage of separating the two offices. It seems that after Lord Hastings' return the Court intimated a disposition to separate the offices in future. I can do nothing against the King, the Duke, and the Horse Guards; but I am satisfied it would have been better to send Sir E. Barnes as second in command to the Governor-General.
The King (Lord F. Somerset told me) was desirous of doing away with the Company's European regiments. He could not do a better thing. He has likewise some notion of bringing the army under himself. The Duke thinks it must be alocal army,and certainly it must. [Footnote: In accordance with this view Lord Ellenborough opposed the eventual amalgamation of the Queen's and the Indian army.] I believe it is better to make it an army of three Presidencies, not one army. My doubt is whether it would not be advisable to allow exchanges from the King's army to the Company's. Everything would be beneficial that raised the tone of the Indian army.
The Duke showed me a draft letter he had written for Aberdeen to Lord Stuart, informing the French Government that the King of the Netherlands had required the assistance of his allies to re-establish his authority in Belgium. That it was as much the interest of France as of other Powers to put down a revolution not carried on by the higher or the middle, but by the lowest classes of the people. That we were desirous of concerting with France, as one of the contracting parties to the Treaty of Vienna, what course should be now adopted. It could not be supposed the Allies would forego the advantage of the union of Belgium and Holland for which they had sacrificed so much.
This was the substance of the letter. It will not be sent without the concurrence of the Cabinet, which will be summoned the moment Peel comes to town, and he is hourly expected.
I think this letter prudent, inasmuch as whatever may happen it will place us in the right; but I do not expect that France will do anything against the rebels, or sanction the doing of anything.
The Duke considers, as indeed is clear enough, that it is idle to expect the future submission of Belgium to the King of the Netherlands. It may be possible to place it under a Prince of the House of Nassau. I do not think the Duke sees his way; but he expects war.
October 2.
Cabinet. Aberdeen's letter to Lord Stuart. It is founded upon the Duke's memorandum, but much extendedà l'Indienne. I think none approved of it but Lord Bathurst. I objected to the statement that the treaty of 1815 imposed upon usobligations. It may give usrights, but it imposes no obligation. Then the principle of non-interference is advanced as just and wise, but there are peculiar circumstances attending the position of the Netherlands which make a difference.
There is an assertion that the troubles in Belgium have been fomented by French agency, although not assisted by the Government, and a direct reference is made to the Barrier Treaties. France is requested to concert with us and the Allies tosuppressthe anarchy which exists in the Low Countries. She is at the same time reminded that in no case can the Allies consent to renounce the security given to them by the Treaty of Paris in consequence of an insurrection amongst the lower orders at Brussels. Of this a great deal will be left out. Peel seemed to be rather averse to the whole tenor of the letter, which looks like an invitation to put down the insurrection by force. He sketched in a few words a letter which would be innocuous.
The Duke's object is to make an effort to induce France to act with us to settle the Belgian affairs amicably. They cannot be settledwithoutFrance, without a war. But is there any hope that the French Government will venture to give us herappui? If they be self-denying enough to renounce the hopes of annexing Belgium to France, their fears of the Jacobins will not allow them to do so. My expectation is that they will say they neither have interfered nor will interfere to dissolve the union between Holland and Belgium. That they will not interfere in the internal concerns of other States.
Some think they will go farther and declare they will not allow otherPowersto do so. I do not expect this.
Every word of this letter must be well weighed, for every discontented man in England and in France will criticise its words and its spirit. There is no writer more unsafe than Aberdeen.
Rosslyn did not seem to like the letter at all, but he said little. I whispered to Peel that I wished he would bring a letter to-morrow.Short. It was at last agreed alterations should be made, and we are to meet at one to-morrow.
Peel takes the letter home, and will, I trust, cut it down.
The King Charles X. is in danger of being arrested, of which he naturally has a great horror, and he desires to be allowed to go to Holyrood House, where he would be safe. At Lulworth they are afraid of the Due de Bordeaux being kidnapped. The pretence is the getting masters from Edinburgh for the children.
It may be feared that the placing him in a royal residence may look or be represented as looking like recognition. On the other hand his removal from the southern coast to Scotland is a renunciation of intrigues with France.
It would be inconvenient if the King should wish to go to Edinburgh next year. Charles X. is to be told he cannot stay there after the spring. However, he will probably live there all his life.
It would be a revolting sight to see a King imprisoned for debt, and all gentlemen, all men of feeling, would have cried outshame!
We are right in feeling, but in policy I am not sure.
Nieuport has fallen as well as Ostend. The Bruxellois are drilling, and threaten to attack Prince Frederick. Probably Van Holen drills them to keep them quiet.
Many people have applied to Falck [Footnote: Dutch Minister.] for passports for Brussels, going in reality to join the rebels. Today two Irish labourers asked for passports! Brussels will become the sink of Europe, and every unquiet spirit will go there.
The Duke thinks our attempt to make France act in concert with us the only chance of preserving peace.
I fear its preservation is almost desperate. One thing is in favour of it, that all the European States desire it yet more than we do.
I cautioned them to-day not to take any advanced position from which it would be difficult and discreditable to retreat. The people would not go in with us in a war to avert a distant danger, nor indeed for any object not commercially interesting.
It came out accidentally in the course of conversation respecting the loan to the Netherlands that we had lent 20,000£ to the Greeks; the sum to be repaid by bills to be drawn by our Commissioner whenever the loan we are to guarantee may be made—that is, we are to be paid out of our own money.
Of this loan I knew nothing, and my impression is that when it was earnestly pressed by Aberdeen such objections were stated on the ground of illegality that the decision was against it. Certainly nothing was decided in favour of it. I recollect having said I would rather advance a portion of the money myself than be a party to the transaction.
October 3.
Cabinet. The Consul at Ostend announces that nothing remains to the King of the Netherlands but Antwerp. The troops have everywhere laid down their arms. On the 1st the Brussels papers announce that orders had been issued by the provisional Government for arresting all the Dutch officers.
Peel read first the dispatch written by Aberdeen with the omissions agreed upon, and then his own substitutions. His is much the best. It speaks of 'composing troubles' instead of 'suppressing anarchy,' avoids all mention of interference, and altogether is a more prudent paper, touching the Barrier very slightly. It was understood that Peel's was adopted.
It is determined to allow the King, Charles X., to go to Holyrood House, but he will be told there is no furniture, or very little, and that he can only stay six months, and that no expense can be incurred on his account. He has admitted no one to an audience, but many have been to Lulworth to ask for places.
Talleyrand says they have found anébaucheof Polignac's, telling Bourmont that his proposal that the money taken at Algiers should be given to the Legion of Honour could not be complied with, as the King intended to distribute it amongst his most faithful friends. They pretend they do not intend to make use of this because there is no proof of its having been sent; in fact they do not use it because it reflects credit on Bourmont.
Lord Rosslyn, with whom I walked as far as Pimlico Palace, showed me the Treasury list of the House of Commons. 311 decided friends and 189 enemies- that is 500; the remainder, consisting of moderate Tories, violent Tories, good and bad doubtfuls, as well as Huskissonians (the latter 13), are more likely to be against us than for us.
Rosslyn still hankers after a coalition, but reform has made it impossible. We might have had this time last year Sir J. Graham. We might even now have Palmerston, [Footnote: It appears from Lord Palmerston's published papers that this was an error. He had already determined to act with the Whigs, and not to take office without Lord Grey and Lord Lansdowne. See Ashley'sLife of Lord Palmerston, vol. i. p. 211.] but the Duke seems determined to go on as he is, Peel and all, even Bathurst, seem to have a correct view of the danger; but I see no flinching.
October 4.
Saw the Duke. Suggested that we must soon consider what should be done with respect to the China trade. If we were to give up the monopoly we had better do so at once, on the first day of the Session, with a good grace, and not make ourselves appear to do it with reluctance. The Duke said we must certainly consider it. Had I talked with the Chairs about it? I said no. I had thought it best to wait till the Cabinet had come to a decision as to what should be done. I had privately advised them to turn over in their minds the plan of the Company going on with the Government slightly varied, but without monopoly.
The Duke said he could not make up his mind without hearing first what the Chairs had to say. I observed that if they, that is Astell, thought the Government hesitated, they would certainly say they could not go on without monopoly. However, the Duke seemed to think it was impossible for the question to come before the Cabinet before we had talked with the Chairs. So I have asked him and Loch to meet at the Treasury at twelve on Monday.
I should like to see Tucker and Stuart, but I must do it privately, as I have no principle to go upon in consulting with individual Directors.
The Duke seems very reluctant to give up the monopoly, and to have very exaggerated ideas of the value of the Company's intervention.
He showed me a letter he had received from Molé, in which he takes a very moderate view of the Belgian question. Expresses the most earnest desire for peace, as war would place everywhere the two extreme principles in conflict. France will not interfere, neither can she suffer others to interfere, in the internal affairs of the Netherlands. He hopes to be able to arrange everything amicably.
A letter the Duke showed me from Rothschild's brother is still more satisfactory if the view taken in it be correct. He says France will,with England and the Allies, amicably settle the question; but she will not have to be excluded.
He mentions Leopold as a probable King of Belgium.
The Court of Turin [Footnote: The first French Republic had made a similar non-recognition a plea for seizing Savoy.] seems to be in a great fright because the French Government took huff at their not recognizing at once. They were afraid to do so till they heard what the great Powers did.
M. de la Tour says they can bring 60,000 or 90,000 men into the field, ifGenoa is guarded for them by a fleet; but Genoa would require 14,000 men.On that place they must retreat.
The Spaniards seem to be going on well. They mean not to beempresséswith their recognition, but are advised not to be the last.
There have been insurrections at Hanau, Swerin, and I know not where else. The Diet intend to vary the law of the Empire and to allow any neighbour, whose assistance may be asked, to give it at once.
The Emperor of Russia received General Athalia very graciously, but he keeps him waiting for his answer. Lieven professes himself well satisfied with our reasons for immediate recognition. So does Metternich. In fact they cannot do without us, and if we lead they must follow.
October 5.
Cabinet. Goulburn's Civil List. He transfers to the Consolidated Fund all the salaries heretofore partly paid by the Civil List, and in diplomacy there is a reduction of 28,000£ a year.
It is supposed there can be no reduction in the great departments in the article of tradesmen's bills, or in the Board of Works.
The King gives up the Droits [Footnote: 'Droits of Admiralty.'] without any compensation. This is all a loss to the privy purse.
It seems possible to reduce perspectively many officers in England and in Ireland who do not really contribute to the state of the crown. This, however, did not occur to Goulburn but to Peel.
The account of Liege is very bad indeed. Things there seem going on in the style of the French Revolution.
Nothing can be better than the account from France. They will be pleased by the letter read to them. All they feared was the attempt to exclude them from all concert in the settlement of Belgium. They think neither the King nor Prince Frederick can return to Brussels; but the Prince of Orange may, and this will, I think, be finally settled.
October 6.
Council at 2. Talleyrand was presented. He backed to the window and read a speech in which there were several erasures. He declared the determination of France to pursue the course so wisely followed by England of non- interference. He spoke of himself as 'Ministre d'une Royaute votée à l'unanimité.'
The King did not much like receiving him, and was a little nervous. To what Talleyrand said about noninterference the King answered it was a very good thing, especially when exercisedde bonne foi. This he said by Aberdeen's advice.
I read the King of the Netherlands' letter. He asks distinctly formilitary assistance.
Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. The Prince of Orange is gone to Antwerp. This the Duke thinks the very worst step that could have been taken; the only mistake the King has made. In fact the King was unwilling, and ever since the affair of Brussels there has been a coolness between the King and the Prince. The Duke fears the consequences of the Prince's going, because he is a man devoted to popularity-vain. The Duke and Talleyrand were talking about popularity. The Duke said those who loved it never loved it with moderation. Talleyrand said, 'Il n'y a jamais de modération, où il n'y a pas degoût—et il n'y a pas de gout dans l'amour de la popularité!' The Duke asked Talleyrand what sort of a man the Duke of Orleans was. 'Un Prince de l'Ecole normale.' Of the Queen he said, 'Elle est bonne femme, et surtout grande dame—c'est ce qu'il nous faut.'
Talleyrand said he had given the King a piece of advice, 'to go toNeuilly'—that is, to rescue himself from the vagabond cortége.
Talleyrand is very well pleased with the letter sent to Paris, and the foreign Ministers are satisfied.
The King (our King) seemed to me to be very weary to-day. Aberdeen said he was a good deal distressed at the state of Europe, and rather anxious.
Lord and Lady Holland and Rothschild appear to be the only people besides the Ministers who have called on Talleyrand. Lord Holland is very much with him. Lord Holland is doing all he can to save the lives of the French Ministers—for the interest of the French Government, not of the Ministers themselves. He has written to La Fayette and to the King.
October 7.
I forgot on what authority it was mentioned yesterday, but it was mentioned as a fact that the Liberaux would not have done anything unless they had been certain of the Duke of Orleans. So afraid were they of a revolution that they would have submitted to the Ordonnances rather than run the risk of it.
October 9.
At Canterbury heard more particulars of the machine-breaking now going on in the neighbourhood. Notice is given, and the frames are broken. One gentleman boasted at market they should not break his, as he had armed men to protect them. They on the same night set fire to his rickyard. Sir Henry Oxenden's sons went out to meet them, when they came according to notice to break Sir Henry's machines. One man spoke for the rest. He acknowledged Sir Henry seldom or ever used his machine, and that he was the landlord in Kent who gave most to the poor; but they must do as they were ordered; they would, however, do as little as they could, and they only sawed off a shaft.
The farmers now leave their thrashing machines out in the fields to be broken.
The rickyard of one gentleman was set on fire because he committed a man for machine-breaking. He lost 6,000£, nothing being insured.
It seems suspicions are entertained that the machine-breakers are not all of the station they assume. They all wear smock frocks, but their language is better than their dress. When money was offered them, if they wanted it, by the Oxendens, they said they did not want money, they obeyed orders.
It is reported, but this must be an exaggeration, that 500 assembled lately on a Down near Mr. Brockman's.
The magistrates have no good evidence against any. Some Bow Street officers are here. Lord Winchelsea and Sir Edward Knatchbull have been here at every meeting of the magistrates, although they live eighteen miles off.
The Provisional Government of Belgium have declared the independence of thecountry and the defeazance of the House of Orange. In the meantime thePrince of Orange is arrived at Antwerp, as Viceroy, with a Belgian EtatMajor Civil.
It seems probable the Chamber of Deputies will abolish the punishment of death for political offences, and so save Polignac.
The levy of 108,000 men will hardly make the French army 240,000 effective, for it was not full before the Revolution, and numbers have deserted; besides the disbandment of the Guards, which was 25,000 men.
October 11.
Cabinet. Aberdeen read Lord Stuart's account of his interview with Molé. Molé suggests an immediate conference, and thinks the Prince of Orange may be made Sovereign of La Belgique. No communication will be held by the French Government with the Provisional Government of Belgium. They will communicate through the King.
It is proposed to have the Conference here. The Ministers of Austria,Prussia, and Russia have expressed their readiness to acquiesce in anythingproposed by this country. They may inveigh against the diplomacy ofEngland, but in moments of danger all rally under our wing.
Molé distinctly admitted that the existence of the present Government of France depended on its remaining on good terms with England and Prussia, and the affairs of Belgium gave them an opportunity of showingla droiture de leurs principes, &c.—in short, of gaining a good character.
It was decided against guaranteeing the sum of 500,000£ the Dutch wish to raise here. There would be no end to such loans if we once began to assist the credit of foreign States. Parliament would not approve of the measure. To the Dutch Government it is important that this Administration should remain, and likewise that their own credit should not be injured in all Europe by the confession of weakness which their recourse to us implies.
To guarantee a loan is to give money, and to do that is to assist one of the parties to lose the mediatory character, and, in fact, put ourselves out of the Congress.
Hardinge can reduce 57,000£ a year in net and on the Civil List, 30,000£ on the Pension List, and 27,000£ on officers of State.
We had some talk about details, but Goulburn does not reduce as much asHardinge.
Had some talk with the Duke and Peel respecting the fires in Kent, and the breaking of frames. Five are in prison. The Duke thinks smugglers are at the bottom of it.
There has been alarm at Carlisle. The officers in command of the castle apprehended an attempt to surprise it and seize the arms. Men had been seen measuring the wall. Sir J. Graham was alarmed about it. Orders will be given to provision for thirty days all the places where arms are kept, the town included, where there are 600,000 stand of arms. In the meantime all classes are more comfortable in this country than they ever were, and this alone keeps down insurrection. There are leaders but no troops.
Hardinge reports that the spirit in Ireland isdisimprovedsince the events in Belgium.
There is to be an Anti-Union Society, which, as soon as it meets, will be put down under the Act.
October 12.
At nine went to Apsley House. Met the Chairs. We went in to the Duke. Our conversation lasted two hours. As they are to send in aprocès verbal, it is unnecessary for me to state it. The substance was that, supposing the monopoly to be taken away, they would administer the Government of India as heretofore on one of two conditions; either closing their account with the public and receiving payment in full, or an equivalent annuity for all their property in India, in which case they would require no guarantee of the present dividend; or making over all their property, and taking a perpetual guarantee of the dividend.
The public to make good in either case all deficiency of Indian revenue, and in either case the Company to be the agents for the territory, providing all necessary sums here and receiving repayment at a rate of exchange to be paid from time to time fairly.
The Chairs were given to understand that the public being liable to the making good of Indian deficiency, we should require a strict control over the whole expenditurehere, as well as in India.
They show, especially Campbell, a disposition to leave off trading and become gentlemen. They were told by the Duke that if they did so we must be at liberty to revise our arrangement with them. We might as well go to the Bank as to them, if we were to treat with a body not commercial.
The Duke seems much pleased with his foreign prospects.
M. de Choiseul was waiting to see him. I suppose on the affair of HolyroodHouse.
It seems probable that the French will abolish the punishment of death, and so save Polignac.
October 14.
Found at the office several papers giving accounts of Radical meetings in Lancashire. All the old Radicals are reappearing on the scene. They do not as yet seem to be attended by any numerous assemblies, never above 200 or 300.
A letter from a clergyman at Wrotham speaks of burnings near that place, and of the bad conduct of the people who interfere with the working of the engines, and seem to rejoice in the destruction.
Read all the papers relating to the education of the Princess Victoria, who seems to have been admirably brought up.
At the Cabinet room read a long and excellent letter of Hardinge's respecting the state of Ireland.
The 87th Regiment at Newry, when paraded for church, refused to march without music, to which it had been accustomed in the south. It had been discontinued in the north to avoid displeasing the Orangemen.
The captain sent for the Lieutenant-Colonel Blair, who was at first disobeyed, but he placed a drum to have a drum-head court martial, and then they marched. The Duke says it is, and always has been, the worst regiment in the service. It ran away at Salamanca and exposed him to being taken prisoner. It has always been unmilitary, and from the same cause, a disposition to seek popularity on the part of its officers. Hardinge proposes embarking it at once for the West Indies. The Duke prefers bringing it to Dublin, where there are other regiments to keep it in order, and soon sending it to England, and by detachments at no distant period to Botany Bay. They do not expect there will be any further exhibition of mutinous spirit. The only mischief of this is the effect at this time.
There have been apprehensions of an attempt to scale the Pigeon House, and a full garrison has been ordered into it, with directions to add to its defences on the seaside so as to protect it from escalade.
Hardinge can bring twenty guns together in a very short time, at any point in Dublin. He talks of arming the students in Trinity College in the event of an explosion.
They rather expect an explosion about the 18th or 19th, when probably there will be the first meeting of the new Association.
This it will be the first object to put down by the Act of 1829. The meeting to petition for the repeal of the Union will be permitted.
Hardinge is quite himself on horseback. The only fear is that he should be too lively. Peel seems to think he is; but it is a great comfort to have him there instead of Lord Francis Leveson, who was always wrong.
The King of the Netherlands has called his States at the Hague, the Constitution requiring them to meet this year in Belgium. He takes advantage of the provision in the Constitution which permits him to call the States in Holland in case of war. They fear the loss of Antwerp. The Prince of Orange thinks things look better.
The Netherland Ambassador is much annoyed at the refusal of pecuniary assistance; but, as was expected, the Dutch have got their money, only paying a little more for it.
Our depots are only 160 strong. We have hardly a battalion. One or two at least of those which were going abroad will be retained for a time.
The Duke of Brunswick does not much like abdicating. The Duke of Wellington thought he had brought him to make his brother Governor-General for his life, retaining the succession for his children. However, Aberdeen seems to have blundered him back again. He is to go to see the King on Saturday. The King desired he might come early, that he might not be obliged to have him to dinner, and he desired Aberdeen would remain in the room.
Pozzo thinks the French Government is gaining strength; but they are very inefficient in preventing armed men from assembling on the frontiers of Spain.
The French have exercised such coldness towards the Belgians that they are become unpopular. De Potter was French while he had hopes of becoming so. Now he is a Republican.
The Austrians will send troops into the Sardinian dominions if there is any insurrection. [Footnote: They had similarly interfered to put down the Constitutional movement in Piedmont which followed on the Neapolitan revolution of 1821.] This by invitation.
The Queen of Spain has, it is said, a son. [Footnote: It was a daughter, afterwards Queen Isabella II., born October 10, 1830. The alteration of the succession in favour of the female line led to a civil war on Ferdinand VII.'s death. A son might have secured peace, but probably without a Constitution.] This event would, it is thought, secure Spain against any revolutionary movement.
October 15.
Called on the Duke. Settled with him the alterations necessary in the Chairs' memorandum of the conversation on the 12th. He thought we had gone too far in leading them to expect they should be repaid the money they had sunk in the territory while they held the Government.
Received from him the opium letter. He thinks the principle good, but considers it is not fair to make the Scindians prevent the transit of opium. We cannot prevent them, for they are independent; but unless we endeavour to persuade them, and succeed in doing so, we shall lose our opium revenue.
October 16.
Chairs at 11. Head over with them my alterations of their protocol. Astell did not seem to see the greatness of the variations. Campbell did, and particularly observed upon the words, 'value of the fixed property in India which might be adjudged to appertain to the Company in their commercial capacity.' He wanted an admission of the justice of the claims, leaving nothing for adjustment but their amount. I said we could not admit claims without examination, the nature of which we did not yet know. All we could admit was that the claims were such as should be submitted to examination, and their validity decided upon just principles.
Astell wished to go back again and recommence the discussion. I said he knew I could decide nothing without the Cabinet, and he nothing without the Court; all he had to do now was to bring the subject before them.
He asked whether they were distinctly to understand that the Cabinet had decided upon the termination of the monopoly? I said that the question not having yet been before the Cabinet I could not give an answer officially; but when the First Lord of the Treasury and the President of the Board of Control desired to know what the course of the Court would be in the event of its being proposed that the Court should administer the Government without monopoly, I thought it was not difficult to draw an inference.
October 19.
Sent to the Duke a memorandum on his letter. Read at the Cabinet room. The King of the Netherlands is much annoyed at the desertion, as he thinks it, of his allies. He now proposes a Congress of the Four Powers andFranceat Breda or Cleves. He admits France very unwillingly, and by no means acquiesces in the reasoning in favour of the advance we made.
Sir Ch. Bagot seems to think the Prince of Orange will be losing the affection of the Dutch without gaining the Belgians.
The German Confederation is arming in the neighbourhood of Hanau for the preservation of the peace. They have put 6,000 or 7,000 men in motion, and have a reserve of 15,000 or 18,000.
The excitement against Polignac and Peyronnet increases, and the Ministers run the hazard of their places by attempting to save them. I fear that is hopeless. The Spanish Radicals seem to find it would be dangerous to pass the frontier.
October 20.
Office. Cabinet room. The Prince of Orange has written a most offensive letter to the King of the French, almost insinuating that the troubles in Belgium are fomented by France, and saying that by a declaration against the Belgians France would show her good faith, and secure the recognition of Russia. The French Cabinet is much offended at the silence of the King of the Netherlands, and Count Molé is going to write to the Dutch Minister upon the subject.
Nesselrode seems to see great difficulties in the intervention of France in the settlement of Belgium—the union of Belgium and Holland having been madeagainstFrance. The Russian Minister at the Hague has general directions to follow the course of England upon all points not provided for by his instructions.
There is a great fall in the Funds to-day; partly, it is said, in consequence of those who desired to keep up the Funds being no longer able to do so; partly from the general aspect of affairs. My surprise is that the Funds have not fallen before, and much more.
Cabinet dinner at the Duke's. Showed the protocol of our Conference with the Chairs. The heads of the speech were read. Aberdeen's will not do at all. To my surprise he intended to announce the recognition of Miguel, he having engaged to do a great act of justice; that is, to publish the amnesty. He will not do it till a British Minister arrives at Lisbon; that is, he makes us, whom he has once deceived, dependent upon his word. This would be a very incautious step on our part. We meet on Friday to consider the speech in detail.
We had a good deal of conversation about the Duchess of Kent's allowance, which is to be much increased. It is proposed to give her 20,000£ a year. She has now 12,000£ for herself and the Princess, out of which she pays interest and insurance upon 12,000£ she borrowed on the Duke of Kent's death for her outfit.
The King has about thirty people at dinner every day, belonging to theHousehold. His expense must be enormous in living.
October 21.
Read in the newspaper the King of the Netherlands' speech. It is querulous and angry. I really thought the Proclamationextraordinaryof the Prince of Orange a forgery; but it is genuine, and he throws off all connection with Holland, declaring the independence of Belgium, and placing himself practically at the head of the Rebellion!
On Monday night at a dance at the Lodge, Hardinge saw accidentally in an evening newspaper, shown to him for another purpose, the advertisement of the Anti-Union Association, and by seven o'clock the next morning the Lord Lieutenant's Proclamation prohibiting it was placarded in the streets. This is decision. There was no riot. Persons in general were satisfied the act was right. O'Connell is alarmed. The Duke of Leinster is ready to sign a declaration in favour of the Union. All is safe in Ireland with Hardinge's promptitude. I wish he could remain and not come over to Parliament.
October 22.
Saw Campbell, who was very nervous and anxious, and I at night wrote a letter to Lord Hill in favour of his son—more, I admit, from a father's feelings than from a conviction of being right.
It seems the Lord Lieutenant not having been near Dublin when the Proclamation was issued by Hardinge, he must have had a blank Proclamation in his pocket, and have issued it without the opinion of the law officers. He has good debatable Parliamentary grounds of defence; but he has trodden upon the margin of the law. Not the worse for that in these times, when it is most important that every one should see the Government are vigilant and determined.
Valdez, who entered Spain with a few hundred men, has been smashed at once.
At the Cabinet we had a long discussion respecting the Regency question. Aberdeen started the objection that the proposed measure was destructive of the principle that the King could not die. On the other hand it was contended that we maintained that principle. We made a Regent fora King. We acknowledgeda King; but we deferred taking the oath of allegiance till we knew who he was. The difficulties attending theunkingingof a Sovereign on the birth of a Prince nearer to the present King seem greater than any attending the measure proposed. It was ultimately determined that the Chancellor should consult the judges and the law officers.
October 23.
Cabinet. Twenty-six magistrates at Canterbury sentenced to three days' imprisonment threshing machine breakers, who pleaded guilty! Such has been the terror struck into them! Sir E. Knatchbull was in the chair.
We went through the speech—not deciding absolutely upon the words; but generally upon the substance.
Then arose a conversation as to the Regency which, in this last hour, is thought a point of importance. The Chancellor seems alarmed and unwilling to move the suspension of the rights of the presumptive heir until the non- existence of an heir apparent be ascertained, without the opinion of the judges. It is admitted there is no written opinion to guide us. The analogy of property is in favour of the heir presumptive; that of peerage in favour of the heir apparentin utero.
October 24.
Cabinet at 4. Read two letters from Hardinge. By his account all the men of property will support the Government and the Union.
The press is coming round—bought. A Mr. Conway, an able writer, is furious against O'Connell, and, upon the whole, the Press is on our side. Hardinge dilates with delight upon his military preparations and plans of defence, and seemingly will be disappointed if he cannot put them into execution.
The Belgian Ministers resigned after the Prince of Orange's Proclamation. He is left without advisers. He has endeavoured to get Sir Charles Bagot to join him, and Grasioff. He sends for Cartwright. He seems much embarrassed. In fact he is in heart a Belgian, and would sacrifice everything to be King of Belgium. He never knew the Dutch, and not unnaturally likes the Belgians better. They are indignant at his conduct in Holland, and with reason. He seems to intend to rule the Dutch by means of the Belgians. This he cannot do.
The Duke of Wellington always thought him a silly fellow.
The Provisional Government is going to send some mission here.
We had a long talk about the Regency. Really it does us little credit to begin now, within ten days of the meeting of Parliament, to consider that question seriously.
The Chief Justices will be asked whether, supposing the Queen to be pregnant at the death of the King, the next living heir would succeed? How in the event of the birth of a child thede factoSovereign is to be put aside? And what should be done if the Queen only may be with child? The difficulty consists in the oath of allegiance, which must be altered and made conditional. But what a curious position the Queen Victoria would be placed in, if a baby were to oust her after eight months of reign!
I think the course adopted will be this—to make an oath of allegiance conditional, saving the rights of a child to be born; to appoint the Regent who would be named for the Princess Victoria, with the provision that on the birth of a child the child's mother shall be Regent.
October 25.
Cabinet at 4. Peel read letters he had received from Mr. Foster, the magistrate of Manchester, Mr. Hulton, of Hulton, and a manufacturer whose name I forget. They all give an alarming account of the state of Manchester. The colliers have turned out in some districts, and where they have turned out the mills are necessarily stopped. This has thrown numbers out of employment. These colliers can earn 10_s_. a day; that is, as much as many clergymen. The spinners can earn 5_s_. a day. Yet they turn out.
This seems to be a manoeuvre like that of Lafitte when he refused to discount bills. To stop the supply of coal is to throw all mills out of work, and every one out of employment. The question is, Shall the masters resist? If they do, there will be an early collision. If they do not, they may defer it, but not long. Concession was counselled six weeks ago, on the ground that, after the events in Belgium and in France, collision was dangerous; and this even by bold men. It seems there are 3,000 infantry, 3 guns, and about 600 or 800 cavalry near Manchester. Perhaps some howitzers may be sent, but more force there is not. Peel at the Cabinet wrote a letter to Mr. Taylor, saying that under ordinary circumstances he should have counselled resistance or rather non-concession; but now it was a doubtful question whether a collision at Manchester would not lead to collision in many other places, and was our force sufficient? He was desired to see Mr. Hulton, Sir E. Bouverie, and others, and to consider what could be done, particularly whether Volunteer Corps could be formed. The delegates who went to Mr. Chappell seem to be amenable to the law and get-at-able. This will be done.
The law officers came in and were asked as to the power of the Crown to permit the formation of Volunteer Corps. They were desired to consider the point. By the Act of 1794 there seems to be no doubt about it.
Hardinge is arrived. He has been calling out O'Connell. I am sorry for it, for O'Connell had declared he would not fight. O'Connell had called him the Duke's aide-de-camp. So far it does good, that it lowers O'Connell still more, and destroys the value of anything he might say against Hardinge.
October 26.
Called on Hardinge. He says the accounts from Manchester to-day are worse. In the House Lord Hill showed me a letter (from Sir E. Bouverie, I think), giving a very alarming account—30,000 out of work, and apprehension of early collision.
Parliament opened. Took the oaths. Office. Lord Dalhousie was so ill onJune 4 that I have no idea of his being now Commander-in-Chief in India.
Received a summons to a Cabinet at fourprecisely, and went to the Foreign Office; but nobody came. I think it must have been summoned to meet at Peel's house. The times are so critical that I should be sorry to lose a Cabinet. I could not find out that any summonses had been sent from the Foreign Office. There was a crowd of people in Downing Street, who had, I dare say, followed the Duke from the House of Lords. There were a good many about the House. All quite quiet.
October 27.
Levéeat two. Addresses from the Church of Scotland, and the Lord Mayor and Corporation of Dublin. Dr. Chalmers was with the Church of Scotland. The Recorder of Dublin, Mr. Shaw, who is member for Dublin, made a speech before he read the address—a thing quite unprecedented, and which might be very inconvenient. The speech itself was innocent. Thelevéeby no means full.
Peel had an audience of the King, and in half an hour the King slept twenty minutes. He says he never knew any man so much altered in three months. His somnolency increases. He slept during an interview with Aberdeen yesterday. When the Duke saw him he was alive enough.
Cabinet. Prince at the Chancellor's. Some conversation respecting the burnings in Kent. Peel thinks they were effected by a chemical process, by some substance deposited hours before, and igniting when the perpetrators are far off. The persons who met Lord Winchilsea expressed detestation of the burnings, and went away to break threshing machines, but a man who committed persons for breaking threshing machines had his ricks burnt; another suffered the same thing who defended his threshing machines. I believe the two offences to be committed by the same persons. The magistrates are supine and terror-struck; but they have no police, no military. Sir E. Knatchbull doubts whether they would arm as yeomen. Peel does not seem to me to view with sufficient alarm the effect these burnings will produce upon men's minds, and the example of impunity. Nothing was said about Manchester. All seemed to think less seriously of our dangers than they did some days back.