[112]William P. Van Ness,Examination of Charges against Aaron Burr, p. 61.
[112]William P. Van Ness,Examination of Charges against Aaron Burr, p. 61.
[113]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 586.
[113]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 586.
[114]Jefferson to Livingston, Feb. 24, 1801;Jefferson's Works, Vol. 4, p. 360.
[114]Jefferson to Livingston, Feb. 24, 1801;Jefferson's Works, Vol. 4, p. 360.
[115]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, p. 173.Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 113.
[115]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, p. 173.Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 113.
[116]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 229. Jefferson'sAnas;Works, Vol. 9, p. 207.
[116]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 229. Jefferson'sAnas;Works, Vol. 9, p. 207.
[117]"When the Senate met at ten o'clock on the morning of March 4, 1801, Aaron Burr stood at the desk, and having duly sworn to support the Constitution took his seat in the chair as Vice President. This quiet, gentlemanly and rather dignified figure, hardly taller than Madison, and dressed in much the same manner, impressed with favour all who first met him. An aristocrat imbued in the morality of Lord Chesterfield and Napoleon Bonaparte, Colonel Burr was the chosen head of Northern democracy, idol of the wards of New York City, and aspirant to the highest offices he could reach by means legal or beyond the law; for, as he pleased himself with saying after the manner of the First Consul of the French Republic, 'great souls care little for small morals.'"—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 195.
[117]"When the Senate met at ten o'clock on the morning of March 4, 1801, Aaron Burr stood at the desk, and having duly sworn to support the Constitution took his seat in the chair as Vice President. This quiet, gentlemanly and rather dignified figure, hardly taller than Madison, and dressed in much the same manner, impressed with favour all who first met him. An aristocrat imbued in the morality of Lord Chesterfield and Napoleon Bonaparte, Colonel Burr was the chosen head of Northern democracy, idol of the wards of New York City, and aspirant to the highest offices he could reach by means legal or beyond the law; for, as he pleased himself with saying after the manner of the First Consul of the French Republic, 'great souls care little for small morals.'"—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 195.
[118]"Mr. Oswald returned to Paris on the fourth of May (1782), having been absent sixteen days; during which Dr. Franklin informed each of his colleagues of what had occurred—Mr. Jay, at Madrid, Mr. Adams, in Holland—Mr. Laurens, on parole, in London."—James Parton,Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin, Vol. 2, p. 461. Franklin wrote to Adams and Laurens on April 20, suggesting that he had "hinted that, if England should make us a voluntary offer of Canada, expressly for that purpose, it might have a good effect."Works of Franklin(Sparks), Vol. 9, pp. 253-256. But his letter to Jay simply urged the latter's coming to Paris at once.Works of Franklin(Bigelow), Vol. 8, p. 48. Also,Works of Franklin(Sparks), Vol. 9, p. 254.
[118]"Mr. Oswald returned to Paris on the fourth of May (1782), having been absent sixteen days; during which Dr. Franklin informed each of his colleagues of what had occurred—Mr. Jay, at Madrid, Mr. Adams, in Holland—Mr. Laurens, on parole, in London."—James Parton,Life and Times of Benjamin Franklin, Vol. 2, p. 461. Franklin wrote to Adams and Laurens on April 20, suggesting that he had "hinted that, if England should make us a voluntary offer of Canada, expressly for that purpose, it might have a good effect."Works of Franklin(Sparks), Vol. 9, pp. 253-256. But his letter to Jay simply urged the latter's coming to Paris at once.Works of Franklin(Bigelow), Vol. 8, p. 48. Also,Works of Franklin(Sparks), Vol. 9, p. 254.
[119]George Clinton, 24,808; Stephen Van Rensselaer, 20,843.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[119]George Clinton, 24,808; Stephen Van Rensselaer, 20,843.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[120]"Young DeWitt Clinton and his friend Ambrose Spencer controlled this Council, and they were not persons who affected scruple in matters of political self-interest. They swept the Federalists out of every office even down to that of auctioneer, and without regard to appearances, even against the protests of the Governor, installed their own friends and family connections in power."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, pp. 228, 229. "DeWitt Clinton was hardly less responsible than Burr himself for lowering the standard of New York politics, and indirectly that of the nation."—Ibid., p. 112.
[120]"Young DeWitt Clinton and his friend Ambrose Spencer controlled this Council, and they were not persons who affected scruple in matters of political self-interest. They swept the Federalists out of every office even down to that of auctioneer, and without regard to appearances, even against the protests of the Governor, installed their own friends and family connections in power."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, pp. 228, 229. "DeWitt Clinton was hardly less responsible than Burr himself for lowering the standard of New York politics, and indirectly that of the nation."—Ibid., p. 112.
[121]Letters of "Aristides", p. 42.
[121]Letters of "Aristides", p. 42.
[122]Letters of "Aristides", p. 42.
[122]Letters of "Aristides", p. 42.
[123]Letters of "Aristides", p. 69.
[123]Letters of "Aristides", p. 69.
[124]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 1, p. 177.
[124]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 1, p. 177.
[125]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, pp. 294-5.
[125]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, pp. 294-5.
[126]"All the world knew that not Cheetham, but DeWitt Clinton, thus dragged the Vice President from his chair, and that not Burr's vices but his influence made his crimes heinous; that behind DeWitt Clinton stood the Virginia dynasty, dangling Burr's office in the eyes of the Clinton family, and lavishing honours and money on the Livingstons. All this was as clear to Burr and his friends as though it was embodied in an Act of Congress."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, pp. 331, 332.
[126]"All the world knew that not Cheetham, but DeWitt Clinton, thus dragged the Vice President from his chair, and that not Burr's vices but his influence made his crimes heinous; that behind DeWitt Clinton stood the Virginia dynasty, dangling Burr's office in the eyes of the Clinton family, and lavishing honours and money on the Livingstons. All this was as clear to Burr and his friends as though it was embodied in an Act of Congress."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, pp. 331, 332.
[127]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 332.
[127]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 332.
[128]Ibid., 332.Writing to Henry Post of the duel, Clinton (using the name, "Clinton," instead of the pronoun "I") said: "The affair of the duel ought not to be brought up. It was a silly affair. Clinton ought to have declined the challenge of the bully, and have challenged the principal, who was Burr. There were five shots, the antagonist wounded twice, and fell. C. behaved with cool courage, and after the affair was over challenged Burr on the field."—Harper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 565. "How Clinton should have challenged Burr on the field," writes John Bigelow, inHarper's New Monthly Magazinefor May, 1875, "without its resulting in a meeting is not quite intelligible to us now. Though not much given to the redress of personal grievances in that way, Burr was the last man to leave a hostile message from an adversary like Clinton, then a Senator of the United States, unanswered."
[128]Ibid., 332.
Writing to Henry Post of the duel, Clinton (using the name, "Clinton," instead of the pronoun "I") said: "The affair of the duel ought not to be brought up. It was a silly affair. Clinton ought to have declined the challenge of the bully, and have challenged the principal, who was Burr. There were five shots, the antagonist wounded twice, and fell. C. behaved with cool courage, and after the affair was over challenged Burr on the field."—Harper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 565. "How Clinton should have challenged Burr on the field," writes John Bigelow, inHarper's New Monthly Magazinefor May, 1875, "without its resulting in a meeting is not quite intelligible to us now. Though not much given to the redress of personal grievances in that way, Burr was the last man to leave a hostile message from an adversary like Clinton, then a Senator of the United States, unanswered."
[129]"Thompson was brought," says William Cullen Bryant inReminiscences of the Evening Post, "to his sister's house in town; he was laid at the door; the bell was rung; the family came out and found him bleeding and near his death. He refused to name his antagonist, or give any account of the affair, declaring that everything which had been done was honourably done, and desired that no attempt should be made to seek out or molest his adversary."
[129]"Thompson was brought," says William Cullen Bryant inReminiscences of the Evening Post, "to his sister's house in town; he was laid at the door; the bell was rung; the family came out and found him bleeding and near his death. He refused to name his antagonist, or give any account of the affair, declaring that everything which had been done was honourably done, and desired that no attempt should be made to seek out or molest his adversary."
[130]"DeWitt Clinton was annoyed at his uncle's conduct, and tried to prevent the withdrawal by again calling Jefferson to his aid and alarming him with fear of Burr. But the President declined to interfere. No real confidence ever existed between Jefferson and the Clintons."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, pp. 173, 174.
[130]"DeWitt Clinton was annoyed at his uncle's conduct, and tried to prevent the withdrawal by again calling Jefferson to his aid and alarming him with fear of Burr. But the President declined to interfere. No real confidence ever existed between Jefferson and the Clintons."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, pp. 173, 174.
[131]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 35.
[131]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 35.
[132]H.C. Lodge,Life of Alexander Hamilton, pp. 276-7.
[132]H.C. Lodge,Life of Alexander Hamilton, pp. 276-7.
[133]H.C. Lodge,Life of Alexander Hamilton, pp. 240-1.
[133]H.C. Lodge,Life of Alexander Hamilton, pp. 240-1.
[134]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 570.
[134]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 570.
[135]January 29, 1804; Lodge'sCabot, p. 337.
[135]January 29, 1804; Lodge'sCabot, p. 337.
[136]Ibid., p. 447.
[136]Ibid., p. 447.
[137]New England Federalism, p. 148.
[137]New England Federalism, p. 148.
[138]Hamilton's History, Vol. 7, p. 781;New England Federalism, p. 354.
[138]Hamilton's History, Vol. 7, p. 781;New England Federalism, p. 354.
[139]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, p. 180. "Pickering and Griswold could win their game only by bartering their souls; they must invoke the Mephistopheles of politics, Aaron Burr. To this they had made up their minds from the beginning. Burr's four years of office were drawing to a close. He had not a chance of regaining a commanding place among Republicans, for he was bankrupt in private and public character."—Ibid., p. 171.
[139]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, p. 180. "Pickering and Griswold could win their game only by bartering their souls; they must invoke the Mephistopheles of politics, Aaron Burr. To this they had made up their minds from the beginning. Burr's four years of office were drawing to a close. He had not a chance of regaining a commanding place among Republicans, for he was bankrupt in private and public character."—Ibid., p. 171.
[140]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 7, p. 325. "The struggle for control between Hamilton and the conspirators lasted to the eve of the election,—secret, stifled, mysterious; the intrigue of men afraid to avow their aims, and seeming rather driven by their own passions than guided by lofty and unselfish motives."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, p. 184.
[140]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 7, p. 325. "The struggle for control between Hamilton and the conspirators lasted to the eve of the election,—secret, stifled, mysterious; the intrigue of men afraid to avow their aims, and seeming rather driven by their own passions than guided by lofty and unselfish motives."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, p. 184.
[141]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 608.
[141]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 608.
[142]Morgan Lewis, 30,829; Aaron Burr, 22,139.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[142]Morgan Lewis, 30,829; Aaron Burr, 22,139.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[143]"That all Hamilton's doings were known to Burr could hardly be doubted. He was not a vindictive man, but this was the second time Hamilton had stood in his way and vilified his character. Burr could have no reason to suppose that Hamilton was deeply loved; for he knew that four-fifths of the Federal party had adopted his own leadership when pitted against Hamilton's in the late election, and he knew, too, that Pickering, Griswold, and other leading Federalists had separated from Hamilton in the hope of making Burr himself the chief of a Northern confederacy. Burr never cared for the past,—the present and future were his only thoughts; but his future in politics depended on his breaking somewhere through the line of his personal enemies; and Hamilton stood first in his path, for Hamilton would certainly renew at every critical moment the tactics which had twice cost Burr his prize."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, pp. 185, 186.
[143]"That all Hamilton's doings were known to Burr could hardly be doubted. He was not a vindictive man, but this was the second time Hamilton had stood in his way and vilified his character. Burr could have no reason to suppose that Hamilton was deeply loved; for he knew that four-fifths of the Federal party had adopted his own leadership when pitted against Hamilton's in the late election, and he knew, too, that Pickering, Griswold, and other leading Federalists had separated from Hamilton in the hope of making Burr himself the chief of a Northern confederacy. Burr never cared for the past,—the present and future were his only thoughts; but his future in politics depended on his breaking somewhere through the line of his personal enemies; and Hamilton stood first in his path, for Hamilton would certainly renew at every critical moment the tactics which had twice cost Burr his prize."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, pp. 185, 186.
[144]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 617.
[144]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 617.
[145]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 618.
[145]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 618.
[146]Ibid., p. 621.
[146]Ibid., p. 621.
[147]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, pp. 626-8.
[147]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, pp. 626-8.
[148]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 615. Letter to Theo. Sedgwick.
[148]Hamilton's Works(Lodge), Vol. 8, p. 615. Letter to Theo. Sedgwick.
[149]William Kent,Life of James Kent, appendix, p. 328.
[149]William Kent,Life of James Kent, appendix, p. 328.
[150]"Orators, ministers, and newspapers exhausted themselves in execration of Burr."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, p. 190.
[150]"Orators, ministers, and newspapers exhausted themselves in execration of Burr."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 2, p. 190.
[151]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 370.
[151]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 370.
[152]Alfred B. Street,New York Council of Revision, p. 429.
[152]Alfred B. Street,New York Council of Revision, p. 429.
[153]Daniel D. Tompkins, 35,074; Morgan Lewis, 30,989.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[153]Daniel D. Tompkins, 35,074; Morgan Lewis, 30,989.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[154]Jefferson to Colonel Taylor, August 1, 1807;Works, v., 148.
[154]Jefferson to Colonel Taylor, August 1, 1807;Works, v., 148.
[155]Governor's Speeches.January 26, 1808, p. 98.
[155]Governor's Speeches.January 26, 1808, p. 98.
[156]Daniel D. Tompkins, 43,094; Jonas Platt, 36,484.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[156]Daniel D. Tompkins, 43,094; Jonas Platt, 36,484.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[157]"This, in the opinion of the Council, as a novel experiment, the result whereof, as to its influence on the community, must be merely speculative and uncertain, peculiarly requires the application of the policy which has heretofore uniformly obtained—that the powers of corporations relative to their money operations, should be of limited instead of perpetual duration."—Alfred B. Street,New York Council of Revision, p. 423.
[157]"This, in the opinion of the Council, as a novel experiment, the result whereof, as to its influence on the community, must be merely speculative and uncertain, peculiarly requires the application of the policy which has heretofore uniformly obtained—that the powers of corporations relative to their money operations, should be of limited instead of perpetual duration."—Alfred B. Street,New York Council of Revision, p. 423.
[158]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 1. Appendix, p. 583, Note J.
[158]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 1. Appendix, p. 583, Note J.
[159]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 1. Appendix, p. 582, Note S.
[159]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 1. Appendix, p. 582, Note S.
[160]Alfred B. Street,New York Council of Revision, p. 427.
[160]Alfred B. Street,New York Council of Revision, p. 427.
[161]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 2. Appendix, p. 582.
[161]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 2. Appendix, p. 582.
[162]Governors' Speeches, January 28, 1812, pp. 115-8.
[162]Governors' Speeches, January 28, 1812, pp. 115-8.
[163]Alfred B. Street,New York Council of Revision, p. 432.
[163]Alfred B. Street,New York Council of Revision, p. 432.
[164]Of ninety-eight senators and representatives who voted, on June 18, 1812, for a declaration of war against England, seventy-six, or four less than a majority, resided south of the Delaware. No Northern State except Pennsylvania declared for war, while every Southern State except Kentucky voted solidly for it.
[164]Of ninety-eight senators and representatives who voted, on June 18, 1812, for a declaration of war against England, seventy-six, or four less than a majority, resided south of the Delaware. No Northern State except Pennsylvania declared for war, while every Southern State except Kentucky voted solidly for it.
[165]Madison to Jefferson, April 24, 1812,Writings, Vol. 2, p. 532.
[165]Madison to Jefferson, April 24, 1812,Writings, Vol. 2, p. 532.
[166]"This unusual unanimity among the New York Republicans pointed to a growing jealousy of Virginia, which threatened to end in revival of the old alliance between New York and New England."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 6, p. 215. "George Clinton, who had yielded unwillingly to Jefferson, held Madison in contempt."—Ibid., Vol. 4, p. 227.
[166]"This unusual unanimity among the New York Republicans pointed to a growing jealousy of Virginia, which threatened to end in revival of the old alliance between New York and New England."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 6, p. 215. "George Clinton, who had yielded unwillingly to Jefferson, held Madison in contempt."—Ibid., Vol. 4, p. 227.
[167]"No canvass for the Presidency was ever less creditable than that of DeWitt Clinton in 1812. Seeking war votes for the reason that he favoured more vigorous prosecution of the war; asking support from peace Republicans because Madison had plunged the country into war without preparation; bargaining for Federalist votes as the price of bringing about a peace; or coquetting with all parties in the atmosphere of bribery in bank charters—Clinton strove to make up a majority which had no element of union but himself and money."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 6, p. 410.
[167]"No canvass for the Presidency was ever less creditable than that of DeWitt Clinton in 1812. Seeking war votes for the reason that he favoured more vigorous prosecution of the war; asking support from peace Republicans because Madison had plunged the country into war without preparation; bargaining for Federalist votes as the price of bringing about a peace; or coquetting with all parties in the atmosphere of bribery in bank charters—Clinton strove to make up a majority which had no element of union but himself and money."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 6, p. 410.
[168]Rufus King,Life and Correspondence, Vol. 5, p. 269.
[168]Rufus King,Life and Correspondence, Vol. 5, p. 269.
[169]Ibid., Vol. 5, p. 271.
[169]Ibid., Vol. 5, p. 271.
[170]Rufus King,Life and Correspondence, Vol. 5, p. 281.
[170]Rufus King,Life and Correspondence, Vol. 5, p. 281.
[171]Rufus King,Life and Correspondence, Vol. 5, pp. 281-4.
[171]Rufus King,Life and Correspondence, Vol. 5, pp. 281-4.
[172]Ibid., Vol. 5, p. 283.
[172]Ibid., Vol. 5, p. 283.
[173]William Allen Butler,Address on Martin Van Buren(1862).
[173]William Allen Butler,Address on Martin Van Buren(1862).
[174]"DeWitt Clinton was classed by most persons as a reckless political gambler, but Martin Van Buren, when he intrigued, preferred to intrigue upon the strongest side. Yet one feeling was natural to every New York politician, whether a Clinton or a Livingston, Burrite, Federalist, or Republican,—all equally disliked Virginia; and this innate jealousy gave to the career of Martin Van Buren for forty years a bias which perplexed his contemporaries, and stood in singular contradiction to the soft and supple nature he seemed in all else to show."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 6, pp. 409, 410.
[174]"DeWitt Clinton was classed by most persons as a reckless political gambler, but Martin Van Buren, when he intrigued, preferred to intrigue upon the strongest side. Yet one feeling was natural to every New York politician, whether a Clinton or a Livingston, Burrite, Federalist, or Republican,—all equally disliked Virginia; and this innate jealousy gave to the career of Martin Van Buren for forty years a bias which perplexed his contemporaries, and stood in singular contradiction to the soft and supple nature he seemed in all else to show."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 6, pp. 409, 410.
[175]Jefferson to Madison, Nov. 5, 1812;Jefferson MSS. Series V., Vol. XV.
[175]Jefferson to Madison, Nov. 5, 1812;Jefferson MSS. Series V., Vol. XV.
[176]Daniel D. Tompkins, 43,324; Stephen Van Rensselaer, 39,718.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[176]Daniel D. Tompkins, 43,324; Stephen Van Rensselaer, 39,718.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[177]Winfield Scott,Autobiography, p. 94,note.
[177]Winfield Scott,Autobiography, p. 94,note.
[178]Message;Niles, Vol. 7, p. 113.
[178]Message;Niles, Vol. 7, p. 113.
[179]Report of Oct. 8, 1814;Niles, Vol. 7, p. 149.
[179]Report of Oct. 8, 1814;Niles, Vol. 7, p. 149.
[180]Gouverneur Morris to Timothy Pickering, Dec. 22, 1814,Morris's Works, Vol. 3, p. 324.
[180]Gouverneur Morris to Timothy Pickering, Dec. 22, 1814,Morris's Works, Vol. 3, p. 324.
[181]"Among the least violent of Federalists was James Lloyd, recently United States senator from Massachusetts. To John Randolph's letter, remonstrating against the Hartford Convention, Lloyd advised the Virginians to coerce Madison into retirement, and to place Rufus King in the Presidency as the alternative to a fatal issue. The assertion of such an alternative showed how desperate the situation was believed by the moderate Federalists to be."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 8, p. 306.
[181]"Among the least violent of Federalists was James Lloyd, recently United States senator from Massachusetts. To John Randolph's letter, remonstrating against the Hartford Convention, Lloyd advised the Virginians to coerce Madison into retirement, and to place Rufus King in the Presidency as the alternative to a fatal issue. The assertion of such an alternative showed how desperate the situation was believed by the moderate Federalists to be."—Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 8, p. 306.
[182]Edward M. Shepard,Martin Van Buren, p. 62.
[182]Edward M. Shepard,Martin Van Buren, p. 62.
[183]Daniel D. Tompkins, 45,412; Rufus King, 38,647.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[183]Daniel D. Tompkins, 45,412; Rufus King, 38,647.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[184]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 8, p. 163.
[184]Henry Adams,History of the United States, Vol. 8, p. 163.
[185]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 411.
[185]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 411.
[186]Ibid., Vol. 50, p. 411.
[186]Ibid., Vol. 50, p. 411.
[187]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 97.
[187]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 97.
[188]Governors' Speeches, February 2, 1816, p. 132.
[188]Governors' Speeches, February 2, 1816, p. 132.
[189]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 412.
[189]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 412.
[190]DeWitt Clinton, 43,310; Peter B. Porter, 1479.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[190]DeWitt Clinton, 43,310; Peter B. Porter, 1479.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[191]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 412.
[191]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 412.
[192]Charles R. King,The Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 102.
[192]Charles R. King,The Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 102.
[193]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 417.
[193]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 417.
[194]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 251.
[194]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 251.
[195]Edward M. Shepard,Life of Van Buren, p. 71.
[195]Edward M. Shepard,Life of Van Buren, p. 71.
[196]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 412-7, 563-71.
[196]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 412-7, 563-71.
[197]Martin Van Buren to Rufus King, January 19, 1820; Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 252.
[197]Martin Van Buren to Rufus King, January 19, 1820; Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 252.
[198]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 254.
[198]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 254.
[199]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 252.
[199]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 252.
[200]Ibid., Vol. 6, p. 263.
[200]Ibid., Vol. 6, p. 263.
[201]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 267.
[201]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 267.
[202]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 331.
[202]Charles R. King,Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Vol. 6, p. 331.
[203]Ibid., Vol. 6, p. 332.
[203]Ibid., Vol. 6, p. 332.
[204]DeWitt Clinton to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 413.
[204]DeWitt Clinton to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 413.
[205]DeWitt Clinton, 47,444; Daniel D. Tompkins, 45,990.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[205]DeWitt Clinton, 47,444; Daniel D. Tompkins, 45,990.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[206]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 413.
[206]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 413.
[207]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 413.
[207]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 413.
[208]Governors' Speeches, November 7, 1820, p. 179.
[208]Governors' Speeches, November 7, 1820, p. 179.
[209]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 413.
[209]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 413.
[210]Ibid., Vol. 50, p. 413.
[210]Ibid., Vol. 50, p. 413.
[211]Ibid., Vol. 50, p. 414.
[211]Ibid., Vol. 50, p. 414.
[212]Ibid., Vol. 50, p. 415.
[212]Ibid., Vol. 50, p. 415.
[213]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 415.Clearly discerning Van Buren as his most formidable competitor for political leadership, Clinton's letters to Post from 1817 to 1824 abound in vituperative allusions, as, for example: "Whom shall we appoint to defeat the arch scoundrel Van Buren?" November 30, 1820. "Of his cowardice there can be no doubt. He is lowering daily in public opinion, and is emphatically a corrupt scoundrel," August 30, 1820. "Van Buren is now excessively hated out of the State as well as in it. There is no doubt of a corrupt sale of the vote of the State, although it cannot be proved in a court of justice," August 6, 1824. "We can place no reliance upon the goodwill of Van Buren. In his politics he is a confirmed knave." And again: "With respect to Van Buren, there is no developing the man. He is a scoundrel of the first magnitude, ... without any fixture of principle or really of virtue." "Van Buren must be conquered through his fears. He has no heart, no sincerity."
[213]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 415.
Clearly discerning Van Buren as his most formidable competitor for political leadership, Clinton's letters to Post from 1817 to 1824 abound in vituperative allusions, as, for example: "Whom shall we appoint to defeat the arch scoundrel Van Buren?" November 30, 1820. "Of his cowardice there can be no doubt. He is lowering daily in public opinion, and is emphatically a corrupt scoundrel," August 30, 1820. "Van Buren is now excessively hated out of the State as well as in it. There is no doubt of a corrupt sale of the vote of the State, although it cannot be proved in a court of justice," August 6, 1824. "We can place no reliance upon the goodwill of Van Buren. In his politics he is a confirmed knave." And again: "With respect to Van Buren, there is no developing the man. He is a scoundrel of the first magnitude, ... without any fixture of principle or really of virtue." "Van Buren must be conquered through his fears. He has no heart, no sincerity."
[214]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 414.
[214]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 414.
[215]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 36.
[215]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 36.
[216]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 1, p. 103.
[216]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 1, p. 103.
[217]"Always an honoured citizen of New York, it has seemed fitting that the highest mountain-peak in the State by bearing his name should serve as a monument to his memory."—James F. Rhodes,History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 247.
[217]"Always an honoured citizen of New York, it has seemed fitting that the highest mountain-peak in the State by bearing his name should serve as a monument to his memory."—James F. Rhodes,History of the United States, Vol. 1, p. 247.
[218]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 415.
[218]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 415.
[219]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 2, p. 34.
[219]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 2, p. 34.
[220]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 2, p. 101.
[220]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 2, p. 101.
[221]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 86.
[221]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 86.
[222]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 507.
[222]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 507.
[223]Ibid., p. 565.
[223]Ibid., p. 565.
[224]Ibid., p. 565.
[224]Ibid., p. 565.
[225]Southwick received 2910 out of a total of 131,403 votes cast.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[225]Southwick received 2910 out of a total of 131,403 votes cast.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[226]Governors Speeches, Aug. 2, 1824, p. 218.
[226]Governors Speeches, Aug. 2, 1824, p. 218.
[227]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 568.
[227]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 568.
[228]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 109.
[228]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 109.
[229]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 110.
[229]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 110.
[230]Ibid., p. 114.
[230]Ibid., p. 114.
[231]Ibid., p. 113.
[231]Ibid., p. 113.
[232]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 569. Clinton seems to have taken a particular dislike to Henry Wheaton. Elsewhere, he writes to Post: "There is but one opinion about Wheaton, and that is that he is a pitiful scoundrel."—Ibid., p. 417.
[232]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 569. Clinton seems to have taken a particular dislike to Henry Wheaton. Elsewhere, he writes to Post: "There is but one opinion about Wheaton, and that is that he is a pitiful scoundrel."—Ibid., p. 417.
[233]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 120.
[233]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 120.
[234]DeWitt Clinton, 103,452; Samuel Young, 87,093.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[234]DeWitt Clinton, 103,452; Samuel Young, 87,093.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.
[235]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 568.
[235]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 568.
[236]Ibid., Vol. 50, p. 586.
[236]Ibid., Vol. 50, p. 586.
[237]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 568.
[237]DeWitt Clinton's Letters to Henry Post, inHarper's Magazine, Vol. 50, p. 568.
[238]Ibid., p. 568.
[238]Ibid., p. 568.
[239]Ibid., p. 569.
[239]Ibid., p. 569.
[240]Ibid., p. 569.
[240]Ibid., p. 569.