Chapter 27

[1]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 103.

[2]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 31.

[3]"Many years ago I was riding with Gerrit Smith in northern New York. He suddenly stopped the carriage, and, looking around for a few minutes, said: 'We are now on some of my poor land, familiarly known as the John Brown tract;' and he then added, 'I own eight hundred thousand acres, of which this is a part, and all in one piece.' Everybody knows that his father purchased the most of it at sales by the comptrollers of state for unpaid taxes. He said he owned land in fifty-six of the sixty counties in New York. He was also a landlord in other States."—H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, p. 189.

[4]Horace Greeley,The American Conflict, Vol. 1, p. 122,note.

[5]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 319.

[6]Governors' Messages, January 5, 1836.

[7]"When the bill came to a vote in the Senate, although there was really a substantial majority against it, a tie was skilfully arranged to compel Van Buren, as Vice President, to give the casting vote. White, the Southern Democratic candidate so seriously menacing him, was in the Senate, and voted for the bill. Van Buren must, it was supposed, offend the pro-slavery men by voting against the bill, or offend the North and perhaps bruise his conscience by voting for it. When the roll was being called, Van Buren, so Benton tells us, was out of the chair, walking behind the colonnade at the rear of the Vice President's seat. Calhoun, fearful lest he might escape the ordeal, eagerly asked where he was, and told the sergeant-at-arms to look for him. But Van Buren was ready, and at once stepped to his chair and voted for the bill. His close friend, Silas Wright of New York, also voted for it. Benton says he deemed both the votes to be political and given from policy. So they probably were.... Van Buren never deserved to be called a 'Northern man with Southern principles.' But this vote came nearer to an excuse for the epithet than did any other act of his career."—Edward M. Shepard,Life of Martin Van Buren, p. 277.

[8]William L. Marcy, 166,122; Jesse Buel, 136,648—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.

[9]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 366.

[10]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 373.

[11]Ibid., p. 374.

[12]"Apart from politics, I liked Seward, though not blind to his faults. His natural instincts were humane and progressive. He hated slavery and all its belongings, though a seeming necessity constrained him to write, in 1838, to this intensely pro-slavery city, a pro-slavery letter, which was at war with his real, or at least with his subsequent convictions. Though of Democratic parentage, he had been an Adams man, an anti-Mason, and was now thoroughly a Whig. The policy of more extensive and vigorous internal improvement had no more zealous champion. By nature, genial and averse to pomp, ceremony, and formality, few public men of his early prime were better calculated to attract and fascinate young men of his own party, and holding views accordant on most points with his.... Weed was of coarser mould and fibre than Seward—tall, robust, dark-featured, shrewd, resolute, and not over-scrupulous—keen-sighted, though not far-seeing."—Horace Greeley,Recollections of a Busy Life, pp. 311, 312.

[13]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 60.

[14]Ibid., p. 61.

[15]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 61.

[16]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 466.

[17]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 97.

[18]William H. Seward, 192,882; William L. Marcy, 182,461.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.

[19]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 379.

[20]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 61.

[21]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 63. F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 381.

[22]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 72.

[23]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 1, p. 423.

[24]Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 97.

[25]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 642.

[26]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 100.

[27]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 395.

[28]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 459.

[29]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 73.

[30]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 1, p. 461.

[31]Ibid., Vol. 2, p. 86.

[32]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 483.

[33]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 77.

[34]William H. Seward, 222,011; William C. Bouck, 216,808.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.

[35]"Seward had faults, which his accession to power soon displayed in bold relief. His natural tendencies were toward a government not merely paternal, but prodigal—one which, in its multiform endeavours to make every one prosperous, if not rich, was very likely to whelm all in general embarrassment, if not in general bankruptcy. Few governors have favoured, few senators voted for more unwisely lavish expenditures than he. Above the suspicion of voting money into his own pocket, he has a rooted dislike to opposing a project or bill whereby any of his attached friends are to profit. And, conceited as we all are, I think most men exceed him in the art of concealing from others their overweening faith in their own sagacity and discernment."—Horace Greeley,Recollections of a Busy Life, p. 312.

[36]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 547.

[37]"For four days the debate on a bill for the enlargement of the canals shed darkness rather than light over the subject, and the chamber grew murky. One morning a tallish man, past middle age, with iron-gray locks drooping on his shoulders, and wearing a mixed suit of plain clothes, took the floor. I noticed that pens, newspapers, and all else were laid down, and every eye fixed on the speaker. I supposed he was some quaint old joker from the backwoods, who was going to afford the House a little fun. The first sentences arrested my attention. A beam of light shot through the darkness, and I began to get glimpses of the question at issue. Soon a broad belt of sunshine spread over the chamber. 'Who is he?' I asked a member. 'Michael Hoffman,' was the reply. He spoke for an hour, and though his manner was quiet and his diction simple, he was so methodical and lucid in his argument that, where all had appeared confused before, everything now seemed clear."—H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, p. 173.

[38]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 1, p. 34.

[39]William C. Bouck, 208,072; Luther Bradish, 186,091.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.

[40]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 96.

[41]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 627.

[42]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 412.

[43]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 412.

[44]"One morning Hoffman rose to reply to Seymour, but on learning that he was ill he refused to deliver his speech for two or three days, till Seymour was able to be in his seat."—H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, p. 175.

[45]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 441.

[46]Edward M. Shepard,Life of Martin Van Buren, p. 407.

[47]"Judge Fine, Mr. Butler, and other members of the New York delegation, reposed great confidence in the opinions and statements of Mr. Cave Johnson, of Tennessee. He frequently met with the delegation, and expressed himself in the strongest terms of personal and political friendship towards Mr. Van Buren and Mr. Wright. He said he regretted that the Democratic convention in Tennessee had not named Mr. Van Buren as the candidate. So strong was the confidence in Mr. Johnson as a friend of Mr. Van Buren, that he was apprised of all our plans in regard to the organisation of the convention, and was requested to nominate Gov. Hubbard of New Hampshire, as temporary chairman. But when the convention assembled Gen. Saunders of North Carolina called the convention to order and nominated Hendrick B. Wright, of Pennsylvania, a friend of Mr. Buchanan, as temporary president. Messrs. Walker, Saunders, and Cave Johnson were the principal managers for the delegates from the southern section of the Union."—Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 447.

[48]"The danger of Van Buren's difference with Jackson it was sought to avert. Butler visited Jackson at the Hermitage, and doubtless showed him for what sinister end he had been used. Jackson did not withdraw his approval of annexation; but publicly declared his regard for Van Buren to be so great, his confidence in Van Buren's love of country to be so strengthened by long intimacy, that no difference about Texas could change his opinion. But the work of Calhoun and Robert J. Walker had been too well done."—Edward M. Shepard,Life of Martin Van Buren, p. 407.

[49]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 444.

[50]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 450."The real contest took place over the adoption of the rule requiring a two-thirds vote for the nomination. For it was through this rule that enough Southern members, chosen before Van Buren's letter, were to escape obedience to their instructions to vote for him. Robert J. Walker, then a senator from Mississippi, a man of interesting history and large ability, led the Southerners. He quoted the precedent of 1832 when Van Buren had been nominated for the Vice Presidency under the two-thirds rule, and that of 1835, when he had been nominated for the Presidency. These nominations had led to victory. In 1840 the rule had not been adopted. Without this rule, he said amid angry excitement, the party would yield to those whose motto seemed to be 'rule or ruin.' Butler, Daniel S. Dickinson, and Marcus Morton led the Northern ranks.... Morton said that under the majority rule Jefferson had been nominated; that rule had governed state, county, and township conventions. Butler admitted that under the rule Van Buren would not be nominated, although a majority of the convention was known to be for him. In 1832 and 1835 the two-thirds rule had prevailed because it was certainly known who would be nominated; and the rule operated to aid not to defeat the majority. If the rule were adopted, it would be by the votes of States which were not Democratic, and would bring 'dismemberment and final breaking up of the party.' Walker laughed at Butler's 'tall vaulting' from the floor; and, refusing to shrink from the Van Buren issue, he protested against New York dictation, and warningly said that, if Van Buren were nominated, Clay would be elected."—Edward M. Shepard,Life of Martin Van Buren, p. 408.

[50]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 450.

"The real contest took place over the adoption of the rule requiring a two-thirds vote for the nomination. For it was through this rule that enough Southern members, chosen before Van Buren's letter, were to escape obedience to their instructions to vote for him. Robert J. Walker, then a senator from Mississippi, a man of interesting history and large ability, led the Southerners. He quoted the precedent of 1832 when Van Buren had been nominated for the Vice Presidency under the two-thirds rule, and that of 1835, when he had been nominated for the Presidency. These nominations had led to victory. In 1840 the rule had not been adopted. Without this rule, he said amid angry excitement, the party would yield to those whose motto seemed to be 'rule or ruin.' Butler, Daniel S. Dickinson, and Marcus Morton led the Northern ranks.... Morton said that under the majority rule Jefferson had been nominated; that rule had governed state, county, and township conventions. Butler admitted that under the rule Van Buren would not be nominated, although a majority of the convention was known to be for him. In 1832 and 1835 the two-thirds rule had prevailed because it was certainly known who would be nominated; and the rule operated to aid not to defeat the majority. If the rule were adopted, it would be by the votes of States which were not Democratic, and would bring 'dismemberment and final breaking up of the party.' Walker laughed at Butler's 'tall vaulting' from the floor; and, refusing to shrink from the Van Buren issue, he protested against New York dictation, and warningly said that, if Van Buren were nominated, Clay would be elected."—Edward M. Shepard,Life of Martin Van Buren, p. 408.

[51]"Next to the Presidency no place was so much desired, in the times we are now reviewing, as that of senator of the United States. The body was illustrious through the fame of its members, who generally exhibited the very flower and highest outcome of American political life; dignified, powerful, respected, it was the pride of the nation, and one of its main bulwarks. The height of ordinary ambition was satisfied by attainment to that place; and men once securely seated there would have been content to hold it on and on, asking no more. One cannot doubt the sincerity of the expressions in which Mr. Wright announced his distress at being thrown from that delightful eminence into the whirlpools and quicksands at Albany."—Morgan Dix,Memoirs of John Dix, Vol. 1, pp. 194, 195.

[52]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 723."Wright was a strong man the day before his nomination for governor. He fell far, and if left alone will be not, what he might have been, George I. to William of Orange, lineal heir to Jackson, through Van Buren. The wiseacres in New York speak of him with compliment, 'this distinguished statesman;' yet they bring all their small artillery to bear upon him, and give notice that he is demolished. The praise they bestow is very ill concealed, but less injurious to us than their warfare, conducted in their mode."—Letter of W.H. Seward to Thurlow Weed,Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 725.

[52]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 723.

"Wright was a strong man the day before his nomination for governor. He fell far, and if left alone will be not, what he might have been, George I. to William of Orange, lineal heir to Jackson, through Van Buren. The wiseacres in New York speak of him with compliment, 'this distinguished statesman;' yet they bring all their small artillery to bear upon him, and give notice that he is demolished. The praise they bestow is very ill concealed, but less injurious to us than their warfare, conducted in their mode."—Letter of W.H. Seward to Thurlow Weed,Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 725.

[53]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 121.

[54]H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, p. 135.

[55]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 699.

[56]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 441,note.

[57]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 723.

[58]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 719."I think you cannot leave theJournalwithout giving up the whole army to dissension and overthrow. I agree that if, by remaining, you save it, you only draw down double denunciation upon yourself and me. Nor do I see the way through and beyond that. But there will be some way through. I grant, then, that, for yourself and me, it is wise and profitable that you leave. I must be left without the possibility of restoration, without a defender, without an organ. Nothing else will satisfy those who think they are shaded. Then, and not until then, shall I have passed through the not unreasonable punishment for too much success. But the party—the country? They cannot bear your withdrawal. I think I am not mistaken in this. Let us adhere, then. Stand fast. It is neither wise nor reasonable that we should bear the censure of defeat, when we have been deprived of not merely command, but of a voice in council."—W.H. Seward to Thurlow Weed,Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 720.

[58]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 719.

"I think you cannot leave theJournalwithout giving up the whole army to dissension and overthrow. I agree that if, by remaining, you save it, you only draw down double denunciation upon yourself and me. Nor do I see the way through and beyond that. But there will be some way through. I grant, then, that, for yourself and me, it is wise and profitable that you leave. I must be left without the possibility of restoration, without a defender, without an organ. Nothing else will satisfy those who think they are shaded. Then, and not until then, shall I have passed through the not unreasonable punishment for too much success. But the party—the country? They cannot bear your withdrawal. I think I am not mistaken in this. Let us adhere, then. Stand fast. It is neither wise nor reasonable that we should bear the censure of defeat, when we have been deprived of not merely command, but of a voice in council."—W.H. Seward to Thurlow Weed,Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 720.

[59]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 718.

[60]Ibid., p. 723.

[61]Ibid., p. 727.

[62]Private letter, Henry Clay to Stephen Miller, Tuscaloosa, Ala., July 1, 1844.

[63]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 123.

[64]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 724.

[65]Silas Wright, 241,090; Millard Fillmore, 231,057; Alvan Stewart, 15,136.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.

[66]In 1840 Gerrit Smith received 2662; in 1842 Alvan Stewart polled 7263.—Ibid., p. 166.

[67]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 1, p. 572.

[68]"On that occasion the feud between the two sections of the party was disclosed in all its intensity. The conflict, which was sharp and ended in the election of Daniel S. Dickinson for the six-years term, in spite of the strong opposition of the Radical members of the caucus, was a triumph for the Conservatives, and a defeat for the friends of Governor Wright. The closing years of the great statesman's life were overcast by shadows; adverse influences were evidently in the ascendant, not only at Washington, but close about him and at home."—Morgan Dix,Memoirs of John A. Dix, Vol. 1, p. 194.

[69]"On the great question that loomed threateningly on the horizon, Wright and Marcy took opposite sides. Wright moved calmly along with the advancing liberal sentiment of the period, and died a firm advocate of the policy of the Wilmot Proviso. On this test measure Marcy took no step forward."—H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, p. 40.

[70]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 537.

[71]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 544.

[72]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 2, p. 33.

[73]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 1, p. 791.

[74]Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, p. 34.

[75]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 655.

[76]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 756.Appendix.

[77]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 762.

[78]John Young, 198,878; Silas Wright, 187,306; Henry Bradley, 12,844; Ogden Edwards, 6306.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.

[79]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 2, p. 34.

[80]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 756.Appendix.

[81]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 691.

[82]Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 693."More serious than either of these [Anti-Rent disturbance and veto of canal appropriation] was the harm done by the quiet yet persistent opposition of the Hunkers. Nor can it be doubted that the influence of the Government at Washington was thrown against him in that critical hour. Governor Marcy was secretary of war; Samuel Nelson had just been appointed a justice of the Supreme Court of the United States; Governor Bouck held one of the most influential offices in the city of New York—all these were members of that section of the party with which Governor Wright was not in sympathy. It was evident that he would not be able to maintain himself against an opposition of which the elements were so numerous, so varied, and so dangerous."—Morgan Dix,Memoirs of John A. Dix, Vol. 1, p. 227.

[82]Ibid., Vol. 3, p. 693.

"More serious than either of these [Anti-Rent disturbance and veto of canal appropriation] was the harm done by the quiet yet persistent opposition of the Hunkers. Nor can it be doubted that the influence of the Government at Washington was thrown against him in that critical hour. Governor Marcy was secretary of war; Samuel Nelson had just been appointed a justice of the Supreme Court of the United States; Governor Bouck held one of the most influential offices in the city of New York—all these were members of that section of the party with which Governor Wright was not in sympathy. It was evident that he would not be able to maintain himself against an opposition of which the elements were so numerous, so varied, and so dangerous."—Morgan Dix,Memoirs of John A. Dix, Vol. 1, p. 227.

[83]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 757.Appendix.

[84]"Nothing can be imagined more admirable than the conduct of that great man under these trying circumstances. He returned at once to his beloved farm at Canton, and resumed, with apparent delight, the occupations of a rustic life. Visitors have related how they found him at work in his fields, in the midst of his farmhands, setting an example of industry and zeal. His house was the shrine of many a pilgrimage; and, as profound regret at the loss of such a man from the councils of the State took the place of a less honourable sentiment, his popularity began to return. Already, as the time for the nomination of a President drew near, men were looking to him, as an illustrious representative of the principles and hereditary faith of the Democratic-Republican party, in whose hands the country would be safe, no matter from what quarter the tempest might come."—Morgan Dix,Memoirs of John A. Dix, Vol. 1, p. 228.

[85]Jabez D. Hammond,Political History of New York, Vol. 3, p. 729.

[86]"To understand the issue presented by the Wilmot Proviso it must be observed that its advocates sustained it on the distinct ground that, as slavery had been abolished throughout the Mexican Republic, the acquisition of territory without prohibiting slavery would, on the theory asserted by the Southern States, lead to its restoration where it had ceased to exist, and make the United States responsible for its extension to districts in which universal freedom had been established by the fundamental law."—Morgan Dix,Memoirs of John A. Dix, Vol. 1, p. 205.

[87]"In the fall of 1847 I was a spectator at the Democratic state convention, held in Syracuse. The great chiefs of both factions were on the ground, and never was there a fiercer, more bitter and relentless conflict between the Narragansetts and Pequods than this memorable contest between the Barnburners and Hunkers. Silas Wright was the idol of the Barnburners. He had died on the 27th of the preceding August—less than two weeks before. James S. Wadsworth voiced the sentiments of his followers. In the convention some one spoke of doing justice to Mr. Wright. A Hunker sneeringly responded, 'It is too late; he is dead.' Springing upon a table Wadsworth made the hall ring as he uttered the defiant reply: 'Though it may be too late to do justice to Silas Wright, it is not too late to do justice to his assassins.' The Hunkers laid the Wilmot Proviso upon the table, but the Barnburners punished them at the election."—H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, p. 159.

[88]"There could hardly be a wider contrast between two men than the space that divided the Sage of Lindenwald from Prince John. In one particular, however, they were alike. Each had that personal magnetism that binds followers to leaders with hooks of steel. The father was grave, urbane, wary, a safe counsellor, and accustomed to an argumentative and deliberate method of address that befitted the bar and the Senate. Few knew how able a lawyer the elder Van Buren was. The son was enthusiastic, frank, bold, and given to wit, repartee, and a style of oratory admirably adapted to swaying popular assemblies. The younger Van Buren, too, was a sound lawyer."—H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, p. 175.

[89]History of the Bench and Bar of New York, Vol. 1, p. 505.

[90]Henry Wilson,Rise and Fall of the Slave Power of the United States, Vol. 2, p. 142.

[91]Ibid., p. 142.

[92]"The Barnburners made the Monumental City lurid with their wrath, frightening the delegates from the back States almost out of their wits."—H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, p. 162. "Or, as one man said in a speech, 'the regular delegates might occupy half a seat apiece, provided each of them would let a Hunker sit on his lap.'"—Ibid., p. 161.

[93]"The nomination of Cass for the Presidency by the Democrats and Taylor by the Whigs led to the Buffalo convention of 1848. Pro-slavery Democrats were there to avenge the wrongs of Martin Van Buren. Free-soil Democrats were there to punish the assassins of Silas Wright. Pro-slavery Whigs were there to strike down Taylor because he had dethroned their idol, Henry Clay, in the Philadelphia convention. Anti-slavery Whigs were there, breathing the spirit of the departed John Quincy Adams. Abolitionists of all shades of opinion were present, from the darkest type to those of a milder hue, who shared the views of Salmon P. Chase."—H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, pp. 162-63.

[94]Charles Sumner,Works, Vol. 2, p. 144."It will be remembered that Van Buren, in his inaugural as President, pledged himself to veto any bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, unless sanctioned by Maryland and Virginia. Anti-slavery men took great umbrage to this pledge, and while Butler at the Buffalo convention was graphically describing how the ex-President, now absorbed in bucolic pursuits at his Kinderhook farm, had recently leaped a fence to show his visitor a field of sprouting turnips, one of these disgusted Abolitionists abruptly exclaimed, 'Damn his turnips! What are his present opinions about the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia?' 'I was just coming to that subject,' responded the oily Barnburner, with a suave bow towards the ruffled Whig. 'Well, you can't be a moment too quick in coming to it,' replied the captious interlocutor."—H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, p. 164.

[94]Charles Sumner,Works, Vol. 2, p. 144.

"It will be remembered that Van Buren, in his inaugural as President, pledged himself to veto any bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, unless sanctioned by Maryland and Virginia. Anti-slavery men took great umbrage to this pledge, and while Butler at the Buffalo convention was graphically describing how the ex-President, now absorbed in bucolic pursuits at his Kinderhook farm, had recently leaped a fence to show his visitor a field of sprouting turnips, one of these disgusted Abolitionists abruptly exclaimed, 'Damn his turnips! What are his present opinions about the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia?' 'I was just coming to that subject,' responded the oily Barnburner, with a suave bow towards the ruffled Whig. 'Well, you can't be a moment too quick in coming to it,' replied the captious interlocutor."—H.B. Stanton,Random Recollections, p. 164.

[95]"General Dix disapproved of the design to make separate nominations, thinking it unwise, and foreseeing that it would increase the difficulty of bringing about a reconciliation. But that he, a Democrat of the old school, should find himself associated with gentlemen of the Whig party, from whom he differed on almost every point, was a painful and distressing surprise. He was willing, if it must be so, to go with his own section of the Democratic party, though deeming their course not the wisest. But when it came to an alliance with Whigs and Abolitionists he lost all heart in the movement. This accounts for his strong expressions in after years to justify himself from the charge of being an Abolitionist and false to his old faith."—Morgan Dix,Memoirs of John A. Dix, Vol. 1, p. 239.

[96]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 165.

[97]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 167.

[98]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 2, p. 71.

[99]New YorkTribune, September 15, 1848.

[100]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 2, p. 77.

[101]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 2, p. 86.

[102]Ibid., p. 80.

[103]Hamilton Fish, 218,776; John A. Dix, 122,811; Reuben H. Walworth, 116,811; William Goodell, 1593.—Civil List, State of New York(1887), p. 166.

[104]F.W. Seward,Life of W.H. Seward, Vol. 2, p. 87.

[105]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 173.

[106]New YorkHerald, December 1, 1848.

[107]Thurlow Weed Barnes,Life of Thurlow Weed, Vol. 2, p. 174.

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