THE BRUTUS-CASSIUS SCENES

Especially important for our purpose is the fact that Pescetti makes use of materials and situations not found in the historians but later used by Shakespeare. Of these perhaps the most significant is to be found in the conversation between Brutus and Cassius regarding Antony. This is one of the most striking parallels to be found in the play. In Pescetti, as later in Shakespeare, Cassius strenuously favors the killing of Antony along with Caesar, and the reasons he advances are almost exactly those found in Shakespeare. As in the latter’s tragedy, Brutus allows his magnanimity to overbalance his prudence, so in Pescetti, Brutus uses almost the same arguments against Cassius’ plan as he uses in Shakespeare’s work.

Plutarch nowhere specifically states that Cassius opposed Antony’s entry into the conspiracy, or suggested his death.[55]Thus in the life of Marcus Antonius we read: “This was a good encouragement for Brutus and Cassius to conspire his death, who fell into a consort with their trustiest friends, to execute their enterprise, but yet stood doubtful whether they should make Antonius privy to it or not. All the rest liked of it, saving Trebonius only. He told them that, when they rode to meet Caesar on his return out of Spain, Antony and he always keeping company, and lying together by the way, he felt his mind afar off; but Antonius finding his meaning, would hearken no more unto it, and yet notwithstanding, never made Caesar acquainted with this talk, but had faithfully kept it to himself. After that, they consulted whether they should kill Antonius with Caesar. But Brutus would in nowise consent to it, saying, that venturing on such an enterprise as that, for the maintenance of law and justice, it ought to be clear from all villany.”[56]In the life of MarcusBrutus, Plutarch writes: “For it was set down and agreed between them, that they should kill no man but Caesar only, and should entreat all the rest to look to defend their liberty. All the conspirators, but Brutus,[57]determining upon this matter, thought it good also to kill Antonius, because he was a wicked man, and that in nature favored tyranny; besides, also, for he was in great estimation with soldiers, having been conversant of long time amongst them; and especially having a mind bent to great enterprises, he was also of great authority at that time, being Consul with Caesar. But Brutus would not agree to it. First, for that he said it was not honest; secondly, because he told them that there was hope of change in him. For he did not mistrust but that Antonius, being a noble-minded and courageous man (when he should know that Caesar was dead), would willingly help his country to recover her liberty, having them an example unto him to follow their courage and virtue.”[58]

In Pescetti the conspiracy has been hatched before the play begins, as is evident from the following lines. Thus Cassius, finding Brutus in the gloom of early morning apostrophizing the shade of Pompey, asks:

“Qual pensier ti molesta, e si per tempoAbbandonar ti fa le molli piume?”—P. 15.

“Qual pensier ti molesta, e si per tempo

Abbandonar ti fa le molli piume?”—P. 15.

to which Brutus replies,

“Oggi, Cassio, disposto ho di dar fineA quel, che già per noi s’è divisato.”—P. 16.

“Oggi, Cassio, disposto ho di dar fine

A quel, che già per noi s’è divisato.”—P. 16.

namely, the death of the tyrant. Brutus and Cassius enter the temple to pray for the success of their enterprise, while the Priest, and then the Chorus holds the stage. On their reappearance immediately thereafter, the two conspirators discuss the details of the assassination. I will quote the entire dialogue relating to Antony.

In Shakespeare we have the following:

The statements in the above quotation which can, however faintly, be traced to Plutarch, are the love of Antony for Caesar, his power both as Consul and general, his ambitious mind, and, at some length, his loose manner of living.[61]But nowhere does the biographer mention this last among the reasons urged by Brutus for his salvation, nor that he was but a “limb of Caesar.” Nor, in the handling of this scene by either Pescetti or Shakespeare do we find Brutus considering Antony a noble-minded man, who, once Caesar were dead, would gladly help his country regain her liberty.

The reasons urged by Cassius are in substance exactly the same in Pescetti as in Shakespeare. They are either entirely absent, or only faintly indicated in scattered hints throughout Plutarch or Appian. The similarity is at times almost verbal. Thus Cassius, in urging the death of Antony says:

E fuor degli occhiTragghiamci questo stecco, che potrebbe,Quando che sia, non poca briga darne.

E fuor degli occhi

Tragghiamci questo stecco, che potrebbe,

Quando che sia, non poca briga darne.

Translated this reads,

And from our eyesLet us pluck this thorn, which might,Some time or other, cause us no little annoyance.

And from our eyes

Let us pluck this thorn, which might,

Some time or other, cause us no little annoyance.

Shakespeare makes Cassius exclaim,

And you know his meansIf he improve them, may well stretch so farAs to annoy us all.

And you know his means

If he improve them, may well stretch so far

As to annoy us all.

Sir William Alexander in his “Tragedy of Julius Caesar” (circa 1604–7), in the course of the same debate, puts the following in the mouth of Cassius:

Well Brutus, I protest against my willFrom this black cloud, whatever tempest fall,That mercy but most cruelly doth kill,Which saves one, who once may plague us all.Works of Stirling. Edition 1870, Glasgow, p. 280.

Well Brutus, I protest against my willFrom this black cloud, whatever tempest fall,That mercy but most cruelly doth kill,Which saves one, who once may plague us all.

Well Brutus, I protest against my will

From this black cloud, whatever tempest fall,

That mercy but most cruelly doth kill,

Which saves one, who once may plague us all.

Works of Stirling. Edition 1870, Glasgow, p. 280.

While it is still to be proved that Alexander borrowed anything from Shakespeare, it is certain, as will be shown later,[62]that he not only followed Grévin, but also derived many hints from Pescetti. Although Plutarch was a common source for all three authors, it is certainly remarkable to find them all, in the same scene, using exactly the same term to characterize the threatened activity of Antony. Pescetti, Shakespeare, and Alexander agree in making Cassius urge the conspirators to kill him, for fear, that if spared, he mightannoythem all.

Cassius says further:

... We shall find of himA shrewd contriver;

... We shall find of him

A shrewd contriver;

And in a later scene when Brutus says of Antony,

“I know that we shall have him well to friend,”

Cassius replies,

“I wish we may. But yet have I a mindThat fears him much; and my misgiving stillFalls shrewdly to the purpose” (Act III., Sc. 1, ll. 144–147).

“I wish we may. But yet have I a mind

That fears him much; and my misgiving still

Falls shrewdly to the purpose” (Act III., Sc. 1, ll. 144–147).

And again, in the scene between Brutus and Cassius regarding the former’s resolve to permit Antony to speak at Caesar’s funeral, Cassius urges:

Brutus, a word with you,(Aside to Bru.) You know not what you do: do not consentThat Antony speak in his funeral:Know you how much the people may be movedBy that which he will utter?—III., Sc. 1, ll. 232–236.

Brutus, a word with you,

(Aside to Bru.) You know not what you do: do not consent

That Antony speak in his funeral:

Know you how much the people may be moved

By that which he will utter?—III., Sc. 1, ll. 232–236.

All this is very similar to Cassius’ argument:

“Che tu sai ben, quanto li siano amiciI veterani, e quanto acconcio ei siaGli animi a concitar del volgo insano.”

“Che tu sai ben, quanto li siano amici

I veterani, e quanto acconcio ei sia

Gli animi a concitar del volgo insano.”

As Brutus cannot be persuaded, Cassius adds:

“I know not what may fall; I like it not.”—III., 1, l. 244.

In Pescetti, his reply to Brutus’ magnanimous but shortsighted attitude is:

“Bruto, tu se’ troppo pietoso: vogliaIl Ciel, che questa tua pietà non siaUn giorno a noi crudel.”

“Bruto, tu se’ troppo pietoso: voglia

Il Ciel, che questa tua pietà non sia

Un giorno a noi crudel.”

All that Plutarch gives us of Brutus’ counter-arguments is as follows:

“First, for he said it was not honest; secondly, because he told them that there was hope of change in him.”[63]

Furthermore, we read:

“But Brutus would in nowise consent to it, saying, that venturing on such an enterprise as that, for the maintenance of law and justice, it ought to be clear from all villany.”[64]

In Pescetti, Brutus says:

“S’ad altri, oltre al Tiranno, darem morte,Si stimerà dal volgo, che le coseSempre stravolge, e falsamente espone,Che non disio di liberar la patria,Ma privato odio, e brama di vendettaA ciò sospinti n’abbia, e di quell’opra,Onde da noi s’attende eterna fama,N’acquisterem vergogna, e biasmo eterno;E dove nome di pietà cerchiamo,Sarem del titol d’empietà notati:Nè perciò a noi gran fatto avrem giovato.”[65]

“S’ad altri, oltre al Tiranno, darem morte,

Si stimerà dal volgo, che le cose

Sempre stravolge, e falsamente espone,

Che non disio di liberar la patria,

Ma privato odio, e brama di vendetta

A ciò sospinti n’abbia, e di quell’opra,

Onde da noi s’attende eterna fama,

N’acquisterem vergogna, e biasmo eterno;

E dove nome di pietà cerchiamo,

Sarem del titol d’empietà notati:

Nè perciò a noi gran fatto avrem giovato.”[65]

Note his solicitude for the opinions of the people. Witness the parallelism, almost verbal at times, between the above and Shakespeare’s treatment.

“... This shall makeOur purpose necessary and not envious;Which so appearing to thecommoneyes,We shall be called purgers, not murderers.”

“... This shall make

Our purpose necessary and not envious;

Which so appearing to thecommoneyes,

We shall be called purgers, not murderers.”

Again in Pescetti:

Compare this with Shakespeare:

Again Pescetti’s Brutus says:

Thus in Shakespeare:

Not only are these scenes in both dramatists almost exactly parallel in sentiment, but the abruptness of the conclusion and the sequence of the following scenes are noteworthy. Pescetti dismisses the idea thus:

In Shakespeare, Trebonius, whom Plutarch represents as opposing Antony’s entry into the conspiracy, lightly dismisses the subject:

It is peculiar that in both Pescetti and Shakespeare the sequence of the immediately following scenes is the same. In the former Brutus proceeds to detail the plans for Caesar’s assassination, and as he finishes, Portia enters. He concludes:

“Ma giamo ad informar del tutto gli altri,Acciò gli spirti destino, e le forze,Et apparecchin l’arme all’alta impresa.”—P. 28.

“Ma giamo ad informar del tutto gli altri,

Acciò gli spirti destino, e le forze,

Et apparecchin l’arme all’alta impresa.”—P. 28.

This is closely followed by the entry of Portia. In Shakespeare the conspirators discuss ways and means of getting Caesar to the Capitol.

Towards the conclusion we have:

Soon after Portia enters. It is also noteworthy that Brutus and Cassius in both plays perfect their plans in the early morning. There is no warrant for this in Plutarch or Appian.

Another striking parallel in situation and treatment is to be found in the behavior of the conspirators during the conversation of Lenate (Popilius Lena) with Caesar immediately preceding the murder. This is Plutarch’s[68]account: “Another Senator, called Popilius Lena, after he had saluted Brutus more friendly than he was wont to do, he rounded softly in their ears, and told them: ‘I pray the gods you may go through with that you have taken in hand; but withal dispatch, I reade you, for your enterprise is bewrayed.’ When he had said, he presently departed from them, and left them both afraid that their conspiracy would out.... When Caesar came out of his litter, Popilius Lena (that had talked before with Brutus and Cassius, and had prayed the gods they might bring their enterprise to pass) went unto Caesar, and kept him a long time with a talk. Caesar gave good ear unto him:wherefore the conspirators (if so they should be called) not hearing what he said to Caesar, but conjecturing by that he had told them a little while before that his talk was none other than the very discovery of their conspiracy, they were afraid every man of them; and, one looking in another’s face, it was easy to see that they were of a mind, that it was no tarrying for them till they were apprehended, but rather that they should kill themselves with their own hands. And when Cassius and certain other clapped their hands on their swords under their gowns to draw them, Brutus, marking the countenance and gesture of Lena, and considering that he did use himself rather like an humble and earnest suitor than like an accuser, he said nothing to his companions (because there were many amongst them that were not of the conspiracy) but with a pleasant countenance encouraged Cassius. And immediately after Lena went from Caesar, and kissed his hand; which showed plainly that it was for some matter concerning himself that he had held him so long in talk.”[69]

Note that Plutarch, outside of Lena’s remark, cites no sayings of the conspirators, but describes their demeanor only. Appian does likewise. Pescetti follows his account faithfully, but in spirit very similar to Shakespeare’s treatment. In Pescetti, Caesar is accosted by Lena, who begs a favor for a friend. Their conversation is entirely too lengthy for dramatic effectiveness. Previous to this episode, Brutus, at the beginning of the fourth act, confides to Cassius his belief that the conspiracy will be discovered, if indeed it has not already been revealed to Caesar. Among other statements he says:

“Senza sangue rimasi dianzi, quandoCi s’appressò Lenate, et in disparteTrattine, nell’orecchia fin feliceAll’impresa auguronne, e dubitai,Che già non fosse discoperto il tutto.”—P. 88.

“Senza sangue rimasi dianzi, quando

Ci s’appressò Lenate, et in disparte

Trattine, nell’orecchia fin felice

All’impresa auguronne, e dubitai,

Che già non fosse discoperto il tutto.”—P. 88.

In the scene between Lenate and Caesar, Cassius, marking the former’s approach to the Dictator, says,

“Bruto, noi siam spediti; ecco Lenate,Che ragiona con Cesare in secreto.”—P. 107.

“Bruto, noi siam spediti; ecco Lenate,

Che ragiona con Cesare in secreto.”—P. 107.

And then following:

Lenate and Caesar continue their talk. Cassius’ fears are increasing. He says,

“Gli occhi teniamo intenti, e se fa cennoChe presi siam, pria che ci leghi alcuno,Sciogliam noi l’alma dacorporei lacci.”—P. 107.

“Gli occhi teniamo intenti, e se fa cenno

Che presi siam, pria che ci leghi alcuno,

Sciogliam noi l’alma dacorporei lacci.”—P. 107.

Near the end of the conversation Brutus says,

“Respira, ò Cassio, che li parla d’altro,Per quel, che di quì posso dal sembianteComprender, e da gesti.”—P. 109.

“Respira, ò Cassio, che li parla d’altro,

Per quel, che di quì posso dal sembiante

Comprender, e da gesti.”—P. 109.

After Lenate leaves Caesar, Cassius, turning to the former, exclaims,

“M’è ritornata l’anima nel corpo.Il tuo parlar con Cesare n’hà messo,Lenate, in gran spavento?”

“M’è ritornata l’anima nel corpo.

Il tuo parlar con Cesare n’hà messo,

Lenate, in gran spavento?”

To which Lenate replies,

“DubitandoDella mia fede, avete dubitato,Ch’un muto parli. Sievi pure il cieloPropizio, com’io vi sarò fedele.”

“Dubitando

Della mia fede, avete dubitato,

Ch’un muto parli. Sievi pure il cielo

Propizio, com’io vi sarò fedele.”

This entire scene, as others in Pescetti, make us regret that his slavish subservience to his models caused him tosmother his dramatic ability in an avalanche of verbiage. He shows, in spite of many omissions, a true perception of the dramatic possibilities of his material. Had he only been able to condense his work by almost three-quarters, his tragedy would rank high as a representative of its type. Shakespeare uses the same material, takes out his few ounces of gold, and casts away the tons of dross. Nothing that can impede the swiftly approaching climax is tolerated, yet everything necessary to heighten the suspense is introduced.

These scenes are not only significant from a critical standpoint; they are historically of prime importance. In Muretus and Grévin the matter of Antony’s entry into the conspiracy is confined to a few lines; Pescetti is the first to give it more importance and the first to employ material which later reappears in Shakespeare’s work. The Popilius Lena scene is even more important, for it is in “Cesare” that we find the first dramatic treatment of this significant episode. Shakespeare’streatment almost exactly parallels the work of his humble predecessor.

Pescetti seemed well aware of the dramatic value of suspense. In “Julius Caesar”, Shakespeare’s use of this device is much commended, but in this particular play he seems to have been anticipated by the Italian. The preceding scene is not the only one wherein it is employed by Pescetti. Some time before, D. Brutus joins Cassius and M. Brutus, deploring the perversity of fortune.[71]He fears that Caesar has scented the conspiracy and will not attend that day’s session of the Senate. The introduction of this matter at this time strongly resembles Shakespeare’s use of the same device, under the same circumstances. Cassius says to D. Brutus:

In Shakespeare we read:

In both dramas the object is the same; to awaken doubts in the spectators’ minds as to the ultimate success of the plotters and to awaken an interest in the means whereby the conspirators succeed in overcoming Caesar’s suspicion. The difference in content in the parallels seems due to the fact that while Pescetti follows Appian, Shakespeare follows Plutarch.

Back to Index Next