After a time the Ute came down the valley on the west side of the mesa, doing great harm again, and drove off the Walpi flocks andiron Then the Hano got ready for war; they tied buckskins around their loins, whitened their legs with clay, and stained their body and arms with dark red earth (ocher). They overtook the Ute near Wípho (about 3 miles north from Hano), but the Ute had driven the flocks up the steep mesa side, and when they saw the Tewa coming they killed all the sheep and piled the carcasses up for a defense, behind which they lay down. They had a few firearms also, while the Hano had only clubs and bows and arrows; but after some fighting the Ute were driven out and the Tewa followed after them. The first Ute was killed a short distance beyond, and a stone heap still (?) marks the spot. Similar heaps marked the places where other Ute were killed as they fled before the Hano, but not far from the San Juan the last one was killed.
Upon the return of the Hano from this successful expedition they were received gratefully and allowed to come up on the mesa to live—the old houses built by the Asa, in the present village of Hano, being assigned to them. The land was then divided, an imaginary line between Hano and Sichumovi, extending eastward entirely across the valley, marked the southern boundary, and from this line as far north as the spot where the last Utah was killed was assigned to the Hano as their possession.
When the Hano first came the Walpi said to them, “let us spit in your mouths, and you will learn our tongue,” and to this the Hano consented. When the Hano came up and built on the mesa they said to the Walpi, “let us spit in your mouths and you will learn our tongue,” but the Walpi would not listen to this, saying it would make them vomit. This is the reason why all the Hano can talk Hopí, and none of the Hopítuh can talk Hano.
The Asa and the Hano were close friends while they dwelt in New Mexico, and when they came to this region both of them were called Hánomuh by the other people of Tusayan. This term signifies the mode in which the women of these people wear their hair, cut off in front on a line withthe mouth and carelessly parted or hanging over the face, the back hair rolled up in a compact queue at the nape of the neck. This uncomely fashion prevails with both matron, and maid, while among the other Tusayan the matron parts her hair evenly down the head and wears it hanging in a straight queue on either side, the maidens wearing theirs in a curious discoid arrangement over each temple.
Although the Asa and the Hano women have the same peculiar fashion of wearing the hair, still there is no affinity of blood claimed between them. The Asa speak the same language as the other Tusayan, but the Tewa (Hano) have a quite distinct language which belongs to the Tañoan stock. They claim that the occupants of the following pueblos, in the same region of the Rio Grande, are of their people and speak the same tongue.
Pleasant relations existed for some time, but the Walpi again grew ill-tempered; they encroached upon the Hano planting grounds and stole their property. These troubles increased, and the Hano moved away from the mesa; they crossed the west valley and built temporary shelters. They sent some men to explore the land on the westward to find a suitable place for a new dwelling. These scouts went to the Moen-kopi, and on returning, the favorable story they told of the land they had seen determined the Tewa to go there.
Meanwhile some knowledge of these troubles had reached Tceewádigi, and a party of the Tewa came to Tusayan to take their friends back. This led the Hopituh to make reparation, which restored the confidence of the Hano, and they returned to the mesa, and the recently arrived party were also induced to remain. Yet even now, when the Hano (Tewa) go to visit their people on the river, the latter beseech them to come back, but the old Tewa say, “we shall stay here till our breath leaves us, then surely we shall go back to our first home to live forever.”
The Walpi for a long time frowned down all attempts on the part of the Hano to fraternize; they prohibited intermarriages, and in general tabued the Hano. Something of this spirit was maintained until quite recent years, and for this reason the Hano still speak their own language, and have preserved several distinctive customs, although now the most friendly relations exist among all the villages. After the Hano were quietly established in their present position the Asa returned, and the Walpi allotted them a place to build in their own village. As before mentioned, the house mass on the southeast side of Walpi, at the head of the trail leading up to the village at that point, is still occupied by Asa families, and their tenure of possession was on the condition that they should always defend that point of access and guard the south endof the village. Their kiva is named after this circumstance as that of “the Watchers of the High Place.”
Some of the Bear and Lizard families being crowded for building space, moved from Walpi and built the first houses on the site of the present village of Sichumovi, which is named from the Sivwapsi, a shrub which formerly grew there on some mounds (chumo).
This was after the Asa had been in Walpi for some time; probably about 125 years ago. Some of the Asa, and the Badger, the latter descendants of women saved from the Awatubi catastrophe, also moved to Sichumovi, but a plague of smallpox caused the village to be abandoned shortly afterward. This pestilence is said to have greatly reduced the number of the Tusayan, and after it disappeared there were many vacant houses in every village. Sichumovi was again occupied by a few Asa families, but the first houses were torn down and new ones constructed from them.
In the following table the early phratries (nyu-mu) are arranged in the order of their arrival, and the direction from which each came is given, except in the case of the Bear people. There are very few representatives of this phratry existing now, and very little tradition extant concerning its early history. The table does not show the condition of these, organizations in the present community but as they appear in the traditional accounts of their coming to Tusayan, although representatives of most of them can still be found in the various villages. There are, moreover, in addition to these, many other gentes and sub-gentes of more recent origin. The subdivision, or rather the multiplication of gentes may be said to be a continuous process; as, for example, in “corn” can be found families claiming to be of the root, stem, leaf, ear, blossom, etc., all belonging to corn; but there may be several families of each of these components constituting district sub-gentes. At present there are really but four phratries recognized among the Hopituh, the Snake, Horn, Eagle, and Rain, which is indifferently designated as Water or Corn:
2. Tcu´-a—Rattlesnake—from the west and north.
3. A´-la—Horn—from the east.
4. Kwa´-hü—Eagle—from the west and south.
5. Ka-tci´-na—Sacred, dancer—from the east.
6. A´sa—a plant (unknown)—from the Chama.
7. Ho-na´-ni—Badger—from the east.
8. Yo´-ki—Rain—from the south.
The foregoing is the Water or Rain phratry proper, but allied to them are the two following phratries, who also came to this region with the Water phratry.
Polaka gives the following data:
The gentes bracketed are said to “belong together,” but do not seem to have distinctive names—as phratries.
An interesting ruin which occurs on a mesa point a short distance north of Mashongnavi is known to the Tusayan under the name of Payupki. There are traditions and legends concerning it among the Tusayan, but the only version that could be obtained is not regarded by the writer as being up to the standard of those incorporated in the “Summary” and it is therefore given separately, as it has some suggestive value. It was obtained through Dr. Jeremiah Sullivan, then resident in Tusayan.
The people of Payupki spoke the same language as those on the first mesa (Walpi). Long ago they lived in the north, on the San Juan, but they were compelled to abandon that region and came to a place about 20 miles northwest from Oraibi. Being compelled to leave there, they went to Canyon de Chelly, where a band of Indians from the southeast joined them, with whom they formed an alliance. Together the two tribes moved eastward toward the Jemez Mountains, whence they drifted into the valley of the Rio Grande. There they became converts to the fire-worship then prevailing, but retained their old customs and language. At the time of the great insurrection (of 1680) they sheltered the native priests that were driven from some of the Rio Grande villages, and this action created such distrust and hatred among the people that the Payupki were forced to leave their settlement. Their first stop was at Old Laguna (12 miles east of the modern village) and they had with them then some 35 or 40 of the priests. After leaving Laguna they came to Bear Spring (Fort Wingate) and had a fight there with the Apache, whom they defeated. They remained at Bear Spring for several years, until the Zuñi compelled them to move. They then attempted to reach the San Juan, but were deceived in the trail, turned to the west and came to where Pueblo Colorado is now (the present post-office of Ganado, between Fort Defiance and Keam’s Canyon). They remained there a long time, and through their success in farming became so favorably known that they were urged to come farther west. They refused, in consequence of which some Tusayan attacked them. They were captured and brought to Walpi (then on the point) and afterwards they were distributed among the villages. Previous to this capture the priests had been guiding them by feathers, smoke, and signs seen in the fire. When the priest’s omens and oracles had proved false the people were disposed to kill them, but the priests persuaded them to let it depend on a test case—offering to kill themselves in the event of failure. So they had a great feast at Awatubi. The priests had long, hollow reeds inclosing various substances—feathers, flour, corn-pollen, sacred water, native tobacco (piba), corn, beans, melon seeds, etc., and they formed in a circle at sunrise on the plaza and had their incantations and prayers. As the sun rose a priest stepped forth before the people and blew through his reed, desirous of blowingthat which was therein away from him, to scatter it abroad. But the wind would not blow and the contents of the reed fell to the ground. The priests were divided into groups, according to what they carried. In the evening all but two groups had blown. Then the elder of the twain turned his back eastward, and the reed toward the setting sun, and he blew, and the wind caught the feather and carried it to the west. This was accepted as a sign and the next day the Tusayan freed the slaves, giving each a blanket with corn in it. They went to the mesa where the ruin now stands and built the houses there. They asked for planting grounds, and fields were given them; but their crops did not thrive, and they stole corn from the Mashongnavi. Then, fearful lest they should be surprised at night, they built a wall as high as a man’s head about the top of their mesa, and they had big doorways, which they closed and fastened at night. When they were compelled to plant corn for themselves they planted it on the ledges of the mesa, but it grew only as high as a man’s knees; the leaves were very small and the grains grew only on one side of it. After a time they became friendly with the Mashongnavi again, and a boy from that village conceived a passion for a Payupki girl. The latter tribe objected to a marriage but the Mashongnavi were very desirous for it and some warriors of that village proposed if the boy could persuade the girl to fly with him, to aid and protect him. On an appointed day, about sundown, the girl came down from the mesa into the valley, but she was discovered by some old women who were baking pottery, who gave the alarm. Hearing the noise a party of the Mashongnavi, who were lying in wait, came up, but they encountered a party of the Payupki who had come out and a fight ensued. During the fight the young man was killed; and this caused so much bitterness of feeling that the Payupki were frightened, and remained quietly in their pueblo for several days. One morning, however, an old woman came over to Mashongnavi to borrow some tobacco, saying that they were going to have a dance in her village in five days. The next day the Payupki quietly departed. Seeing no smoke from the village the Mashongnavi at first thought that the Payupki were preparing for their dance, but on the third day a band of warriors was sent over to inquire and they found the village abandoned. The estufas and the houses of the priests were pulled down.
The narrator adds that the Payupki returned to San Felipe whence they came.
That portion of the southwestern plateau country comprised in the Province of Tusayan has usually been approached from the east, so that the easternmost of the series of mesas upon which the villages are situated is called the “First Mesa.” The road for 30 or 40 miles before reaching this point traverses the eastern portion of the great plateau whose broken margin, farther west, furnishes the abrupt mesa-tongues upon which the villages are built. The sandstone measures of this plateau are distinguished from many others of the southwest by their neutral colors. The vegetation consisting of a scattered growth of stunted piñon and cedar, interspersed with occasional stretches of dull-gray sage, imparts an effect of extreme monotony to the landscape. The effect is in marked contrast to the warmth and play of color frequently seen elsewhere in the plateau country.
The plateaus of Tusayan are generally diversified by canyons and buttes, whose precipitous sides break down into long ranges of rocky talus and sandy foothills. The arid character of this district is especially pronounced about the margin of the plateau. In the immediate vicinity of the villages there are large areas that do not support a blade of grass, where barren rocks outcrop through drifts of sand or lie piled in confusion at the bases of the cliffs. The canyons that break through the margins of these mesas often have a remarkable similarity of appearance, and the consequent monotony is extremely embarrassing to the traveler, the absence of running water and clearly defined drainage confusing his sense of direction.
The occasional springs which furnish scanty water supply to the inhabitants of this region are found generally at great distances apart, and there are usually but few natural indications of their location. They often occur in obscure nooks in the canyons, reached by tortuous trails winding through the talus and foothills, or as small seeps at the foot of some mesa. The convergence of numerous Navajo trails, however, furnishes some guide to these rare water sources.
The series of promontories upon which the Tusayan villages are built are exceptionally rich in these seeps and springs. About the base ofthe “First Mesa” (Fig. 1), within a distance of 4 or 5 miles from the villages located upon it, there are at least five places where water can be obtained. One of these is a mere surface reservoir, but the others appear to be permanent springs. The quantity of water, however, is so small that it produces no impression on the arid and sterile effect of the surroundings, except in its immediate vicinity. Here small patches of green, standing out in strong relief against their sandy back-grounds, mark the position of clusters of low, stunted peach trees that have obtained a foothold on the steep sand dunes.
First Mesa
Fig. 1.View of the First Mesa.
In the open plains surrounding the mesa rim (6,000 feet above the sea), are seen broad stretches of dusty sage brush and prickly greasewood. Where the plain rises toward the base of the mesa a scattered growth of scrub cedar and piñon begins to appear. But little of this latter growth is seen in the immediate vicinity of the villages; it is, however, the characteristic vegetation of the mesas, while, in still higher altitudes, toward the San Juan, open forests of timber are met with. This latter country seems scarcely to have come within the ancient builder’s province; possibly on account of its coldness in winter and for the reason that it is open to the incursions of warlike hunting tribes. Sage brush and greasewood grow abundantly near the villages, and these curious gnarled and twisted shrubs furnish the principal fuel of the Tusayan.
Occasionally grassy levels are seen that for a few weeks in early summer are richly carpeted with multitudes of delicate wild flowers. The beauty of these patches of gleaming color is enhanced by contrast with the forbidding and rugged character of the surroundings; but in a very short time these blossoms disappear from the arid and parched desertthat they have temporarily beautified. These beds of bloom are not seen in the immediate vicinity of the present villages, but are unexpectedly met with in portions of the neighboring mesas and canyons.
After crossing the 6 or 7 miles of comparatively level country that intervenes between the mouth of Keam’s Canyon and the first of the occupied mesas, the toilsome ascent begins; at first through slopes and dunes and then over masses of broken talus, as the summit of the mesa is gradually approached. Near the top the road is flanked on one side by a very abrupt descent of broken slopes, and on the other by a precipitous rocky wall that rises 30 or 40 feet above. The road reaches the brink of the promontory by a sharp rise at a point close to the village of Hano.
Before entering upon a description of the villages and ruins, a few words as to the preparation of the plans accompanying this paper will not be amiss. The methods pursued in making the surveys of the inhabited pueblos were essentially the same throughout. The outer wall of each separate cluster was run with a compass and a tape measure, the lines being closed and checked upon the corner from which the beginning was made, so that the plan of each group stands alone, and no accumulation of error is possible. The stretched tapeline afforded a basis for estimating any deviations from a straight line which the wall presented, and as each sight was plotted on the spot these deviations are all recorded on the plan, and afford an indication of the degree of accuracy with which the building was carried out. Upon the basis thus obtained, the outlines of the second stories were drawn by the aid of measurements from the numerous jogs and angles; the same process being repeated for each of the succeeding stories. The plan at this stage recorded all the stories in outline. The various houses and clusters were connected by compass sights and by measurements. A tracing of the outline plan was then made, on which the stories were distinguished by lines of different colors, and upon this tracing were recorded all the vertical measurements. These were generally taken at every corner, although in a long wall it was customary to make additional measurements at intervening points.
Upon the original outline were then drawn all such details as coping stones, chimneys, trapdoors, etc., the tapeline being used where necessary to establish positions. The forms of the chimneys as well as their position and size were also indicated on this drawing, which was finally tinted to distinguish the different terraces. Upon this colored sheet were located all openings. These were numbered, and at the same time described in a notebook, in which were also recorded the necessary vertical measurements, such as their height and elevation above the ground. In the same notebook the openings were also fully described. The ladders were located upon the same sheet, and were consecutivelylettered and described in the notebook. This description furnishes a record of the ladder, its projection above the coping, if any, the difference in the length of its poles, the character of the tiepiece, etc. Altogether these notebooks furnish a mass of statistical data which has been of great service in the elaboration of this report and in the preparation of models. Finally, a level was carried over the whole village, and the height of each corner and jog above an assumed base was determined. A reduced tracing was then made of the plan as a basis for sketching in such details of topography, etc., as it was thought advisable to preserve.
These plans were primarily intended to be used in the construction of large scale models, and consequently recorded an amount of information that could not be reproduced upon the published drawings without causing great confusion.
The methods followed in surveying the ruins underwent some changes from time to time as the work progressed. In the earlier work the lines of the walls, so far as they could be determined, were run with a compass and tapeline and gone over with a level. Later it was found more convenient to select a number of stations and connect them by cross-sights and measurements. These points were then platted, and the walls and lines of débris were carefully drawn in over the framework of lines thus obtained, additional measurements being taken when necessary. The heights of standing walls were measured from both sides, and openings were located on the plan and described in a notebook, as was done in the survey of the inhabited villages. The entire site was then leveled, and from the data obtained contour lines were drawn with a 5-foot interval. Irregularities in the directions of walls were noted. In the later plans of ruins a scale of symbols, seven in number, were employed to indicate the amount and distribution of the débris. The plans, as published, indicate the relative amounts of débris as seen upon the ground. Probable lines of wall are shown on the plan by dotted lines drawn through the dots which indicate débris. With this exception, the plans show the ruins as they actually are. Standing walls, as a rule, are drawn in solid black; their heights appear on the field sheets, but could not be shown upon the published plans without confusing the drawing. The contour lines represent an interval of 5 feet; the few cases in which the secondary or negative contours are used will not produce confusion, as their altitude is always given in figures.
The ruins described in this chapter comprise but a few of those found within the province of Tusayan. These were surveyed and recorded on account of their close traditional connection with the present villages, and for the sake of the light that they might throw upon the relation of the modern pueblos to the innumerable stone buildings of unknown date so widely distributed over the southwestern plateau country. Suchtraditional connection with the present peoples could probably be established for many more of the ruins of this country by investigations similar to those conducted by Mr. Stephen in the Tusayan group; but this phase of the subject was not included in our work. In the search for purely architectural evidence among these ruins it must be confessed that the data have proved disappointingly meager. No trace of the numerous constructive details that interest the student of pueblo architecture in the modern villages can be seen in the low mounds of broken down masonry that remain in most of the ancient villages of Tusayan. But little masonry remains standing in even the best preserved of these ruins, and villages known to have been occupied within two centuries are not distinguishable from the remains to which distinct tradition (save that they were in the same condition when the first people of the narrators’ gens came to this region) no longer clings. Though but little architectural information is to be derived from these ruins beyond such as is conveyed by the condition and character of the masonry and the general distribution of the plan, the plans and relation to the topography are recorded as forming, in connection with the traditions, a more complete account than can perhaps be obtained later.
In our study of architectural details, when a comparison is suggested between the practice at Tusayan and that of the ancient builders, our illustrations for the latter must often be drawn from other portions of the builders’ territory where better preserved remains furnish the necessary data.
In the case of the pueblo of Walpi, a portion of whose people seem to have been the first comers in this region, a number of changes of sites have taken place, at least one of which has occurred within the historic period. Of the various sites occupied one is pointed out north of the gap on the first mesa. At the present time this site is only a low mound of sand-covered débris with no standing fragment of wall visible. The present condition of this early Walpi is illustrated inFig. 2. In the absence of foundation walls or other definite lines, the character of the site is expressed by the contour lines that define its relief. Another of the sites occupied by the Walpi is said to have been in the open valley separating the first from the second mesa, but here no trace of the remains of a stone village has been discovered. This traditional location is referred to by Mr. Stephen in his account of Walpi. The last site occupied previous to the present one on the mesa summit was on a lower bench of the first mesa promontory at its southern extremity. Here the houses are said to have been distributed over quite a large area, and occasional fragments of masonry are still seen at widely separated points; but the ground plan can not now be traced. This was the site of a Spanish mission, and some of the Tusayan point out the position formerly occupied by mission buildings, but no architectural evidence of such structures is visible. It seems to be fairly certain, however, thatthis was the site of Walpi at a date well within the historic period, although now literally there is not one stone upon another. The destruction in this instance has probably been more than usually complete on account of the close proximity of the succeeding pueblo, making the older remains a very convenient stone quarry for the construction of the houses on the mesa summit. Of the three abandoned sites of Walpi referred to, not one furnishes sufficient data for a suggestion of a ground plan or of the area covered.
Old Walpi mound
Fig. 2.Ruins, Old Walpi mound.
In the case of Mashongnavi we have somewhat more abundant material. It will be desirable to quote a few lines of narrative from the account of a Mashongnavi Indian of the name of Nuvayauma, as indicating the causes that led to the occupation of the site illustrated.
We turned and came to the north, meeting the Apache and “Beaver Indians,” with whom we had many battles, and being few we were defeated, after which we cameup to Mashongnavi [the ruin at the “Giant’s Chair”] and gave that rock its name [name not known], and built our houses there. The Apache came upon us again, with the Comanche, and then we came to [Old Mashóngnavi]. We lived there in peace many years, having great success with crops, and our people increased in numbers, and the Apache came in great numbers and set fire to the houses and burned our corn, which you will find to-day there burnt and charred. After they had destroyed our dwellings we came upon the mesa, and have lived here since.
The ruins referred to as having been the first occupied by the Mashongnavi at a large isolated rock known as the “Giant’s Chair,” have not been examined. The later village from which they were driven by the attacks of the Apache to their present site has been surveyed. The plan of the fallen walls and lines of débris by which the form of much of the old pueblo can still be traced is given inPl.II. The plan of the best preserved portion of the pueblo towards the north end of the sheet clearly indicates a general adherence to the inclosed court arrangement with about the same degree of irregularity that characterizes the modern village. Besides the clearly traceable portions of the ruin that bear such resemblance to the present village in arrangement, several small groups and clusters appear to have been scattered along the slope of the foothills, but in their present state of destruction it is not clear whether these clusters were directly connected with the principal group, or formed part of another village. Occasional traces of foundation walls strongly suggest such connection, although from the character of the site this intervening space could hardly have been closely built over. With the exception of the main cluster above described the houses occupy very broken and irregular sites. As indicated on the plan, the slope is broken by huge irregular masses of sandstone protruding from the soil, while much of the surface is covered by scattered fragments that have fallen from neighboring pinnacles and ledges. The contours indicate the general character of the slopes over which these irregular features are disposed. The fragment of ledge shown on the north end of the plate, against which a part of the main cluster has been built, is a portion of a broad massive ledge of sandstone that supports the low buttes upon which the present villages of Mashongnavi and Shupaúlovi are built, and continues as a broad, level shelf of solid rock for several miles along the mesa promontory. Its continuation on the side opposite that shown in the plate may be seen in the general view of Shupaulovi (Pl.XXXI).
The vestiges of another ruined village, known as Shitaimuvi, are found in the vicinity of Mashongnavi, occupying and covering the crown of a rounded foothill on the southeast side of the mesa. No plan of this ruin could be obtained on account of the complete destruction of the walls. No line of foundation stones even could be found, although the whole area is more or less covered with the scattered stones of former masonry. An exceptional quantity of pottery fragments is also strewnover the surface. These bear a close resemblance to the fine class of ware characteristic of “Talla Hogan” or “Awatubi,” and would suggest that this pueblo was contemporaneous with the latter. Some reference to this ruin win be found in the traditionary material in ChapterI.
The ruin of Awatubi is known to the Navajo as Talla Hogan, a term interpreted as meaning “singing house” and thought to refer to the chapel and mission that at one time nourished here, as described by Mr. Stephen in ChapterI. Tradition ascribes great importance to this village. At the time of the Spanish conquest it was one of the most prosperous of the seven “cities” of Tusayan, and was selected as the site of a mission, a distinction shared by Walpi, which was then on a lower spur of the first mesa, and by Shumopavi, which also was built on a lower site than the present village of that name. Traditions referring to this pueblo have been collected from several sources and, while varying somewhat in less important details, they all concur in bringing the destruction of the village well within the period of Spanish occupation.
plan of Awatubi (Talla-Hogan)
Plate IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan.
On the historical site, too, we know that Cruzate on the occasion of the attempted reconquest of the country visited this village in 1692, and the ruin must therefore be less than two centuries old, yet the completeness of destruction is such that over most of its area no standing wall is seen, and the outlines of the houses and groups are indicated mainly by low ridges and masses of broken-down masonry, partly covered by the drifting sands. The group of rooms that forms the south east side of the pueblo is an exception to the general rule. Here fragmentary walls of rough masonry stand to a height, in some cases, of 8 feet above the débris. The character of the stonework, as may be seen fromPl.V, is but little better than that of the modern villages. This better preserved portion of the village seems to have formed part of a cluster of mission buildings. At the points designated A on the ground plan may be seen the remnants of walls that have been built of straw adobe in the typical Spanish manner. These rest upon foundations of stone masonry. SeePl.VI. The adobe fragments are probably part of the church or associated buildings. At two other points on the ground plan, both on the northeast side, low fragments of wall are still standing, as may be seen from the plate. At one of these points the remains indicate that the village was provided with a gateway near the middle of the northeast side.
Awatubi walls
Plate V. Standing walls of Awatubi.
The general plan of this pueblo is quite different from that of the present villages, and approaches the older types in symmetry and compactness. There is a notable absence of the arrangement of rooms into long parallel rows. This typical Tusayan feature is only slightly approximated in some subordinate rows within the court. The plan suggests that the original pueblo was built about three sides of a rectangularcourt, the fourth or southeast side—later occupied by the mission buildings—being left open, or protected only by a low wall. Outside the rectangle of the main pueblo, on the northeast side, are two fragments of rude masonry, built by Navajo sheep herders. Near the west corner of the pueblo are the vestiges of two rooms, outside the pueblo proper, which seem to belong to the original construction.
Awatubi adobe
Plate VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi.
Awatubi is said to have had excavated rectangular kivas, situated in the open court, similar to those used in the modern village. The people of Walpi had partly cleared out one of these chambers and used it as a depository for ceremonial plume-sticks, etc., but the Navajo came and carried off their sacred deposits, tempted probably by their market value as ethnologic specimens. No trace of these kivas was visible at the time the ruins were surveyed.
The Awatubi are said to have had sheep at the time the village was destroyed. Some of the Tusayan point out the remains of a large sheep corral near the spring, which they say was used at that time, but it is quite as likely to have been constructed for that purpose at a much later date.
The Horn House is so called because tradition connects this village with some of the people of the Horn phratry of the Hopituh or Tusayan. The ruin is situated on a projecting point of the mesa that forms the western flank of Jeditoh Valley, not far from where the Holbrook road to Keam’s Canyon ascends the brink of the mesa. The village is almost completely demolished, no fragment of standing wall remaining in place. Its general plan and distribution are quite clearly indicated by the usual low ridges of fallen masonry partly covered by drifted sand. There is but little loose stone scattered about, the sand having filled in all the smaller irregularities.
It will be seen from the plan,Pl.VII, that the village has been built close to the edge of the mesa, following to some extent the irregularities of its outline. The mesa ruin at this point, however, is not very high, the more abrupt portion having a height of 20 or 30 feet. Near the north end of the village the ground slopes very sharply toward the east and is rather thickly covered with the small stones of fallen masonry, though but faint vestiges of rooms remain. In plan the ruin is quite elongated, following the direction of the mesa. The houses were quite irregularly disposed, particularly in the northern portion of the ruin. But here the indications are too vague to determine whether the houses were originally built about one long court or about two or more smaller ones. The south end of the pueblo, however, still shows a well defined court bounded on all sides by clearly traceable rooms. At the extreme south end of the ruin the houses have very irregular outlines, a result of their adaptation to the topography, as may be seen in the illustration.
plan of Horn House ruin
full sizePlate VII. Horn House ruin, plan.
The plan shows the position of a small group of cottonwood trees, just below the edge of the mesa and nearly opposite the center of thevillage. These trees indicate the proximity of water, and mark the probable site of the spring that furnished this village with at least part of its water supply.
There are many fragments of pottery on this spot, but they are not so abundant as at Awatubi.
Two partly excavated rooms were seen at this ruin, the work of some earlier visitors who hoped to discover ethnologic or other treasure.
These afforded no special information, as the character of the masonry exposed differed in no respect from that seen at other of the Tusayan ruins. No traces of adobe construction or suggestions of foreign influence were seen at this ruin.
On a prolongation of the mesa occupied by the Horn House, midway between it and another ruined pueblo known as the Bat House, occur the remains of a small and compact cluster of houses (Fig. 3). It is situated on the very mesa edge, here about 40 feet high, at the head of a small canyon which opens into the Jeditoh Valley, a quarter of a mile below.
ruin
Fig. 3.Ruin between Bat House and Horn House.
The site affords an extended outlook to the south over a large part of Jeditoh Valley. The topography about this point, which receives the drainage of a considerable area of the mesa top, would fit it especially for the establishment of a reservoir. This fact probably had muchto do with its selection as a dwelling site. The masonry is in about the same state of preservation as that of the Horn House, and some of the stones of the fallen walls seem to have been washed down from the mesa edge to the talus below.
The Bat House is a ruin of nearly the same size as the Horn House, although in its distribution it does not follow the mesa edge so closely as the latter, and is not so elongated in its general form. The northern portion is quite irregular, and the rooms seem to have been somewhat crowded. The southern half, with only an occasional room traceable, as indicated on the plan,Pl.VIII, still shows that the rooms were distributed about a large open court.
Bat House
Plate VIII. Bat House.
The Bat House is situated on the northwest side of the Jeditoh Valley, on part of the same mesa occupied by the two ruins described above. It occupies the summit of a projecting spur, overlooking the main valley for an extent of more than 5 miles. The ruin lies on the extreme edge of the cliff, here about 200 feet high, and lying beneath it on the east and south are large areas of arable land. Altogether it forms an excellent defensive site, combined with a fair degree of convenience to fields and water from the Tusayan point of view.
This ruin, near its northeastern extremity, contains a feature that is quite foreign to the architecture of Tusayan, viz, a defensive wall. It is the only instance of the use by the Hopituh of an inclosing wall, though it is met with again at Payupki (Pl.XIII), which, however, was built by people from the Rio Grande country.
Mishiptonga is the Tusayan name for the southernmost, and by far the largest, of the Jeditoh series of ruins (Pl.IX). It occurs quite close to the Jeditoh spring which gives its name to the valley along whose northern and western border are distributed the ruins above described, beginning with the Horn house.
plan of Mishiptonga
full sizePlate IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh).
This village is rather more irregular in its arrangement than any other of the series. There are indications of a number of courts inclosed by large and small clusters of rooms, very irregularly disposed, but with a general trend towards the northeast, being roughly parallel with the mesa edge. In plan this village approaches somewhat that of the inhabited Tusayan villages. At the extreme southern extremity of the mesa promontory is a small secondary bench, 20 feet lower than the site of the main village. This bench has also been occupied by a number of houses. On the east side the pueblo was built to the very edge of the bluff, where small fragments of masonry are still standing. The whole village seems so irregular and crowded in its arrangement that it suggests a long period of occupancy and growth, much more than do the other villages of this (Jeditoh) group.
The pueblo may have been abandoned or destroyed prior to the advent of the Spaniards in this country, as claimed by the Indians, for no traditional mention of it is made in connection with the later feuds and wars that figure so prominently in the Tusayan oral history of the last three centuries. The pueblo was undoubtedly built by some of the ancient gentes of the Tusayan stock, as its plan, the character of the site chosen, and, where traceable, the quality of workmanship link it with the other villages of the Jeditoh group.
small ruin
Plate X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi.
A very small group of rooms, even smaller than the neighboring farming pueblo of Moen-kopi, is situated on the western edge of the mesa summit about a quarter of a mile north of the modern village of Moen-kopi. As the plan shows (Fig. 4), the rooms were distributed in three rows around a small court. This ruin also follows the general northeastern trend which has been noticed both in the ruined and in the occupied pueblos of Tusayan. The rows here were only one room deep and not more than a single story high at any point, as indicated by the very small amount of débris. As the plate shows, nearly the entire plan is clearly defined by fragments of standing walls. The walls are built of thin tablets of the dark-colored sandstone which caps the mesa. Where the walls have fallen the débris is comparatively freefrom earth, indicating that adobe has been sparingly used. The walls, in places standing to a height of 2 or 3 feet, as may be seen in the illustration,Pl.X, show unusual precision of workmanship and finish, resembling in this respect some of the ancient pueblos farther north. This is to some extent due to the exceptional suitability of the tabular stones of the mesa summit. The almost entire absence of pottery fragments and other objects of art which are such a constant accompaniment of the ruins throughout this region strongly suggest that it was occupied for a very short time. In ChapterIIIit will be shown that a similar order of occupation took place at Ojo Caliente, one of the Zuñi farming villages. This ruin is probably of quite recent origin, as is the present village of Moen-kopi, although it may possibly have belonged to an earlier colony of which we have no distinct trace. This fertile and well watered valley, a veritable garden spot in the Tusayan deserts, must have been one of the first points occupied. Some small cliff-dwellings, single rooms in niches of a neighboring canyon wall, attest the earlier use of the valley for agricultural purposes, although it is doubtful whether these rude shelters date back of the Spanish invasion of the province.
plan of ruin
Fig. 4.Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan.
A close scrutiny of the many favorable sites in this vicinity would probably reveal the sand-encumbered remains of some more important settlement than any of those now known.
The wagon road from Keam’s Canyon to Tuba City crosses the Oraibi wash at a point about 7 miles above the village of Oraibi. As it enters a branch canyon on the west side of the wash it is flanked on each side by rocky mesas and broken ledges. On the left or west side a bold promontory, extending southward, is quite a conspicuous feature of the landscape. The entire flat mesa summit, and much of the slope of a rocky butte that rises from it, are covered with the remains of a small pueblo, as shown on the plan,Fig. 5. All of this knoll except its eastern side is lightly covered with scattered débris. On the west and north sides there are many large masses of broken rock distributed over the slope. There is no standing wall visible from below, but on closer approach several interesting specimens of masonry are seen. On the north side, near the west end, there is a fragment of curved wall which follows the margin of the rock on which it is built. It is about 8 or 10 feet long and 3 feet high on the outer side. The curve is carefully executed and the workmanship of the masonry good. Farther east, and still on the north side, there is a fragment of masonry exhibiting a reversed curve. This piece of wall spans the space between two adjoining rocks, and the top of the wall is more than 10 feet above the rock on which it stands. The shape of this wall and its relation to the surroundings are indicated on the plan,Fig. 5. On the south side of the ruin on the mesa surface, and near an outcropping rock, are the remainsof what appears to have been a circular room, perhaps 8 or 10 feet in diameter, though it is too much broken down to determine this accurately. Only a small portion of the south wall can be definitely traced. On the south slope of the mesa are indications of walls, too vaguely defined to admit of the determination of their direction. Similar vestiges of masonry are found on the north and west, but not extending to as great a distance from the knoll as those on the south.
ruin
Fig. 5.Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi.
In that portion of the ruin which lies on top of the knoll, the walls so far as traced conform to the shape of the site. The ground plan of the buildings that once occupied the slopes can not be traced, and it is impossible to determine whether its walls were carried through continuously.
The masonry exhibited in the few surviving fragments of wall is of unusually good quality, resembling somewhat that of the Fire House,Fig. 7, and other ruins of that class. The stones are of medium size, not dressed, and are rather rougher and less flat than is usual, but the wall has a good finish. The stone, however, is of poor quality. Most of the débris about the ruin consists of small stone fragments and sand, comparatively few stones of the size used in the walls being seen. The material evidently came from the immediate vicinity of the ruin.
Pottery fragments were quite abundant about this ruin, most of the ware represented being of exceptional quality and belonging to the older types; red ware with black lines and black and white ware were especially abundant.
There is quite an extensive view from the ruin, the top of the butte commanding an outlook down the valley past Oraibi, and about 5 miles north. There is also an extended outlook up the valley followed by the wagon road above referred to, and over two branch valleys, one on the east and another of much less extent on the west. The site was well adapted for defense, which must have been one of the principal motives for its selection.
The ruin known to the Tusayan as Kwaituki (Fig. 6) is also on the west side of the Oraibi wash, 14 miles above Oraibi, and about 7 miles above the ruin last described. Its general resemblance to the latter is very striking. The builders have apparently been actuated by the same motives in their choice of a site, and their manner of utilizing it corresponds very closely. The crowning feature of the rocky knoll in this case is a picturesque group of rectangular masses of sandstone, somewhat irregularly distributed. The bare summit of a large block-like mass still retains the vestiges of rooms, and probably most of the groups were at one time covered with buildings, forming a prominent citadel-like group in the midst of the village. To the north of this rocky butte a large area seems to have been at one time inclosed by buildings, forming a court of unusual dimensions. Along the outer margin of the pueblooccasional fragments of walls define former rooms, but the amount and character of the débris indicate that the inner area was almost completely inclosed with buildings. The remains of masonry extend on the south a little beyond the base of the central group of rocks, but here the vestiges of stonework are rather faint and scattered.
ruin
Fig. 6.Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki).
In the nearly level tops of some of the rocks forming the central pile are many smoothly worn depressions or cavities, which have evidently been used for the grinding and shaping of stone implements.
A remarkable feature occurring within this village is a cave or underground fissure in the rocks, which evidently had been used by the inhabitants. The mouth or entrance to this cavern, partly obstructed and concealed at the time of our visit, occurs at the point A on the plan. On clearing away the rubbish at the mouth and entering it was found so obstructed with broken rock and fine dust that but little progress could be made in its exploration; but the main crevice in the rock could be seen by artificial light to extend some 10 feet back from the mouth, where it became very shallow. It could be seen that the original cavern had been improved by the pueblo-builders, as some of the timbers that had been placed inside were still in position, and a low wall of masonry on the south side remained intact. Some Navajos stated that they had discovered this small cave a couple of years before and had taken from it a large unbroken water jar of ancient pottery and some other specimens. The place was probably used by the ancient occupants simply for storage.
Fragments of pottery of excellent quality were very abundant about this ruin and at the foot of the central rocks the ground was thickly strewn with fragments, often of large size.
The defensive character of this site parallels that of the ruin 7 miles farther south in quite a remarkable manner, and the villages were apparently built and occupied at the same time.
About 15 miles northeast of Keam’s Canyon, and about 25 miles from Walpi, is a small ruin called by the Tusayan “Tebugkihu,” built by people of the Fire gens (now extinct). As the plan (Fig. 7) clearly shows, this pueblo is very different from the typical Tusayan villages that have been previously described. The apparent unity of the plan, and the skillful workmanship somewhat resembling the pueblos of the Chaco are in marked contrast to the irregularity and careless construction of most of the Tusayan ruins. Its distance from the center of the province, too, suggests outside relationship; but still the Tusayan traditions undoubtedly connect the place with some of the ancestral gentes, as seen in ChapterI.
The small and compact cluster of rooms is in a remarkable state of preservation, especially the outside wall. This wall was carefully and massively constructed, and stands to the height of several feet aroundthe entire circumference of the ruin, except along the brink of the cliff, as the plan shows.
This outer wall contains by far the largest stones yet found incorporated in pueblo masonry. A fragment of this masonry is illustrated inPl.XI. The largest stone shown measures about 5 feet in length, and the one adjoining on the right measures about 4 feet. These dimensions are quite remarkable in pueblo masonry, which is distinguished by the use of very small stones.
Fire-House masonry
Plate XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-House, detail.
The well defined outer wall of this cluster to the unaided eye appears to be elliptical, but it will be seen from the plan that the ellipse is somewhat pointed on the side farthest from the cliff. As in other cases of ancient pueblos with curved outlines, the outer wall seems to have been built first, and the inner rooms, while kept as rectangular as possible, were adjusted to this curve. This arrangement often led to a cumulating divergence from radial lines in some of the partitions, which irregularity was taken up in one room, as in this instance, in the space near the gate. The outer wall is uniform in construction so far as preserved. Many irregularities appear, however, in the construction of the inner or partition walls, and some of the rooms show awkward attempts at adjustment to the curve of the outer wall.
The ruin is situated on the very brink of a small canyon, which probably contained a spring at the foot of the cliff close under the ruin site, as the vegetation there has an unusual appearance of freshness, suggesting the close proximity of water to the surface. A steep trail evidently connected the village with the bottom of the canyon. Some of the rocks of the mesa rim were marked by numerous cup-like cavities similar to those seen at Kwaituki, and used in the polishing and forming of stone implements. The type of pueblo here illustrated belonged to a people who relied largely on the architecture for defense, differing in this respect from the spirit of Tusayan architecture generally, where the inaccessible character of the site was the chief dependence.
The ruin called Chukubi by the Tusayan (Pl.XII) is situated on the Middle Mesa, about 3 miles northeast of Mashongnavi. It occupies a promontory above the same broad sandstone ledge that forms such aconspicuous feature in the vicinity of Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi, and which supports the buttes upon which these villages are built.
plan of Chukubi
full sizePlate XII. Chukubi, plan.
Little masonry now remains on this site, but here and there a fragment aids in defining the general plan of the pueblo. In general form the village was a large rectangle with a line of buildings across its center, dividing it into two unequal courts, and a projecting wing on the west side. As may be seen from the illustration, one end of the ruin forms a clearly defined rectangular court, composed of buildings mostly two rooms deep. Here, as in other ruins of Tusayan, the arrangement about inclosed courts is in contrast with the parallelism of rows, so noticeable a feature in the occupied villages. At the east end of the ruin are several curious excavations. The soft sandstone has been hollowed out to a depth of about 10 inches, in prolongation of the outlines of adjoining rooms. Such excavation to obtain level floors is quite unusual among the pueblo builders; it was practiced to a very small extent, and only where it could be done with little trouble. Any serious inequality of surface was usually incorporated in the construction, as will be noticed at Walpi (Pl.XXIII). Vestiges of masonry indicating detached rooms were seen in each of the courts of the main rectangle.
On the slope of the hill, just above the broad ledge previously described, there is a fine spring, but no trace of a trail connecting it with the pueblo could be found.
This village was advantageously placed for defense, but not to the same degree as Payupki, illustrated inPl.XIII.
Payupki
Plate XIV. General view of Payupki.
The ruin called Payupki (Pl.XIII) occupies the summit of a bold promontory south of the trail, from Walpi to Oraibi, and about 6 miles northwest from Mashongnavi. The outer extremity of this promontory is separated from the mesa by a deep notch. The summit is reached from the mesa by way of the neck, as the outer point itself is very abrupt, much of the sandstone ledge being vertical. A bench, 12 or 15 feet below the summit and in places quite broad, encircles the promontory. This bench also breaks off very abruptly.
plan of Payupki
full sizePlate XIII. Payupki, plan.
As may be seen from the plan, the village is quite symmetrically laid out and well arranged for defense. It is placed at the mesa end of the promontory cap, and for greater security the second ledge has also been fortified. All along the outer margin of this ledge are the remains of a stone wall, in some places still standing to a height of 1 or 2 feet. This wall appears to have extended originally all along the ledge around three sides of the village. The steepness of the cliff on the remaining side rendered a wall superfluous. On the plain below this promontory, and immediately under the overhanging cliff, are two corrals, and alsothe remains of a structure that resembles a kiva, but which appears to be of recent construction.
In the village proper (Pl.XIV) are two distinctly traceable kivas. One of these, situated in the court, is detached and appears to have been partly underground. The other, located in the southeast end of the village, has also, like the first, apparently been sunk slightly below the surface. There is a jog in the standing wall of this kiva which corresponds to that usually found in the typical Tusayan kivas (see Figs.22and25). On the promontory and east of the village is a single room of more than average length, with a well formed door in the center of one side. This room has every appearance of being contemporary with the rest of the village, but its occurrence in this entirely isolated position is very unusual. Still farther east there is a mass of debris that may have belonged to a cluster of six or eight rooms, or it may possibly be the remains of temporary stone shelters for outlooks over crops, built at a later date than the pueblo. As may be seen from the illustration (Pl.XV), the walls are roughly built of large slabs of sandstone of various sizes. The work is rather better than that of modern Tusayan, but much inferior to that seen in the skillfully laid masonry of the ruins farther north. In many of these walls an occasional sandstone slab of great length is introduced. This peculiarity is probably due to the character of the local material, which is more varied than usual. All of the stone here used is taken from ledges in the immediate vicinity. It is usually light in color and of loose texture, crumbling readily, and subject to rapid decay, particularly when used in walls that are roughly constructed.
Payupki walls
Plate XV. Standing walls of Payupki.
Much of the pottery scattered about this ruin has a very modern appearance, some of it having the characteristic surface finish and color of the Rio Grande ware. A small amount of ancient pottery also occurs here, some of the fragments of black and white ware displaying intricate fret patterns. The quantity of these potsherds is quite small, and they occur mainly in the refuse heaps on the mesa edge.
This ruin combines a clearly defined defensive plan with utilization of one of the most inaccessible sites in the vicinity, producing altogether a combination that would seem to have been impregnable by any of the ordinary methods of Indian warfare.