ILLUSTRATIONS.PLATEXLIV.Siouan tents (A, tent of Ԁejequta;B, tent of Mazi-jiñga (man in the sun);C, tent of Heqaga;D, tent of Kaxe-ȼaⁿba’s father;E, tent of Hupeȼa, and Agaha-wacuce)361XLV.Camping circle at the time of the sun dance454XLVI.The dancing lodge458XLVII.Scarification of candidates (1, Okáska nażin; 2, Ptepa kin waći)460XLVIII.The sun dance462XLIX.A suspended devotee464L.The double woman480FIG.156.George Miller’s personal mystery decoration394157.A variant of Fig. 156394158.Robe of Wanukige395159.Tent of Wanukige396160.Robe of Ȼaqube396161.Robe of Ԁahe-ʇap‘ĕ397162.Generic decoration referring to night, etc.397163.Tent of Aⁿpaⁿ-ska, Sr.398164.Robe of Aⁿpaⁿ-ska, Sr.399165.Tent of Mazi-jiñga (ghost vision)399166.A tent of Nikuȼibȼaⁿ399167.Another tent of Nikuȼibȼaⁿ399168.Blanket of Cuʞa maⁿȼiⁿ400169.Tent of ┴esaⁿ; vision of a cedar401170.Tent of ┴esaⁿ; sun and rainbow vision401171.Cornstalk decoration of the tents of Fire Chief and Waqaga402172.Robe of Ni-ȼactage403173.Duba-maⁿȼiⁿ’s father’s tent403174.Maⁿtcu-naⁿba’s tent403175.Wackaⁿhi’s tent404176.Tent of an unknown Omaha404177.Tent of ┴ebi‘a405178.Tent of a Kansa who had an eagle vision405179.Kansa decorated tent406180.Kansa decorated tent406181.Maⁿze-guhe’s robe406182.Maⁿze-guhe’s tent407183.Duba-maⁿȼiⁿ’s father’s blanket407184.Iñke-sabĕ tent decoration408185.Iñke-sabĕ tent decoration409186.Waqaga’s robe409187.Sacred tent in which the pole was kept413188.Bear Butte, South Dakota449FIG.189.The “u-ma-ne” symbol451190.Eagle-wing flute455191.The tent of preparation and the dancing lodge459192.The ghost lodge487193.The Ȼatada gentile circle523194.The four elements, etc.523195.Kansa order of invoking winds, etc.525196.Tsiɔu (Osage) order of placing the four sticks, etc.525197.Paⁿɥka (Osage) order of placing the four sticks, etc.526198.Kaⁿ[s]e (Osage) order of circumambulation526199.Showing how the Osage prepared the scalp for the dance526200.Omaha lightnings and the four quarters527
Bureau of Ethnology.
Eleventh Annual Report. Plate XLIV
GAST LITH. CO.
SIOUAN TENTS.
A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS.
BY JAMES OWEN DORSEY.
§ 1. Cult, as used in this article, means a system of religious belief and worship, especially the rites and ceremonies employed in such worship. The present article treats of the cults of a few of the Siouan tribes—that is, with two exceptions, of such tribes as have been visited by the author.
“Siouan” is a term originated by the Bureau of Ethnology. It is derived from “Sioux,” the popular name for those Indians who call themselves “Dakota” or “Lakota,” the latter being the Teton appellation. “Siouan” is used as an adjective, but, unlike its primitive, it refers not only to the Dakota tribes, but also to the entire linguistic stock or family.
The Siouan family includes the Dakota, Assiniboin, Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansa, Kwapa, Iowa, Oto, Missouri, Winnebago, Mandan, Hidatsa, Crow, Tutelo, Biloxi, Catawba, and other Indians. The Sapona, who are now extinct, probably belonged to this family.
The author was missionary to the Ponka Indians, in what is now part of Nebraska, from 1871 to 1873. Since 1878 he has acquired native texts and other information from the Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansa, Winnebago, Iowa, Oto, Missouri, and Dakota.
In seeking information respecting the ancient beliefs of the Indians the author has always found it expedient to question the Indian when no interpreter was present.
§ 2. This study is based for the most part upon statements made by Indians, though several publications were consulted during the preparation of the fifth and sixth chapters.
The following Indians had become Christians before the author met them: Joseph La Flèche, Frank La Flèche, John Big Elk, and George Miller, all Omaha. Joseph La Flèche, who died in 1888, was the leader of the civilization party in the Omaha tribe after 1855. He was at one time a head chief. He spoke several Indian languages, having spent years among other tribes, including the Pawnee, when he was in the service of the fur company. His son, Frank, has been in the Indian Bureau at Washington since 1881. The author has obtained considerable linguistic material from the father and son. The father, with Two Crows, aided the author in the summer of 1882 in revising his sociologic notes, resulting in the preparation of “Omaha Sociology,” which was published in the third annual report of the director of the Bureau of Ethnology. John Big Elk, a full Omaha, of the Elk gens, furnished an article on “Sacred Traditions and Customs,” and several historical papers, published in “Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. VI.” George Miller, of the Ictasanda or Thunder gens, is a full Omaha, from whom was obtained nearly half of Chapter III, including most of the Omaha illustrations.
The following Indians were not Christians: Gahige, Two Crows, Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ, and Samuel Fremont, all Omaha; Nudaⁿ-axa, a Ponka; and the Kansa, Osage, Missouri, Iowa, and Winnebago informants.
Two Crows has been connected in several ways with the ancient organizations of his people. He has been a head man, or nikagahi, being thus an ex-officio member of the class which exercised the civil and religious functions of the state. He has been a policeman during the buffalo hunt. He has acted as captain, or war chief, and he is the leading doctor in the order of Buffalo shamans, being the keeper of the “sweet medicine.”
Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ, or He-who-fears-not-the-sight-of-a-Pawnee, is a member of the Black Bear subgens, and he is also one of the servants of the Elk gens, it being his duty to be present at the sacred tent of that gens, and to assist in the ceremonies pertaining to the invocation of the Thunder Beings.
Gahige was the chief of the Iñke-sabĕ, a Buffalo gens, and at the time of his death he was the keeper of the two sacred pipes.
Samuel Fremont is a member of the Eagle subgens. He came to Washington in the autumn of 1888 and assisted the author till February, 1889.
Nudaⁿ-axa is a chief of a part of the Thunder-Being gens of the Ponka. The author has known him since 1871.
The other Indian authorities need not be named, as they are in substantial agreement.
The following authorities were consulted in the preparation of the Dakota and Assiniboin chapter:
Bruyier(John), a Dakota, MS. Teton texts. 1888. Translated by himself. Bureau of Ethnology.
Bushotter(George), a Dakota, MS. Teton texts. 1887-’88. Translated by J. Owen Dorsey. Bureau of Ethnology.
Fletcher(MissAlice C.), The Sun-dance of the Ogalalla Sioux. In Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., Montreal Miss meeting, 1882, pp. 580-584.
Fletcher(MissAlice C.), several articles in Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. 3, 1884, pp. 260-333.
Hovey(Rev.H. C.), “Eyay Shah,” in Am. Antiquarian, Jan., 1887, pp. 35, 36.
Long(Maj.S. H.), Skiff Voyage to Falls of St. Anthony. In Minn. Histor. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 1, pp. 18, 19, 55.
Lynd(J. W.), Religion of the Dakotas. In Minn. Histor. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, pp. 57-84.
Pond(G. H.), Dakota Superstitions. In Minn. Histor. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 3, pp. 32-62.
Riggs(S. R.), Theogony of the Sioux. In Am. Antiquarian, vol. II, No. 4, pp. 265-270.
——. In Am. Antiq., vol. V, 1883, p. 149.
——. In Am. Philolog. Assoc. Proc., 3d An. Sess., 1872, pp. 5, 6.
——. Tah-koo Wah-kon, or, The Gospel Among the Dakotas, 1869.
Say(Thos.), in James (E.), Account of Long’s Exped. Rocky Mts., vol. I, Phil., 1823.
Shea(J. Gilmary), Am. Cath. Missions, N. Y. (after 1854).
Smet(Rev.P. J. de), Western Missions and Missionaries, N. Y. (n. d.).
Woodburn(Dr.J. M., Jr.), MS. Letter and Teton Vocabulary, 1890. Bureau of Ethnology.
§ 3. With the exception of seven letters taken from Riggs’s Dakota Dictionary, and which are used only in the Dakota words, the characters used in recording the Indian words occurring in this paper belong to the alphabet adopted by the Bureau of Ethnology.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE:Many of the letters in the original book cannot be represented faithfully in the character set available. The following table explains the conventions used to represent such characters. In the table, ‘x’ is used to mean “any letter”.SymbolSymbol in book‘Inverted comma, to the left of a letter and raised above the baseline, like a single opening quotation mark.’Comma, to the right of a letter and raised above the baseline, like a single closing quotation mark.´“Accent mark”—a diagonal slash indicating a stressed syllable.[x]The letter upside-down. This is used for upside-down lower-case ‘p’, because an upside-down lower-case p looks too much like a ‘d’; and for upside-down ‘s’, which looks too much like a right-side-up ‘s’; and for an upside-down upper-case K, because I don’t think that character exists in Unicode.ȼA lowercase ‘c’ with an acute accent and a mark below.ȻAn uppercase ‘c’ with an acute accent and a mark below.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE:
Many of the letters in the original book cannot be represented faithfully in the character set available. The following table explains the conventions used to represent such characters. In the table, ‘x’ is used to mean “any letter”.
SymbolSymbol in book‘Inverted comma, to the left of a letter and raised above the baseline, like a single opening quotation mark.’Comma, to the right of a letter and raised above the baseline, like a single closing quotation mark.´“Accent mark”—a diagonal slash indicating a stressed syllable.[x]The letter upside-down. This is used for upside-down lower-case ‘p’, because an upside-down lower-case p looks too much like a ‘d’; and for upside-down ‘s’, which looks too much like a right-side-up ‘s’; and for an upside-down upper-case K, because I don’t think that character exists in Unicode.ȼA lowercase ‘c’ with an acute accent and a mark below.ȻAn uppercase ‘c’ with an acute accent and a mark below.
a, as infather.‘a, an initially exploded a.ă, as inwhat, or asoinnot.‘ă, an initially exploded ă.ä, as inhat.c, asshinshe. See ś.ɔ, a medialsh, a sonant-surd.ć (Dakota letter), aschinchurch.ç, asthinthin.[ç], a medial ç, sonant-surd.ȼ, asthinthe.e, as inthey.‘e, an initially exploded e.ĕ, as inget.‘ĕ an initially exploded ĕ.g, as ingo.ġ (in Dakota),gh. See x.ɥ (in Osage), an h after a pure or nasalized vowel, expelled through the mouth with the lips wide apart.ḣ (in Dakota),kh, etc. See q.i, as inmachine.‘i, an initially exploded i.ĭ, as inpin.j, aszinazure, or asjin the FrenchJacques.ʞ a medial k, a sonant-surd.k’, an exploded k. See next letter.ḳ (in Dakota), an exploded k.ŋ (in Dakota), after a vowel has the sound ofnin the Frenchbon. See ⁿ.ɯ (in Kansa), a medial m, a sound between m and b.ñ, asnginsing.hn, its initial sound is expelled from the nostrils and is scarcely heard.o, as inno.‘o, an initially exploded o.[p], a medial b or p, a sonant-surd.p’, an exploded p.q, as Germanchinach. See ḣ.[s], a medial z or s, a sonant-surd.ś (in Dakota), asshinshe. See c.ʇ, a medial d or t, a sonant-surd.t’, an exploded t.u, asoointool.‘u, an initially exploded u.ŭ, asooinfoot.ṵ, a sound between o and u.ü, as in Germankühl,süss.x,gh, or nearly the Arabicghain. See ġ.ź (in Dakota), aszinazure. See j.dj, asjinjudge.tc, aschinchurch. See ć.tc’, an exploded tc.ʇɔ, a medial tc, a sonant-surd.ts’, an exploded ts.ʇ[s], a medial ts, a sonant-surd.ai, as inaisle.au, asowinhow.yu, asuintune, orewinfew.
The following have the ordinary English sounds: b, d, h, k, l, m, n, p, r, s, t, w, y, and z. A superior n (ⁿ) after a vowel (compare the Dakota ŋ) has the sound of the French n in bon, vin, etc. A plus sign (+) after any letter prolongs it.
The vowels ‘a, ‘e, ‘i, ‘o, ‘u, and their modifications are styled initially exploded vowels for want of a better appellation, there being in each case an initial explosion. These vowels can not be called “breaths,” as no aspiration is used with any of them; nor can they be spoken of as “guttural breaths,” as they are approximately or partially pectoral sounds. They have been found by the author not only in the Siouan languages, but also in some of the languages of western Oregon. In 1880 a brother of the late Gen. Armstrong, of Hampton, Va., who was born on one of the Hawaiian islands, informed the author that this class of vowel sounds occurred in the language of his native land.
The abbreviations in the interlinear translations are as follows:sub.—subject.ob.—object.st.—sitting.std.—standing.recl.—reclining.mv.—moving.col.—collective.lg.—long.cv.—curvilinear.pl.—plural.sing.—singular.an.—animate.in.—inanimate.
§ 4. It has been asserted for several hundred years that the North American Indian was a believer in one Great Spirit prior to the coming of the white race to this continent, and that, as he was a monotheist, it was an easy matter to convert him to Christianity. Indians have been represented as speaking of “The Great Spirit,” “The Master of Life,” etc., as if the idea of the one and only God was familiar to our aborigines during the pre-Columbian period.
While the author is unwilling to commit himself to a general denial of this assertion, he has been forced to conclude that it needs considerable modification, at least so far as it refers to the tribes of the Siouan stock. (See §§ 7, 15, 21-43, 72-79, 92-99, 311, 312, 322-326, 341-346.)
On close investigation it will be found that in many cases Indians have been quick to adopt the phrases of civilization in communicating with white people, but in speaking to one another they use their own terms. The student of the uncivilized races must ever be on his guard against leading questions and their answers. The author has learned by experience that it is safer to let the Indian tell his own story in his own words than to endeavor to question him in such a manner as to reveal what answers are desired or expected.
§ 5. In 1883 the author published an article on “The Religion of the Omahas and Ponkas,” in The American Antiquarian of Chicago. Since then he has obtained additional data, furnishing him with many undesigned coincidences, which lead him to a broader view of the subject.
§ 6. In considering the subject from an Indian’s point of view, one must avoid speaking of the supernatural as distinguished from the natural. It is safer to divide phenomena as they appear to the Indian mind into the human and the superhuman, as many, if not most natural phenomena are mysterious to the Indian. Nay, even man himself may become mysterious by fasting, prayer, and vision.
One fruitful source of error has been a misunderstanding of Indian terms and phrases. It is very important to attempt to settle the exact meanings of certain native words and phrases ere we proceed furtherwith the consideration of the subject.
§ 7. The attention of the author having been called to the article on “Serpent Symbolism” of the Iroquoian languages, by Mr. Hewitt[1]of the Bureau of Ethnology, a similar investigation of the Siouan terms was made, the results of which are now presented. In connection with the terms for “serpent,” Mr. Hewitt showed how they are related in the languages with which he was familiar with other terms, such as “demon,” “devil,” “wizard,” “witch,” “subtile,” “occult,” “mysterious,” and “supernatural.”
In Dakota we find the following: Wakaⁿ, mysterious, wonderful, incomprehensible, often rendered “holy” by the missionaries; wakaⁿ-hdi (in Santee), wakaⁿ-kdi (in Yankton), lightning, perhaps containing a reference to a zigzag line or forked lightning; wakaⁿ etcoⁿ, to practice sleight of hand; and waⁿmducka, serpent. There are many derivatives of wakaⁿ, among which are, Taku Wakaⁿ, literally “something mysterious,” rendered “some one mysterious,” or “holy being,” and Wakaⁿ-tañka, literally, “Great mysterious (one),” both of which terms are now applied to God by the missionaries and their converts, though Wakaⁿ-tañka is a name for the Thunder-being.
In Riggs’s alphabet (Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. VII), these words are thus written: Wakaŋ, wakaŋhdi, wakaŋkdi, wakaŋ ećoŋ, waŋmduśka, Taku Wakaŋ, and Wakaŋtaŋka. One of the Dakota words for “aged” is kaⁿ (kaŋ in Riggs’s alphabet); but though this refers to persons we can not tell whether it is related to wakaⁿ (or wakaŋ).
In the Ȼegiha, the language spoken by the Ponka and Omaha, Wakanda means “the mysterious” or “powerful one,” and it is applied in several senses. It is now used to denote the God of monotheism. Some of the old people say that their ancestors always believed in a supreme Wakanda or Mysterious Power. It sometimes refers to the Thunder-being. On one occasion, a Ponka shaman, Cramped Hand, said to the author: “I am a Wakanda.” Wakandagi, as a noun, means a subterranean or water monster, a large horned reptile mentioned in the myths, and still supposed to dwell beneath the bluffs along the Missouri River. With this term compare the Dakota Uñkteqi (Uŋkteḣi, of Riggs) and the Winnebago Waktceqi, the latter having given a name to the Water Monster gens (Waktceqi ikikaratcada). Wakandagi is sometimes used adverbially, as, si wakandagi, he is wonderfully stingy! E wakandagi, he (a small child) speaks surprisingly well (for one so young)! ┴aⁿȼiⁿ wakandagi, he runs very well (for one so young)! Maⁿȼiⁿ wakandagi, he (a small child) walks very well! Wakandiȼe, to be in great haste, perhaps contains the idea of putting forth a great effort in order to accomplish something speedily. Wĕs‘ă, a serpent, is not related to the others just given. Nor can the word for “wizard” or “conjurer” be found related to them. In Kansa, Wakandais used of superhuman beings or powers, as in Omaha and Ponka, but the author never heard a shaman apply the term to himself. Wakandagi has another meaning, mysterious, wonderful, incomprehensible, as, nika wakandagi, mysterious man, shaman, juggler, doctor; nanüŭⁿba wakandagi, mysterious or sacred pipe; wakandagi wagaxe, the sleight-of-hand tricks of the mysterious men and women. Wakanda qudje, the gray mysterious one, the elephant. Wakaⁿ does not mean serpent, but pumpkin, answering to the Omaha and Ponka, wataⁿ, and to the Osage, wakqaⁿ and watqaⁿ. [M]yets‘a (almost, Byets‘a) is the Kansa word for a serpent.
In Osage, Wakaⁿʇa answers to the Kansa Wakanda, and Waɥkaⁿ-ʇa-ʞi is the same as the Kansa, Wakandagi. Wets‘a is a serpent. In Kwapa, Wakaⁿʇaʞi seems to answer to the Kansa Wakandagi.
In ┴ɔiwere (Iowa, Oto, Missouri), Wakaⁿʇa is the same as the Kansa Wakanda. Wakaⁿ means a serpent. Wakaⁿ kiʞraʇɔe, the Serpent gens. Wa-hu-priⁿ, mysterious, as a person or animal; but wa-qo-nyi-taⁿ, mysterious, as an inanimate object.
In the Winnebago, three names for superhuman beings have been found. One is Waʞuⁿse or Waguⁿze, which can not be translated; another is Maⁿ‘uⁿ-na, Earth-maker, the third being Qo-piⁿ-ne qe-te-ră, Great Mysterious One. Qopiⁿne seems related to waqopini (with which compare the ┴ɔiwere, wahupriⁿ), a term used to distinguish people of other races from Indians, just as in Dakota wacitcuⁿ (in Riggs’s alphabet, waśićuŋ), now used for “white man,” “black man,” etc., retains in the Teton dialect its ancient meaning of superhuman being or guardian spirit. Wakawaⁿx, in Winnebago, denotes a witch or wizard. Wakaⁿ-na is a serpent, and wakaⁿ ikikaratca-da, the Serpent gens; Wakaⁿtca, or Wakaⁿtca-ra, thunder, the Thunder-Being; Wakaⁿtcañka-ra, a shaman or mysterious man.
§ 8. Other terms are given as being pertinent to the subject. They occur in the language of the Omaha and Ponka. Qube, mysterious as a person or animal (all animals were persons in ancient times); but a mysterious inanimate object is spoken of as being “waqube.” Uqube means the mysteriousness of a human being or animal. Uqubeaʇaȼicaⁿ, pertaining to such mysteriousness. Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ, pertaining or referring to Wakanda. Nikie is a term that refers to a mythical ancestor, to some part of his body, to some of his acts, or to some ancient rite ascribed to him. A “nikie name” is a personal name of such a character. Iȼa‘eȼĕ, literally, “to pity him on account of it, granting him certain power.” Its primary reference is to the mysterious animal, but it is transferred to the person having the vision, hence, it means “to receive mysterious things from an animal, as in a vision after fasting; to see as in a vision, face to face (notin a dream); to see when awake, and in a mysterious manner having a conversation with the animal about mysterious things.”
§ 9. The names for grandfather, grandmother, and old man are terms of veneration, superhuman beings having these names applied to them in invocations. (See §§ 15, 99.)
In a note upon “The Religious Ceremony of the Four Winds or Quarters, as Observed by the Santee Sioux,” Miss Fletcher[2]remarks: “A name implies relationship, and consequently protection; favor and influence are claimed from the source of the name, whether this be the gens or the vision. A name, therefore, shows the affiliation of the individual; it grades him, so to speak, and he is apt to lean upon its implied power. * * * The sacred import of a name in the mind of the Indian is indicated in that part of the ceremony where the “Something that moves” seems to overshadow and inclose the child, and addresses the wakan man as father. The wakan man replies, calling the god, child, at the same time invoking the supernatural protection and care for the boy, as he lays at the feet of the messenger of Unseen Power the offerings of gifts and the honor of the feast. The personal name[3]among Indians, therefore, indicates the protecting presence of a deity, and must, therefore, partake of the ceremonial character of the Indian’s religion.”
In this ceremony the superhuman being is addressed by the term implyingjuniority, and the human being, the wakan man, by that associated withseniority, an apparent reversal of the usual custom; but, doubtless, there can be found some explanation for this seeming exception to the rule.
§ 10. The Omaha, Ponka, and cognate tribes distinguish at the present day between the myth (higaⁿ, higu) and the legend or story (iuȼa, etc.) on the one hand; and what on the other hand is called “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ,” “uqubeaʇaȼicaⁿ,” and “iȼa‘eȼĕaʇaȼicaⁿ.” The former are told only for amusement and are called, “iusictaⁿ iuȼa,” lying tales. They are regarded as “iqawaȼĕaʇaȼicaⁿ,” pertaining to the ludicrous. With this may be compared the statements of Lang:[4]
“Among the lowest and most backward, as among the most advanced races, there coexist the mythical and the religious elements in belief. The rational factor (or what approves itself to us as the rational factor) is visible in religion; the irrational is prominent in myth.” * * * “The rational and irrational aspects of mythology and religion may be of coeval antiquity for all that is certainly known, or either ofthem, in the dark backward of mortal experience, may have preceded the other.” The author has found certain Indian myths which abound in what to the civilized mind is the grossest obscenity, and that too without the slightest reference to the origin of any natural phenomena. Myths of this class appear to have been told from a love of the obscene. Nothing of a mysterious or religious character can be found in them. Perhaps such myths are of modern origin; but this must remain an enigma.
§ 11. The Omaha and Ponka are in a transition state, hence many of their old customs and beliefs are disappearing. Some have been lost within the past fifty years, others within the last decade, according to unimpeachable testimony. The Ponka are more conservative than the Omaha, and the Kansa and Osage are more so than the Ponka, in the estimation of the author.
§ 12. Though it has been said that the Indians feared to tell myths except on winter nights (and some Indians have told this to the author), the author has had no trouble in obtaining myths during the day at various seasons of the year.
§ 13. James Alexander, a full Winnebago of the Wolf gens and a non-Christian, told the author that the myths of the Winnebago, called wai-kaⁿ-na by them, have undergone material change in the course of transmission, and that it is very probable that many of them are entirely different from what they were several generations ago. Even in the same tribe at the present day, the author has found no less than three versions of the same myth, and there may be others.
The myth of the Big Turtle is a case in point.[5]The narrator acknowledged that he had made some additions to it himself.
§ 14. No fasting or prayer is required before one can tell a myth. Far different is it with those things which are “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ,” or are connected with visions or the secret societies. This agrees in the main with what Mr. James Mooney, of the Bureau of Ethnology, has learned from the Cherokee of North Carolina. Mr. Frank H. Cushing has found that the Zuñi Indians distinguish between their folk-lore and their cult-lore, i.e., between their legends and mythic tales on the one hand, and their dramatized stories of creation and their religious observances on the other, a special name being given to each class of knowledge. To them the mythic tales and folk-lore in general are but the fringe of the garment, not the garment itself. When they enact the creation story, etc., they beeve that they are repeating the circumstances represented, and that they are then surrounded by the very beings referred to in the sacred stories. Similar beliefs were found by Dr. Washington Matthews, as shown in his article entitled “The Prayer of a Navajo Shaman,” published in the American Anthropologist of Washington, D.C., for April, 1888.
§ 15. At the same time there seems to be some connection between certain myths and the personal names called, “nikie names.” This will be considered in detail in a future monograph on “Indian Personal Names,” now in course of preparation. One example must suffice for the present. In the [K]aⁿze gens of the Omaha there is a nikie name, Ԁasi duba, Four Peaks. The author did not understand its derivation until he studied the myth of Haxige and observed the prayers made in gathering the stones for the sweat-bath. Each stone was invoked as a venerable man (see § 9), the Four Peaks were mentioned several times, and the two superior deities or chief mysterious ones (Wakanda ʇañga agȼañʞaⁿhaⁿ hnañkace) were invoked.[6]
This last refers to the Wakanda residing above and the one in the ground. It is therefore possible that in past ages the Siouan tribes did not differentiate between the myth and what is “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ.” But we have no means of proving this.
§ 16. Most of the Omaha governmental instrumentalities (“wewaspe”) were “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ,” but there were things that were “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ,” which were not “wewaspe,” such as the law of catamenial seclusion.which were not “wewaspe,” such as the law of catamenial seclusion.
§ 17. There are certain beliefs and practices which have not been found among the four tribes whose cults are treated of in this chapter. Ancestors were not worshiped. They were addressed reverently when alive, and when they died it was not contrary to custom to refer to them by name, nor did their deaths involve the change of name for a single object or phenomenon. It was a very common occurrence for the name of the deceased to be assumed by a surviving kinsman. This is shown by genealogical tables of a few Siouan tribes, the material for which was collected by the author, and which will form part of his monograph on “Indian Personal Names,” now in course of preparation for publication by the Bureau of Ethnology.
§ 18. They never heard of Satan or the devil until they learned of him from the white people. Now they have adopted the terms, “Wanáxe piäjĭ,” “Iñgȼaⁿxe piäjĭ,” and “Wakanda piäjĭ.” The first is used by the Omaha and Ponka, the others were heard only among the Ponka. They have a certain saying, applicable to a young man who is a liar, or who is bad in some other way: “Wanáxe piä´jĭ égaⁿ áhaⁿ,” i. e. “He is like the bad spirit!” This becomes, when addressed to the bad person, “Wanáxe piä´jĭ éȼikigaⁿ´-qti jaⁿ´,” i.e. “You act just like the (or a) bad spirit.”
§ 19. Though it has been said that hero worship was unknown among the Omaha and Ponka, it has been learned that Omaha mothers used to scare their unruly children by telling them that Icibajĭ (a hero of the ┴e-sĭnde gens) or his friend ┴exujaⁿ (a hero of the [K]aⁿze gens) would catch them if they did not behave. There was no worship of demigods, as demigods were unknown. Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche said that phallic worship was unknown, and they were surprised to hear that it had been practiced by any tribe. (See § 132, 164.) As the Ponka obtained the sun-dance from their Dakota neighbors, it is probable that they practiced the phallic cult.
§ 20. Totems and shamans were not worshiped, though they are still reverenced. Altars or altar-stones were unknown. Incense was not used, unless by this name we refer to the odor of tobacco smoke as it ascended to the Thunder-being, or to the use of cedar fronds in the sweat lodge. There were no human sacrifices, and cannibalism was notpracticed.
§ 21. According to Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche, the ancestors of the Omaha and Ponka believed that there was a Supreme Being, whom they called Wakanda. “Wakanda t‘aⁿi tĕ eȼegaⁿi, they believed that Wakanda existed.” They did not know where He was, nor did they undertake to say how He existed. There was no public gathering at which some of the people told others that there was a Wakauda, nor was there any general assembly for the purpose of offering Him worship and prayer. Each person thought in his heart that Wakanda existed. Some addressed the sun as Wakanda, though many did not so regard him. Many addressed Wakanda, as it were, blindly or at random. Some worshiped the Thunder-being under this name. This was especially the case when men undertook to go on the war path.[7]Mr. Say recorded of the Kansa: “They say that they have never seen Wakanda, so they cannot pretend to personify Him; but they have often heard Him speak in the thunder. They often wear a shell which is in honor or in representation of Him, but they do not pretend that it resembles Him, or has anything in common with his form, organization, or size.”
§ 22. Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿ-pajĭ said that there were seven great Wakandas, as follows: “Ugahana[p]aze or Darkness, Maxe or the Upper World, ┴ande or the Ground, Iñgȼaⁿ or the Thunder-being, Miⁿ or the Sun, Niaⁿba or the Moon, and the Morning Star. The principal Wakanda is in the upper world, above everything.” (This was denied by Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows; see § 93.) The author thought at first that these were the powers worshiped by Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and the members of his gens or subgens; but subsequent inquiries and statements occurring in the course of texts furnish cumulative evidence favoring the view that some or all these powers had many believers among the Omaha and the cognate tribes.
§ 23. Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ said that Macte or Warmth was a good Wakanda. Ni ȼiⁿ, the flowing Stream, according to him, was thus addressed by a man who wished to ford it: “You are a person and a Wakanda. I, too, am a person. I desire to pass through you and reach the other side.” Two Crows denied this, saying that his people never prayed to a stream; but George Miller said that it was true, for his father, Little Soldier,prayed to a stream when he was on the war path, and that such invocations were made only in time of war.
§ 24. Prayer to Wakanda, said La Flèche and Two Crows, was not made for small matters, such as going fishing, but only for great and important undertakings, such as going to war or starting on a journey. When a man wished to travel he first went alone to a bluff, where he prayed to Wakanda to help him and his family by protecting them during his absence and by granting him a successful journey. At a time when the Ponka were without food, Horse-with-yellow-hair, or Cañge-hiⁿ-zi, prayed to Wakanda on the hill beyond the Stony Butte. The latter is a prominent landmark in northern Nebraska (in what was Todd county, Dakota, in 1871-’73), about 7 miles from the Missouri River and the Ponka Agency (of 1870-’77)[8]. Several Omaha said that the places for prayer were rocks, high bluffs, and mountains. “All Omaha went to such places to pray, but they did not pray to the visible object, though they called it Grandfather.”—(Frank La Flèche.) They smoked towards the invoked object and placed gifts of killickinnick, etc., upon it. Compare with this the Dakota custom of invoking a bowlder on the prairie; calling it Tŭñkaⁿcidaⁿ (Tuŋkaŋśidaŋ), or Grandfather, symbolizing the Earth-being.[9]Though it has been said that a high bluff was merely a place for praying to Wakanda, and that it was not itself addressed as Wakanda, the author has learned from members of the Omaha and Pouka tribes that when they went on the warpath for the first time, their names were then changed and one of the old men was sent to the bluffs to tell the news to the various Wakandas, including the bluffs, trees, birds, insects, reptiles, etc.[10]
Among the accessories of prayer were the following: (a) The action called ȼistube by the Omaha and Ponka, riçtowe by the three ┴ɔiwere tribes, and yuwiⁿtapi (yuwiŋtapi) by the Dakota, consisting of the elevation of the suppliant’s arms with the palms toward the object or the face of the being invoked, followed by a passage of the hand downward toward the ground, without touching the object or person (see §§ 28, 35, 36). (b) The presentation of the pipe with the mouthpiece toward the power invoked (see §§ 29, 35, 40). (c) The use of smoke from the pipe (See §§ 27, 36), or of the odor of burning cedar needles, as in the sweat lodge. (d) The application of the kinship term, “grandfather,” or its alternative, “venerable man,” to a male power, and “grandmother” to a female power (see §§ 30, 31, 35, 39, 59, 60, etc.). (e) Ceremonial wailing or crying (Xage, to wail or cry—Dakota ćeya. See § 100).[11](f) Sacrifice or offering of goods, animals, pieces of thesuppliant’s flesh, etc. In modern times the Kansa have substituted the lives of animals, as deer, grouse, etc., for those of human enemies (see §§ 28, 33, etc.).
§ 25. Samuel Fremont said that before the advent of the white race the Omaha had certain expressions which they used in speaking of Wakanda. When an Indian met with unexpected good fortune of any sort the people used to say, “Wakanda has given him some assistance.”[12]Or they might say, “Wakanda knows him.”[13]Sometimes they said, “Wakanda has planned for his own (i. e., for his friend, relation, or subject).”[14]If a Kansa prospers, he says, “Wakan´da aká aⁿmaⁿ´yüxü´dje aka´ eyaú,” i. e., “Wakanda has indeed been looking at me!” And in speaking of the success of another, he says, “Wakan´da aká níka yiñké uyü´xüdje aká eyaú,” i. e., “Wakanda has indeed been looking at the man.”
Samuel Fremont said that when an animal detected the approach of the hunter and consequently fled from him, the man prayed thus: