Chapter 7

[138]

See also the drawing and illustrations, one of which, no. 2, is from a photograph of mine, in Not. d. Scavi, 1907, pp. 290-292. The basilica is built in old opus quadratum of tufa, Not. d. Scavi, I (1885), p. 256.

[139]

In April, 1882 (Not. d. Scavi, 10 (1882-83), p. 418), during a reconstruction of the cathedral of S. Agapito, ancient pavement was found in a street back of the cathedral, and many pieces of Doric columns which must have been from the peristile of the basilica. See Plate IV for new pieces just found of these Doric columns.

[140]

Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1896), p. 49. Also in same place: "l'area sacra adiacente al celebre santuario della Fortuna Primigenia" is the description of the cortile of the Seminary.

[141]

More discussion of this point above in connection with the temple,page 51.

[142]

I was in Præneste during all the excavations of 1907, and made these photographs while I was there.

[143]

The drawing of the Not. d. Scavi, 1907, p. 290, which shows a probable portico is not exact.

[144]

It is now called the Via delle Scalette.

[145]

Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, p. 58.

[146]

See full-page illustration in Delbrueck, l.c., p. 79.

[147]

Seepage 30. But ex d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) would refer better to the Sullan forum below the town, especially as the two bases set up to Pax Augusti and Securitas Augusti (C.I.L., XIV, 2898, 2899) were found down on the site of the lower forum.

[148]

C.I.L., XIV, 2908, 2919, 2916, 2937, 2946, 3314, 3340.

[149]

C.I.L., XIV, 2917, 2919, 2922, 2924, 2929, 2934, 2955, 2997, 3014, Not. d. Scavi, 1903, p. 576.

[150]

F. Barnabei, Not. d. Scavi, 1894, p. 96.

[151]

C.I.L., XIV, 2914.

[152]

Not. d. Scavi, 1897, p. 421; 1904, p. 393.

[153]

Foggini, Fast. anni romani, 1774, preface, and Mommsen, C.I.L., I, p. 311 (from Acta acad. Berol., 1864, p. 235; See also Henzen, Bull. dell'Inst., 1864, p. 70), were both wrong in putting the new forum out at le quadrelle, because a number of fragments of the calendar of Verrius Flaccus were found there. Marucchi proves this in his Guida Arch., p. 100, Nuovo Bull. d'Arch. crist., 1899, pp. 229-230; Bull. Com., XXXII (1904), p. 276.The passage from Suetonius, De Gram., 17 (vita M. Verri Flacci), is always to be cited as proof of the forum, and that it had a well-marked upper and lower portion; Statuam habet (M. Verrius Flaccus) Præneste in superiore fori parte circa hemicyclium, in quo fastos a se ordinatos et marmoreo parieti incisos publicarat.

The passage from Suetonius, De Gram., 17 (vita M. Verri Flacci), is always to be cited as proof of the forum, and that it had a well-marked upper and lower portion; Statuam habet (M. Verrius Flaccus) Præneste in superiore fori parte circa hemicyclium, in quo fastos a se ordinatos et marmoreo parieti incisos publicarat.

[154]

Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, p. 50, n. 1, from Preller, Roemische Mythologie, II, p. 191, n. 1.

[155]

C.I.L., XIV, 4097, 4105a, 4106f.

[156]

Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 320, n. 19.

[157]

Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 35.

[158]

Tibur shows 1 to 32 and Præneste 1 to 49 names of inhabitants from the Umbro-Sabellians of the Appennines. These statistics are from A. Schulten, Italische Namen und Stæmme, Beitræge zur alten Geschichte, II, 2, p. 171. The same proof comes from the likeness between the tombs here and in the Faliscan country: "Le tombe a casse soprapposte possono considerarsi come repositori per famiglie intere, e corrispondono alle grande tombe a loculo del territorio falisco". Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p. 257, from Mon. ant. pubb. dall'Acc. dei Lincei, Ant. falische, IV, p. 162.

[159]

Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, V, p. 159.

[160]

Livy VI, 29; C.I.L., XIV, 2987.

[161]

Livy VII, 11; VII, 19; VIII, 12.

[162]

Præneste is not in the dedication list of Diana at Nemi, which dates about 500 B.C., Priscian, Cato IV, 4, 21 (Keil II, p. 129), and VII, 12, 60 (Keil II, p. 337). Livy II, 19, says Præneste deserted the Latins for Rome.

[163]

Livy VIII, 14.

[164]

Val. Max., De Superstitionibus, I, 3, 2; C.I.L., XIV, 2929, with Dessau's note.

[165]

Seenote 185.

[166]

"Præneste wird immer eine selbstændige Stellung eingenommen haben" Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alt., II, p. 523. Præneste is mentioned first of the league cities in the list given by [Aurelius Victor], Origo-gentis Rom., XVII, 6, and second in the list in Diodorus Siculus, VII, 5, 9 Vogel and also in Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor). Præneste is called by Florus II, 9, 27 (III, 21, 27) one of the municipia Italiæ splendidissima along with Spoletium, Interamnium, Florentia.

[167]

Livy XXIII, 20, 2.

[168]

Livy I, 30, 1.

[169]

Cicero, de Leg., II, 2, 5.

[170]

Pauly-Wissowa, Real Enc. under "Anicia."

[171]

The old Oscan names in Pompeii, and the Etruscan names on the small grave stones of Cære, C.I.L., X, 3635-3692, are neither so numerous.

[172]

Dionysius III, 2.

[173]

Polybius VI, 14, 8; Livy XLIII, 2, 10.

[174]

Festus, p. 122 (de Ponor): Cives fuissent ut semper rempublicam separatim a populo Romano haberent, and supplemented, l.c., Pauli excerpta, p. 159 (de Ponor): participes—fuerunt omnium rerum—præterquam de suffragio ferendo, aut magistratu capiendo.

[175]

Civitas sine suffragio, quorum civitas universa in civitatem Romanam venit, Livy VIII, 14; IX, 43; Festus, l.c., p. 159.

[176]

Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor): Qui ad civitatem Romanam ita venerunt, ut municipes essent suæ cuiusque civitatis et coloniæ, ut Tiburtes, Prænestini, etc.

[177]

I do not think so. The argument is taken up later onpage 73. It is enough to say here that Tusculum was estranged from the Latin League because she was made a municipium (Livy VI, 25-26), and how much less likely that Præneste would ever have taken such a status.

[178]

C. Gracchus in Gellius X, 3.

[179]

Tibur had censors in 204 B.C. (Livy XXIX, 15), and later again, C.I.L, I, 1113, 1120 = XIV, 3541, 3685. See also Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 159.

[180]

C.I.L, XIV, 171, 172, 2070.

[181]

C.I.L., XIV, 2169, 2213, 4195

[182]

Cicero, pro Milone, 10, 27; 17, 45; Asconius, in Milonianam, p. 27, l. 15 (Kiessling); C.I.L., XIV, 2097, 2110, 2112, 2121.

[183]

C.I.L., XIV, 3941, 3955.

[184]

Livy III, 18, 2; VI, 26, 4.

[185]

Livy IX, 16, 17; Dio, frag. 36, 24; Pliny XVII, 81. Ammianus Marcellinus XXX, 8, 5; compare Gellius X, 3, 2-4. This does not show, I think, what Dessau (C.I.L., XIV, p. 288) says it does: "quanta fuerit potestas imperatoris Romani in magistratus sociorum," but shows rather that the Roman dictator took advantage of his power to pay off some of the ancient grudge against the Latins, especially Præneste. The story of M. Marius at Teanum Sidicinum, and the provisions made at Cales and Ferentinum on that account, as told in Gellius X, 3, 2-3, also show plainly that not constitutional powers but arbitrary ones, are in question. In fact, it was in the year 173 B.C., that the consul L. Postumius Albinus, enraged at a previous cool reception at Præneste, imposed a burden on the magistrates of the town, which seems to have been held as an arbitrary political precedent. Livy XLII, 1: Ante hunc consulem NEMO umquam sociis in ULLA re oneri aut sumptui fuit.

[186]

Prænestinus prætor ... ex subsidiis suos duxerat, Livy IX, 16, 17.

[187]

A prætor led the contingent from Lavinium, Livy VIII, 11, 4; the prætor M. Anicius led from Præneste the cohort which gained such a reputation at Casilinum, Livy XXIII, 17-19. Strabo V, 249; cohors Pæligna, cuius præfectus, etc., proves nothing for a Latin contingent.

[188]

For the evidence that the consuls were first called prætors, see Pauly-Wissowa, Real Enc. under the word "consul" (Vol. IV, p. 1114) and the old Pauly under "prætor."Mommsen, Staatsrecht, II, 1, p. 74, notes 1 and 2, from other evidence there quoted, and especially from Varro, de l.l., V, 80: prætor dictus qui præiret iure et exercitu, thinks that the consuls were not necessarily called prætors at first, but that probably even in the time of the kings the leader of the army was called the præ-itor. This is a modification of the statement six years earlier in Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 149, n. 4.

For the evidence that the consuls were first called prætors, see Pauly-Wissowa, Real Enc. under the word "consul" (Vol. IV, p. 1114) and the old Pauly under "prætor."

Mommsen, Staatsrecht, II, 1, p. 74, notes 1 and 2, from other evidence there quoted, and especially from Varro, de l.l., V, 80: prætor dictus qui præiret iure et exercitu, thinks that the consuls were not necessarily called prætors at first, but that probably even in the time of the kings the leader of the army was called the præ-itor. This is a modification of the statement six years earlier in Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 149, n. 4.

[189]

This caption I owe to Jos. H. Drake, Prof. of Roman Law at the University of Michigan.

[190]

Livy VIII, 3, 9; Dionysius III, 5, 3; 7, 3; 34, 3; V, 61.

[191]

Pauly-Wissowa under "dictator," and Mommsen, Staatsrecht, II, 171, 2.

[192]

Whether Egerius Lævius Tusculanus (Priscian, Inst., IV, p. 129 Keil) was dictator of the whole of the Latin league, as Beloch (Italischer Bund, p. 180) thinks, or not, according to Wissowa (Religion und Kultus der Roemer, p. 199), at least a dictator was the head of some sort of a Latin league, and gives us the name of the office (Pais, Storia di Roma, I, p. 335).

[193]

If it be objected that the survival of the dictatorship as a priestly office (Dictator Albanus, Orelli 2293, Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 149, n. 2) means only a dictator for Alba Longa, rather than for the league of which Alba Longa seems to have been at one time the head, there can be no question about the Dictator Latina(rum) fer(iarum) caussa of the year 497 (C.I.L., I.p. 434 Fasti Cos. Capitolini), the same as in the year 208 B.C. (Livy XXVII, 33, 6). This survival is an exact parallel of the rex sacrorum in Rome (for references and discussion, see Marquardt, Staatsverw., III, p. 321), and the rex sacrificolus of Varro, de l.l. VI, 31. Compare Jordan, Topog. d. Stadt Rom, I, p. 508, n. 32, and Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult d. Roemer, p. 432. Note also that there were reges sacrorum in Lanuvium (C.I.L, XIV, 2089), Tusculum (C.I.L, XIV, 2634), Velitræ (C.I.L., X, 8417), Bovillæ (C.I.L., XIV, 2431 == VI, 2125). Compare also rex nemorensis, Suetonius, Caligula, 35 (Wissowa, Rel. u. Kult. d. Roemer, p. 199).

[194]

C.I.L., XIV, 2990, 3000, 3001, 3002.

[195]

C.I.L., XIV, 2890, 2902, 2906, 2994, 2999 (possibly 3008).

[196]

C.I.L., XIV, 2975, 3000.

[197]

C.I.L., XIV, 2990, 3001, 3002.

[198]

Seenote 185above.

[199]

Livy XXIII, 17-19; Strabo V, 4, 10.

[200]

Magistrates sociorum, Livy XLII, 1, 6-12.

[201]

For references etc., see Beloch, Italischer Bund, p. 170, notes 1 and 2.

[202]

The mention of one prætor in C.I.L., XIV, 2890, a dedication to Hercules, is later than other mention of two prætors, and is not irregular at any rate.

[203]

C.I.L., XIV, 3000, two ædiles of the gens Saufeia, probably cousins. In C.I.L., XIV, 2890, 2902, 2906, 2975, 2990, 2994, 2999, 3000, 3001, 3002, 3008, out of eighteen prætors, ædiles, and quæstors mentioned, fifteen belong to the old families of Præneste, two to families that belong to the people living back in the Sabines, and one to a man from Fidenæ.

[204]

Cicero, pro Balbo, VIII, 21: Leges de civili iure sunt latæ: quas Latini voluerunt, adsciverunt; ipsa denique Iulia lege civitas ita est sociis et Latinis data ut, qui fundi populi facti non essent civitatem non haberent. Velleius Pater. II, 16: Recipiendo in civitatem, qui arma aut non ceperant aut deposuerant maturius, vires refectæ sunt. Gellius IV, 4, 3; Civitas universo Latio lege Iulia data est. Appian, Bell. Civ., I, 49:Ιταλιωτων δε τους ετι εν τη συμμαχια παραμενοντας εψηφισατο (η βουλη) ειναι πολιτας, ου δη μαλιστα μονον ου παντες επεθυμουν κτλ.Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 60; Greenidge, Roman Public Life, p. 311; Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, p. 102; Granrud, Roman Constitutional History, pp. 190-191.

Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 60; Greenidge, Roman Public Life, p. 311; Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, p. 102; Granrud, Roman Constitutional History, pp. 190-191.

[205]

Cicero, pro Archia, IV, 7: Data est civitas Silvani lege et Carbonis: si qui foederatis civitatibus adscripti fuissent, si tum cum lex ferebatur in Italia domicilium habuissent, et si sexaginta diebus apud prætorem essent professi. See also Schol. Bobiensia, p. 353 (Orelli corrects the mistake Silanus for Silvanus); Cicero, ad Fam., XIII, 30; Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, I, p. 60. Greenidge, Roman Public Life, p. 311 thinks this law did not apply to any but the incolæ of federate communities; Abbott, Roman Political Institutions, p. 102.

[206]

Livy VIII, 14, 9: Tiburtes Prænestinique agro multati, neque ob recens tantum rebellionis commune cum aliis Latinis crimen, etc., ... ceterisque Latinis populis conubia commerciaque et concilia inter se ademerunt. Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 46, n. 3, thinks not an æquum foedus, but from the words: ut is populus alterius populi maiestatem comiter conservaret, a clause in the treaty found in Proculus, Dig., 49, 15, 7 (Corpus Iuris Civ., I, p. 833) (compare Livy IX, 20, 8: sed ut in dicione populi Romani essent) thinks that the new treaty was an agreement based on dependence or clientage "ein Abhængigkeits—oder Clientelverhæltniss."

[207]

Mommsen, Geschichte des roem. Muenzwesens, p. 179 (French trans, de Blacas, I, p. 186), thinks two series of æs grave are to be assigned to Præneste and Tibur.

[208]

Livy XLIII, 2, 10: Furius Præneste, Matienus Tibur exulatum abierunt.

[209]

Polybius VI, 14, 8:εστι δ'ασφαλεια τοις φευγουσιν εν τε τη, Νεαπολιτω και Πραινεςτινων ετι δε Τιβουρινων πολει .Beloch, Italischer Bund, pp. 215, 221. Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 45.

[210]

Livy XXIII, 20, 2; (Prænestini) civitate cum donarentur ob virtutem, non MUTAVERUNT.

[211]

The celebration of the feriæ Latinæ on Mons Albanus in 91 B.C., was to have been the scene of the spectacular beginning of the revolt against Rome, for the plan was to kill the two Roman consuls Iulius Cæsar and Marcius Philippus at that time. The presence of the Roman consuls and the attendance of the members of the old Latin league is proof of the outward continuance of the old foedus (Florus, II, 6 (III, 18)).

[212]

The lex Plautia-Papiria is the same as the law mentioned by Cicero, pro Archia, IV, 7, under the names of Silvanus and Carbo. The tribunes who proposed the law were C. Papirius Carbo and M. Plautius Silvanus. See Mommsen, Hermes 16 (1881), p. 30, n. 2. Also a good note in Long, Ciceronis Orationes, III, p. 215.

[213]

[213bis]

Appian, Bell. Civ., I, 65:εξεδραμεν ες τας αγχου πολεις, τας ου προ πολλου πολιτιδας Ρωμαιων μενομενας, Τιβυρτον τε και Πραινεστον, και οσαι μεχρι Νωλης. ερεθιζων απαντας ες αποστασιν, καιχρηματα ες τον πολεμον συλλεγων.See Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289.It is worth noting that there is no thought of saying anything about Praaneste and Tibur, except to call them cities (πολεις). Had they been made municipia, after so many years of alliance as foederati, it seems likely that such a noteworthy change would have been specified.Note also that for 88 B.C. Appian (Bell. Civ., I, 53) says:εως Ιταια πασα προσεχωρησει ες την Ρωμαιων πολιτειαν, χωρις γε Λευκανων καιΣαυνιτων τοτε.

It is worth noting that there is no thought of saying anything about Praaneste and Tibur, except to call them cities (πολεις). Had they been made municipia, after so many years of alliance as foederati, it seems likely that such a noteworthy change would have been specified.

Note also that for 88 B.C. Appian (Bell. Civ., I, 53) says:εως Ιταια πασα προσεχωρησει ες την Ρωμαιων πολιτειαν, χωρις γε Λευκανων καιΣαυνιτων τοτε.

[214]

Mommsen, Zum Roemischen Bodenrecht, Hermes 27 (1892), pp. 109 ff.

[215]

Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 34.

[216]

Paulus, p. 159 (de Ponor): tertio, quum id genus hominum definitur, qui ad civitatem Romanam ita venerunt, ut municipes essent suæ cuiusque civitatis et coloniæ, ut Tiburtes, Prænestini, etc.

[217]

It is not strange perhaps, that there are no inscriptions which can be proved to date between 89 and 82 B.C., but inscriptions are numerous from the time of the empire, and although Tiberius granted Præneste the favor she asked, that of being a municipium, still no præfectus is found, not even a survival of the title.The PRA ... in C.I.L., XIV, 2897, is præco, not præfectus, as I shall show soon in the publication of corrections of Præneste inscriptions, along with some new ones. For the government of a municipium, see Bull. dell'Inst., 1896, p. 7 ff.; Revue Arch., XXIX (1896), p. 398.

The PRA ... in C.I.L., XIV, 2897, is præco, not præfectus, as I shall show soon in the publication of corrections of Præneste inscriptions, along with some new ones. For the government of a municipium, see Bull. dell'Inst., 1896, p. 7 ff.; Revue Arch., XXIX (1896), p. 398.

[218]

Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 109.

[219]

Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 47 and note 3.

[220]

Val. Max. IX, 2, 1; Plutarch, Sulla, 32; Appian, Bell. Civ., I, 94; Lucan II, 194; Plutarch, præc. ger. reip., ch. 19 (p. 816); Augustinus, de civ. Dei, III, 28; Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289, n. 2.

[221]

One third of the land was the usual amount taken.

[222]

Note Mommsen's guess, as yet unproved (Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 109), that tribus, colonia, and duoviri iure dicundo go together, as do curia, municipium and IIIIviri i.d. and æd. pot.

[223]

Florus II, 9, 27 (III, 21): municipia Italiæ splendidissima sub hasta venierunt, Spoletium, Interamnium, Præneste, Florentia. See C.I.L., IX, 5074, 5075 for lack of distinction between colonia and municipium even in inscriptions. Florentia remained a colony (Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 176). Especially for difference in meaning of municipium from Roman and municipal point of view, see Marquardt, Staatsverw., I, p. 28, n. 2. For difference in earlier and later meaning of municipes, Marquardt, l.c., p. 34, n. 8. Valerius Maximus IX, 2, 1, speaking of Præneste in connection with Sulla says: quinque milia Prænestinorum extra moenia municipii evocata, where municipium means "town," and Dessau, C.I.L., XIV, p. 289, n. 1, speaking of the use of the word says: "ei rei non multum tribuerim."

[224]

Gellius XVI, 13, 5, ex colonia in municipii statum redegit. See Mommsen, Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 167.

[225]

Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 110; C.I.L., XIV, 2889: genio municipii; 2941, 3004: patrono municipii, which Dessau (Hermes, 18 (1883), p. 167, n. 1) recognizes from the cutting as dating certainly later than Tiberius' time.

[226]

Regular colony officials appear all along in the incriptions down into the third century A.D.

[227]

Gellius XVI, 13, 5.

[228]

More in detail by Mommsen, Hermes, 27 (1892), p. 110.

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