Chapter 33

85American Museum vol. xi, p. 148.86The gold-fish is a small species of carp, brought originally from China. They are adorned with the most beautiful and resplendent colours, and are frequently kept in jars for pleasure. They subsist entirely on the water, without any other food. This is by Dr. Fordyce said to be the case with all fishes, provided the water be impregnated with oxygen.87Sir John Pringle, from Stowe’s Chronicle, gives the following account of these assizes. “On the 4th, 5th and 6th days of July were the assizes held at Oxon, where was arraigned and condemned Rowland Jenkins,for a seditious tongue; at which time there arose amidst the people such a damp, that almost all were smothered. Very few escaped that were not taken. Here died in Oxon three hundred persons; and sickened there, but died in other places, two hundred and odd.“The sessions at the Old Bailey in Westminster, in 1650, proved also fatal to many; of which Sir John also gives an account. ‘I have been informed (says he) that, at those Sessions, about a hundred were tried, who were all kept in close places as long as the court sat; and that each room was but 14 feet by 11, and seven feet high. The bail-dock is also a small room taken off one of the corners of the court, and left open at the top: in this, during the trials, are put some of the malefactors who have been under the closest confinement. The hall in the Old Bailey is a room of only 30 feet square. Now whether the air was most tainted from the bar by some prisoners then ill of the jail distemper, or by the general uncleanliness of such persons, is uncertain; but it is probable that both causes concurred. And we may easily conceive how much it might have been vitiated by the foul steams of the bail-dock, and of the two rooms opening into the court in which the prisoners were the whole day crowded together till they were brought out to be tried. It appeared afterwards, that these places had not been cleaned for some years. The poisonous quality of the air was aggravated by the heat and closeness of the court, and by the perspirable matter of a number of people of all sorts, penned up for the most part of the day, without breathing the free air, or receiving any refreshment. The bench consisted of six persons, whereof four died, together with two or three of the counsel, one of the under sheriffs, several of the Middlesex jury, and others present to the amount of above forty; without making allowance for those of a lower rank, whose death may not have been heard of; and without including any that did not sicken within a fortnight after the sessions.’”(Pringle’s Observations p. 329 & seq.)88Bee, vol. xviii, p. 282.89Those of Galvani and others onanimal electricity.90See Medical Repository, vol. ii, No. iii.91That this is the case with the atmosphere at Martinico is now determined by a letter from Dr. George Davidson to Dr. Mitchell of New York, inserted in the Medical Repository, vol. ii, p. 279. With equal parts of nitrous and atmospheric air there was an absorption of 67 parts out of 100; but when two parts of atmospheric air were used to one of nitrous, the absorption was only from 52 to 58 parts; with a mixture of iron filings and sulphur, upwards of four tenths of the air were absorbed. These experiments were attested by a number of medical gentlemen who were present. In a letter subjoined from Dr. Chisholm, he says, that, having made a trial with iron filings and sulphur, the absorption was forty parts of an hundred, or exactly four tenths, with the eudiometer fifty-six. “It appears to me (says Dr. Chisholm) to be a singular circumstance, that, although the ground on which the Ordnance Hospital Hands is a perfect morass, partially drained, yet a result almost exactly similar to that given by the experiments made with the eudiometer at my house, should take place, with the same instrument and in circumstances very different. The proportion at the Ordnance Hospital, I think, has been 58 out of 100, and at your house, a situation less swampy, and nearer the sea, it has been 67. An explanation of so singular a result, in situations so different, is perhaps more to be wished than expected.”92In the account of this sailor’s speech a most essential part of the devil’s character was omitted. The speech, according to Capt. Cook, was, that the devil “was about the size of a one gallon keg, and very like it. He had horns and wings; and he was so near, that, if I had not beenafear’d, I might have touched him.” (Seep. 105, n.)93This is an assertion so extravagant, that is difficult to imagine what could induce any one to make it. Did our author ever hear that laurel water, &c. produced the venereal disease, the plague, yellow fever, gout, stone, small-pox, &c. &c. or to what patients and in what diseases did he ever administer this remedy with success? I mean not to deny that these substances will curesomediseases as well as produce others; but such an unqualified expression that they can not only produce but cure all diseases without exception, never can be admitted.94There must certainly be some error here; for as he mentions adissolutionof the blood so soon afterwards, we should think it impossible that any coagulation would have taken place. Perhaps the word only imports that the circulation was completely stopped.95The blood certainly does not coagulate in the vessels, in any case whatever, unless by injecting something into them.96Seep. 128, note.97Seep. 196.98Seep. 226.99Seep. 102et seq.100P. 19, note.101The Mediastinum is a membrane by which the cavity of the breast is longitudinally divided. The tearing of it in any disease seems altogether unaccountable, unless we suppose an extraordinary loss of cohesion to have taken place without any mortification. The pericardium is a membrane surrounding the heart, and in a natural state contains some water, condensed from vapour after death.102Vol. ii, p. 409.103This, among innumerable other instances that might be brought, is a proof of the infectious nature of the plague.104Memoires de Societe Medicale, &c.105If we consider the composition of the atmosphere which surrounds us, we must acknowledge that by far the greater part of it consists of fire and electric fluid, the latter being properly the element in a comparatively quiescent state. In deflagrating dephlogisticated and inflammable air, the mixture has sometimes shrunk up into a three hundredth part of its bulk; which shows that of these airs two hundred and ninety-nine parts are fire, the single remaining part only being earth, water, or some solid matter which we call thebasisof air.106This is in favour of what has already been observed, that the pestilential eruptions inallcases showed a tendency to mortification.107Bonetus relates, that in 1676 in a malignant fever at Borgo di Safia, the patients discharged live worms by the mouth, and adds that they were sooner killed by wine than any thing.108Dr. Gotwald, formerly quoted, describes four varieties of carbuncles, the differences between which seem to be pretty distinctly marked. 1. “One kind rises pretty high, is of a dark brown colour, the cuticle appearing as if it were burnt, and it is surrounded with a lead-coloured circle. In the beginning it is no bigger than a pea, but, if not prevented, soon grows to the size of a crown piece; inwardly it is moister than the rest, and may be more easily separated. Its seat is generally in the fleshy parts, as on the shoulders, neck, hips, arms and legs. 2. The second lie a little deeper, and do not rise so high; the eschar in the middle is entirely dark and ash-coloured, full of small chops, as if it would burst by too great dryness: it has a strong lead-coloured circle, behind which the sound flesh looks red and shining. It eats into the flesh round about it, and takes deep root: it generally fixes in the most fleshy parts, as the buttocks, calves, &c. 3. The third is not very large at first; it appears like a blood swelling, not so dark as the former, with a wrinkled skin; as it increases, small blisters arise in the middle, and form an eschar, in little clusters, which, as an ingenious physician observed, were small carbuncles. They commonly are situated in membranous and tendinous parts about the knees, toes, and behind the ears, &c. 4. The fourth is the most curious, as Purman, in his treatise on the plague, has well observed. Sitonius calls them pale, livid, ulcerous papulae: they appear with a high, yellowish blister, which seems full of corruption: the circle round it is first red, then of an ash colour: the blister soon falls, and, with the carbuncle, appears scarce so big as a pepper corn, continually eating deeper and wider. They are seated upon the cartilaginous or gristly parts. Gotwald found them near the pit of the stomach, upon the cartilago ensiformis and short ribs. All the four take root and burn very violently at first, but the two former most of all.”109Seep. p. 61, 62.110Medical Review, vol. iii, p. 257.111At Aleppo 20. (Russel.)112About the mouth of the river Gambia in Africa, after the annual inundation of the river, the putrefaction of the mud, mixed with animal and vegetable substances, becomes so great, that the birds manifest their disgust by soaring to an immense height in the air. This is a natural consequence of the levity of putrefactive vapours compared with the common atmosphere. As these vapours, however, are composed of several kinds of gases, it is possible that some may descend, while others ascend; and thus the contagious part, tending to the earth, may violently affect the people who are confined among it, while the birds escape; but there is still wanting some positive evidence that ever the true plague did arise from this cause.113Med. Repository, vol. ii, p. 367.114Medical Review, vol. iii, p. 260.115It seems, however, of late, that at least the city of Madrid is kept clean. Swinburne says, speaking of the palace at Madrid, “To the west it has the town, the three principal streets of which terminate in the Pravo. These are three noble openings, excellently paved, and clean even to a nicety; indeed so are most of the streets of Madrid since the edict for paving and cleaning them.116The foreigners that resided here before that time, shudder at the very recollection of its former filth. Some of the natives regret the old stinks and nastiness; as they pretend that the air of Madrid is so subtil as to require a proper mixture of grosser effluvia, to prevent its pernicious effects upon the constitution. The extremes of cold and heat are astonishing in this place, and the winds so searching, that all the Spaniards wear leathern under waistcoats, to preserve their chests; for they pervade every other kind of clothing.”The former filthiness of Madrid, together with its being situated in a climate exposed to the vicissitudes of extreme heat and cold, and its exemption from the plague under those circumstances, certainly presents a most solid objection to the theory of the domestic origin of plague. To the same purpose see below the remarks on the climate of China.116Dillon has a like remark in his “Travels through Spain.”117Seep.p. 171, 172.118Authentic Account of an Embassy, &c. vol. ii, p. 54.119Ib. p. 39.120Authentic Account, &c. vol. i, p. 290.121In the time of the great fire at London, in 1666, ashes are said to have been carried to sixteen miles distance.122Duncan’s Med. Comment. vol. viii p. 350.123Med. Repos. vol. ii, p. 433.124Synopsis, vol. i, p. 80.125Earthquakes, as we have already seen, might be accounted rather asignorcauseof the beginning of pestilence, than of its departure. A great quantity of electricity in the atmosphere has accordingly been enumerated among the signs of an approaching pestilence. Thus in Burnet’s Thesaurus, p. 699, we find among the previous signs of a plague, “plurima et fere continua nocturna fulgora, sine pluviis et tonitruis, cœlo non nubiloso existante.” Very much and almost continual lightning at night, without rain or thunder; the sky in the mean time not being covered with clouds.126Before we can attach any degree of probability to either of these suppositions, it must be proved that plagues arise out of the earth. But this, though as plausible as many other hypotheses, is not yet supported by any direct proof.127Medicina Nautica, p. 173,et seq.128In the plague, Dr. Russel has observed, that those who die in a very short time are much less ready to communicate infection, than those who live longer. He also takes notice, that “the plague, though a contagious disease, is not equally contagious in every period of the pestilential season. In the beginning those frequenting the sick often escape unhurt, or one only, out of several, is infected. The escape of persons employed about the sick, proves a frequent cause of misleading the popular opinion of the disease, and has in many instances occasioned much mischief, by encouraging the neglect of due precautions till too late.”129P. 189.130Here, I hope, it will not be thought unreasonable to digress a little in favour of the sensations of humanity which on all occasions ought to predominate in our minds. Birds are the natural enemies of that hateful class of beings we callinsects, and which in general are the natural enemies of man. In proportion to the havock we make among the former, the latter will multiply upon us whether we will or not. The wanton, indiscriminate, and I may addprovokingdestruction exercised among this useful as well as beautiful and agreeable part of the creation, must certainly be sometimes attended with bad consequences. Though birds feed on many different kinds of insects, yet there are exceptions. If then we totally exterminate a species of birds, is it not probable that a species of insects might appear, the mischief done by which we could not be able to counteract?Quere.Is it not possible that theHessian flymay have made its appearance from this cause?131Diemerbroeck, Hist. 17, lib. 4.132Annals of Medicine for 1797, p. 373.133The opinion of those physicians whom Mr. Howard consulted upon this subject are given at large in theAPPENDIX.134Thisdoctrineoffancy, orimagination, ought undoubtedly, as Dr. Russel says of the imagination itself, to be under some management. The indiscriminate use of the word has been carried to such a length as in a manner to supersede all evidence, testimony, argumentation or reason. With some it is sufficient to discredit the most positive testimony (even upon oath) if they take it into their heads that such a thingcannot be: which by the bye is as strong an evidence ofignoranceas any man can give. If imagination is given as acause, the extent and nature of its powers ought to be ascertained; but who has done this? On the contrary I may say that not one in five hundred who makes use of the word would be able to define it. But the most curious mode of reasoning used by theseimaginarygentlemen is, if they are asked, “How do you prove that such a thing is the effect of imagination?” they are ready to answer, “I can indeed bring no proof that it is so, but how do you prove that it is not?” Here theimaginarieshave notreasonsufficient to show them thattheyought to bring a proof, and not those who say they saw or felt any thing. But, waving this,senseis the highest faculty in our nature;imaginationas well asreasonare inferior to it; because neither the one nor the other can be conversant except about the objects of sense. If any person therefore says that heseesor that hefeelsany thing, nobody can, with any shadow of reason, say that he neithersawnorfeltany thing. If one man sees what another cannot see, while the supposed object is easily within reach of the eyes of either, then the one who cannot see it has a right to suspect that the object is imaginary; but, if the person himself feels any slight pain or uneasiness, and that should go off in a short time, after drinking a glass of wine, there is as little reason to suppose that the pain was imaginary, as that the drinking of the wine was imaginary. In Dr. Russel’s case, though his strength was in general sufficient to resist the contagion in which he was immersed, yet, when that strength began to decay, it was no wonder that he found the contagion beginning to invade: a few glasses of wine gave vigour to the system, and enabled it to repel the attack. Had he been much fatigued with bodily labour, and found himself greatly relieved by a few glasses of wine, surely he would not suppose that his former fatigue was merely imaginary. Just so must it be in the former case; the one has no more to do with imagination than the other.135Duncan’s Med. Comment. vol. viii, p. 352.136Dr. Dover, who wrote, in 1732, theAncient Physician’s Legacy, had lodged his soldiers in a church in which those who died of a plague had been buried. An hundred and eighty of the soldiers were seized either with petechiæ or buboes. He ordered them all to be bled in such quick succession, that the arm of the first was not bound up till the blood flowed from the last. Thus every one lost about an hundred ounces (upwards of three quarts.) He then ordered them water acidulated with spirit of vitriol for their drink; and by this treatment all recovered excepting eight, who would not refrain from spiritous liquors. This was transacted in Peru: but in Europe the plague will scarce bear bleeding to a few ounces. (Sauvages.)137Duncan’s Med. Comment. vol. viii, p. 359.138As it might by some be deemed an affront offered to the wisdom of antiquity, should we pass over in silence the opinions of the more ancient physicians, I shall in this note give a short account of some of their most remarkable modes of practice, as they are recorded in Burnet’sThesaurus.1. Forestus, in many respects a respectable author, recommends anantidotecomposed of equal parts of rue, figs and almonds, beat into a pulp in a stone mortar with a wooden pestle till united (which is not very easily done) into an uniform mass, adding as much syrup of citrons with vinegar as would render it soft, with a little powdered salt put in last. The efficacy of this he tells us he experienced in himself as well as all his family as a preventive; himself taking in the morning the bigness of a small nutmeg of this, made up into a confection with the ancient theriac, mithridate, Armenian bole, terrasigillata, &c.In his regular practice (for the above must be accounted quackery) he advises bleeding within the first twelve, or at most twenty-four, hours; such as were bled afterwards he says died. If performed in seven or eight hours after the commencement of the disease the cure went on the better. Where bleeding was inadvisable he used cupping with scarifications, finishing the cure with sweating and cordials. He remarks that where black tumours or eschars, lentil shaped, appeared, the disease always proved mortal, without a single exception. These were small, like a grain of black pepper, and therefore called by the vulgarpeppercorn; undoubtedly thetokensof Dr. Hodges.2. Hildanus, also a respectable writer, has an high opinion of issues as a preventive. He says he never knew but one or two (and those of a very bad habit of body) who had issues in their legs and arms that perished in the plague, and says that he has known its efficacy as a preventive not only in himself but many others. He says he kept two issues in his own body, one in the left arm, the other in the right leg. (See above p. 339) To the same purpose Mercurialis relates that he never knew but one, and he was apriest, who died of the plague having an issue. He says also that he had inquired of many other physicians, who all gave a similar testimony. According to him, in the plague at Lausanne, all who were attacked by vomiting or looseness, and almost all who were bled, fell victims to the disease.As preventives he advises amulets made up of arsenic, powder oftoads, andother things. These are to be hanged round the neck in times of plague, and areundoubtedlyof great virtue (maximamadpræservationem vim habere, non est quod dubites!) This remedy he says he had from his preceptorCosmas Slotanus, a very celebrated surgeon.Brine of pork is another preventive, which he never tried himself, but asks Sennerius about it. It was recommended to Hildanus by a lawyer of his acquaintance. The brine is first to be boiled in a kettle, and well skimmed, till it becomes clear, poured into earthen vessels. and kept shut up from the air for a twelvemonth; after which it was fit for use. A draught of this was given to people infected with plague, and operated by sweat, stool or vomit, or perhaps both by vomit and stool. The patient was to abstain from drink for some hours after. The brine ofanchoviesis recommended by Sam. Formius, as useful in the plague at Montpelier in 1630.3. The same author (Formius) tells us of a man and his wife and wife’s sister, in Montpelier, who, being taken with the plague, swallowed a solution of their own excrements in urine,strained through a linen cloth, and thus got clear of the distemper. It produced excessive vomiting and purging. Dr. Russel mentions one of his patients, who, he suspected, had got a dose of bezoar in urine.4. Johannes Helmontius says, thatto his certain knowledge(me conscio)Hibernus Butleruscured some thousands of the plague, at London; though unhappily our author got only part of the secret, and which is to the following purpose. “He ordered me to suspend by the legs before the fire, a largetoadtaken in the afternoon in the month of June; putting below him a cake of yellow wax. At length, after three days suspension, the toad vomited earth, and somewalking insects(insectas ambulantes) viz.flieswith shining wings of a greenish colour, as if gilt: the toad died immediately after this evacuation, nor did it take place, notwithstanding his suspension till the third day. He (Butlerus) then told me that I had medicine enough for curingforty thousandpeople infected with the plague, and promised to show me the mystery of the matter (rei cardinem) but being suddenly sent into banishment he departed.” The best part of the secret being thus lost, it is needless to trouble the reader with any further account of experiments made with other toads roasted alive, powdered and made up into troches,&c. presuming that these could not equal the value of the original receipt. I proceed therefore,5. To the antidote of the celebrated Avenzoar, who drove away the plague by the smell of theurineof anhe goat; and Mercurialis says that in the house of a most reverend canon in Hungary, he saw a large he goat kept for this purpose.6. From such horribly disgusting remedies we certainly turn with pleasure to the elegant tablets prepared for the Emperor Maximilian II. These were composed of Armenian bole, prepared pearl, prepared coral, prepared emeralds, prepared jacinct, gold-leaves (ingredients in a medical view equally efficacious with chalk or oyster shells) along with a little ambergrease and some other ingredients of little value, as medicines, and made into tablets with conserve of roses——It is needless to spend time in commenting on such ridiculous remedies; suffice it to say, that the intention of all rational practice both ancient and modern has been to effect a cure by sweating. From the instance related by Sydenham, as well as that of Dr. Power above mentioned, it seems, that if the exact time in which the disease begins could be known, it might be carried off by profuse blood-letting; but as this for the most part cannot be discovered, it is certainly better to wait, even though the event should not prove favourable, than to run the risk of killing, the patient instantly by an ignorant effort to save him.139These two last conclusions (though I believe them myself) are proposed only as probable conjectures, which as yet I see nothing to contradict.140Seep. 282.141The operation of oil so much recommended by Mr. Baldwin is said to be by producing sweat. (See above p.341.)142Naturally belonging to the climate.143Seep. 319.144Seep. 17.145In Belknap’s Biography we have a more particular account of thispestilence, as it is called, and which, if the relations there given are to be credited, certainly determines the disease in question to have been the yellow fever. The account is to the following purpose: Lord Arundel, of Wardour, had employed a captain Weymouth to search for a N. W. passage to India. In this he failed, but falling in with a river, supposed to be either the Kennebeck or Penobscot, he brought from thence five of the natives, with whom he landed at Plymouth in July 1605. Three of the Indians were taken into the family of Sir Ferdinando Gorges; and from these many particulars were obtained respecting their country, which being eagerly attended to by Gorges, he formed a plan of advancing his fortune by a thorough discovery of the country. Two vessels were accordingly fitted out; one of which failed, but the other brought such information as gave encouragement to attempt the founding of a colony. Two of the natives who had been brought to England were sent back, and 45 persons were left on the continent to begin the settlement; but these, having undergone great hardships, quitted the place in 1608. Gorges, however was not discouraged. He sent out one of his servants, by nameRichard Vines, and some others, whom he hired to stay in the country all winter.“Mr. Vines and his companions were received by the Indians with great hospitality, though their residence among them was rendered hazardous; both by a war which raged among them, and by a pestilence which accompanied or succeeded it.“This war and pestilence are frequently spoken of by the historians of New England, as remarkable events, in the course of Providence, which prepared the way for the establishment of an European colony. Concerning the war, we know nothing more than this, that it was begun by the Tarratenes, a nation who resided eastward of Penobscot. These formidable people surprised the bashaba, or chief sachem, at his head quarters, and destroyed him with all his family; upon which all the other sachems who were subordinate to him quarrelled among themselves for the sovereignty; and in these dissensions many of them as well as of their unhappy people perished. Of what particular kind the pestilence was, we have nocertain146information, but it seems to have been a disorder peculiar to the Indians, for Mr. Vines and his companions, who were intimately conversant with them, and frequently lodged in their wigwams, were not in the least degree affected by it, though it swept off the Indians at such a prodigious rate that the living were not able to bury the dead, and their bones were found several years after, lying about the villages where they had resided. The extent of this pestilence was between Penobscot in the east, and Narraganset in the west. These two tribes escaped, whilst the intermediate people were wasted and destroyed.”This distemper appears to have raged among the Indians in the year 1616. The following particulars are further given in Belknap’s Biography, vol. ii, p. 208: “Hitherto they (the English colonists) had not seen any of the natives at this place. The mortal pestilence which raged through the country, four years before, had almost depopulated it. One remarkable circumstance attending this pestilence was not known till after this settlement was made. A French ship had been wrecked on Cape Cod. The men were saved, with their provisions and goods. The natives kept their eye on them, till they found an opportunity to kill all but three or four, and divide their goods. The captives were sent from one tribe to another, as slaves. One of them learned so much of their language, as to tell them that God was angry with them for their cruelty, and would destroy them, and give their country to another people. They answered that they were too many for God to kill. He replied, that if they were ever so many, God had many ways to kill them, of which they were then ignorant. When the pestilence came among them (anew disease, probably theyellow fever) they remembered the Frenchman’s words; and when the Plymouth settlers arrived at Cape Cod, the few survivors imagined that the other part of his prediction would soon be accomplished. Soon after their arrival, the Indian priests or powows convened, and performed their incantations in a dark swamp three days successively, with a view to curse and destroy the new comers. Had they known the mortality which raged among them, they would doubtless have rejoiced in the success of their endeavours, and might very easily have taken advantage of their weakness to exterminate them. But none of them were seen till after the sickness had abated; though some tools, which had been left in the woods, were missing, which they had stolen in the night.”146“The Pawkunnawkutts were a great people heretofore. They lived to the east and northeast of the Narragansitts, and their chief sachem held dominion over divers other petty sagamores; as the sagamores upon the island of Nantuckett, and Nope, or Martha’s Vineyard, of Nawsett, of Mannamoyk, of Sawkattukett, Nobsquasitt, Matakees, and several others, and some of the Nipmucks. Their country, for the most part, falls within the jurisdiction of New Plymouth colony. This people were a potent nation in former times, and could raise, as the most credible and ancient Indians affirm, about three thousand men. They held war with the Narragansitts, and often joined the Massachusetts as friends and confederates against the Narragansitts. This nation, a very great number of them, were swept away by an epidemical and unwonted sickness, an. 1612 and 1613, about seven or eight years before the English first arrived in those parts to settle the colony of New Plymouth. Thereby Divine Providence made way for the quiet and peaceable settlement of the English in those nations. What this disease was, that so generally and mortally swept away, not only these but other Indians, their neighbours, I cannot well learn. Doubtless it was some pestilential disease. I have discoursed with some old Indians, that were then youths, who say, that the bodies all over were exceedingyellow(describing it by a yellow garment they showed me) both before they died, and afterward.“The Massachusetts, being the next great people northward, inhabited principally about that place in Massachusetts bay, where the body of the English now dwell. These were a numerous and great people. Their chief sachem held dominion over many other petty governors; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punkapaog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some of the Nipmuck people, as far as Pocomtacuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in former times, arm for war about three thousand men, as the old Indians declare. They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts, but held amity for the most part with the Pawkunnawcutts, who lived on the south border, and with the Pawtucketts, who inhabited on their north and northeast limits. In an. 1612 and 1613 these people were also sorely smitten by the hand of God with the same disease before mentioned; which destroyed the most of them, and made room for the English people of Massachusetts colony, which people this country, and the next called Pawtuckett. There are not of this people left at this day above three hundred men, besides women and children.“Pawtuckett is the fifth and last great sachemship of Indians. Their country lieth north and northeast from the Massachusetts, whose dominion reacheth so far as the English jurisdiction, or colony of the Massachusetts, doth now extend, and had under them several other smaller sagamores; as the Pennakoaks, Agawomes, Naamkeeks, Pascatawayes, Accomintas, and others. They were also a considerable people heretofore, about three thousand men, and held amity with the people of Massachusetts. But these also were almost totally destroyed by the great sickness before mentioned; so that at this day they are not above two hundred and fifty men, besides women and children. This country is now inhabited by the English under the government of Massachusetts.” (Gookin’s Historical Collections of the Indians in New England.)The following was communicated to Benjamin Basset, esq. of Chilmark, by Thomas Cooper, a half blooded Indian, of Gay Head, aged about sixty years; and which, he says, he obtained of his grandmother, who, to use his own expression, was a stout girl when the English came to the island: “Before the English came among the Indians, there were two disorders of which they generally died, viz. the consumption and the yellow fever. The latter they could alwayslayin the following manner: After it had raged and swept off a number, those who were well, met to lay it. The rich, that is, such as had a canoe, skins, axes, &c. brought them; They took their seat in a circle, and all the poor sat around without. The richest then proposed to begin to lay the sickness; and, having in his hand something in shape resembling his canoe, skin, or whatever his riches were, he threw it up in the air; and whoever of the poor without could take it, the property it was intended to resemble became for ever transferred to him or her. After the rich had thus given away all their moveable property to the poor, they looked out the handsomest and most sprightly young man in the assembly, and put him into an entire new wigwam, built of every thing new for that purpose. They then formed into two files at a small distance from each other; one standing in the space at each end put fire to the bottom of the wigwam on all parts, and fell to singing and dancing. Presently the youth would leap out of the flames, and fall down to appearance dead. Him they committed to the care of five virgins, prepared for that purpose, to restore to life again. The term required for this would be uncertain, from six to forty-eight hours, during which time the dance must be kept up. When he was restored he would tell, that he had been carried in a large thing high up in the air, where he came to a great company of white people, with whom he had interceded hard to have the distemper laid, and generally, after much persuasion, would obtain a promise, or answer of peace, which never failed of laying the distemper.”The following is extracted from Prince’s Chronological History of New England, p. 46: “This winter (1617) and the spring ensuing, a great plague befals the natives in New England, which wasteth them exceedingly; and so many thousands of them die, that the living are not able to bury them, and their skulls and bones remain above ground at the places of their habitations for several years after.“By Capt. Dermer’s letter of Dec. 27, 1619, in Purchas, and of June 30, 1620, in Gov. Bradford, compared with Gov. Bradford’s own account, it seems that the Narragansitts in the west, and Penobscots in the east, escaped this plague, or that it raged only in the countries lying between them, and prepared the way for another people.”

85American Museum vol. xi, p. 148.

86The gold-fish is a small species of carp, brought originally from China. They are adorned with the most beautiful and resplendent colours, and are frequently kept in jars for pleasure. They subsist entirely on the water, without any other food. This is by Dr. Fordyce said to be the case with all fishes, provided the water be impregnated with oxygen.

87Sir John Pringle, from Stowe’s Chronicle, gives the following account of these assizes. “On the 4th, 5th and 6th days of July were the assizes held at Oxon, where was arraigned and condemned Rowland Jenkins,for a seditious tongue; at which time there arose amidst the people such a damp, that almost all were smothered. Very few escaped that were not taken. Here died in Oxon three hundred persons; and sickened there, but died in other places, two hundred and odd.“The sessions at the Old Bailey in Westminster, in 1650, proved also fatal to many; of which Sir John also gives an account. ‘I have been informed (says he) that, at those Sessions, about a hundred were tried, who were all kept in close places as long as the court sat; and that each room was but 14 feet by 11, and seven feet high. The bail-dock is also a small room taken off one of the corners of the court, and left open at the top: in this, during the trials, are put some of the malefactors who have been under the closest confinement. The hall in the Old Bailey is a room of only 30 feet square. Now whether the air was most tainted from the bar by some prisoners then ill of the jail distemper, or by the general uncleanliness of such persons, is uncertain; but it is probable that both causes concurred. And we may easily conceive how much it might have been vitiated by the foul steams of the bail-dock, and of the two rooms opening into the court in which the prisoners were the whole day crowded together till they were brought out to be tried. It appeared afterwards, that these places had not been cleaned for some years. The poisonous quality of the air was aggravated by the heat and closeness of the court, and by the perspirable matter of a number of people of all sorts, penned up for the most part of the day, without breathing the free air, or receiving any refreshment. The bench consisted of six persons, whereof four died, together with two or three of the counsel, one of the under sheriffs, several of the Middlesex jury, and others present to the amount of above forty; without making allowance for those of a lower rank, whose death may not have been heard of; and without including any that did not sicken within a fortnight after the sessions.’”(Pringle’s Observations p. 329 & seq.)

“The sessions at the Old Bailey in Westminster, in 1650, proved also fatal to many; of which Sir John also gives an account. ‘I have been informed (says he) that, at those Sessions, about a hundred were tried, who were all kept in close places as long as the court sat; and that each room was but 14 feet by 11, and seven feet high. The bail-dock is also a small room taken off one of the corners of the court, and left open at the top: in this, during the trials, are put some of the malefactors who have been under the closest confinement. The hall in the Old Bailey is a room of only 30 feet square. Now whether the air was most tainted from the bar by some prisoners then ill of the jail distemper, or by the general uncleanliness of such persons, is uncertain; but it is probable that both causes concurred. And we may easily conceive how much it might have been vitiated by the foul steams of the bail-dock, and of the two rooms opening into the court in which the prisoners were the whole day crowded together till they were brought out to be tried. It appeared afterwards, that these places had not been cleaned for some years. The poisonous quality of the air was aggravated by the heat and closeness of the court, and by the perspirable matter of a number of people of all sorts, penned up for the most part of the day, without breathing the free air, or receiving any refreshment. The bench consisted of six persons, whereof four died, together with two or three of the counsel, one of the under sheriffs, several of the Middlesex jury, and others present to the amount of above forty; without making allowance for those of a lower rank, whose death may not have been heard of; and without including any that did not sicken within a fortnight after the sessions.’”(Pringle’s Observations p. 329 & seq.)

88Bee, vol. xviii, p. 282.

89Those of Galvani and others onanimal electricity.

90See Medical Repository, vol. ii, No. iii.

91That this is the case with the atmosphere at Martinico is now determined by a letter from Dr. George Davidson to Dr. Mitchell of New York, inserted in the Medical Repository, vol. ii, p. 279. With equal parts of nitrous and atmospheric air there was an absorption of 67 parts out of 100; but when two parts of atmospheric air were used to one of nitrous, the absorption was only from 52 to 58 parts; with a mixture of iron filings and sulphur, upwards of four tenths of the air were absorbed. These experiments were attested by a number of medical gentlemen who were present. In a letter subjoined from Dr. Chisholm, he says, that, having made a trial with iron filings and sulphur, the absorption was forty parts of an hundred, or exactly four tenths, with the eudiometer fifty-six. “It appears to me (says Dr. Chisholm) to be a singular circumstance, that, although the ground on which the Ordnance Hospital Hands is a perfect morass, partially drained, yet a result almost exactly similar to that given by the experiments made with the eudiometer at my house, should take place, with the same instrument and in circumstances very different. The proportion at the Ordnance Hospital, I think, has been 58 out of 100, and at your house, a situation less swampy, and nearer the sea, it has been 67. An explanation of so singular a result, in situations so different, is perhaps more to be wished than expected.”

92In the account of this sailor’s speech a most essential part of the devil’s character was omitted. The speech, according to Capt. Cook, was, that the devil “was about the size of a one gallon keg, and very like it. He had horns and wings; and he was so near, that, if I had not beenafear’d, I might have touched him.” (Seep. 105, n.)

93This is an assertion so extravagant, that is difficult to imagine what could induce any one to make it. Did our author ever hear that laurel water, &c. produced the venereal disease, the plague, yellow fever, gout, stone, small-pox, &c. &c. or to what patients and in what diseases did he ever administer this remedy with success? I mean not to deny that these substances will curesomediseases as well as produce others; but such an unqualified expression that they can not only produce but cure all diseases without exception, never can be admitted.

94There must certainly be some error here; for as he mentions adissolutionof the blood so soon afterwards, we should think it impossible that any coagulation would have taken place. Perhaps the word only imports that the circulation was completely stopped.

95The blood certainly does not coagulate in the vessels, in any case whatever, unless by injecting something into them.

96Seep. 128, note.

97Seep. 196.

98Seep. 226.

99Seep. 102et seq.

100P. 19, note.

101The Mediastinum is a membrane by which the cavity of the breast is longitudinally divided. The tearing of it in any disease seems altogether unaccountable, unless we suppose an extraordinary loss of cohesion to have taken place without any mortification. The pericardium is a membrane surrounding the heart, and in a natural state contains some water, condensed from vapour after death.

102Vol. ii, p. 409.

103This, among innumerable other instances that might be brought, is a proof of the infectious nature of the plague.

104Memoires de Societe Medicale, &c.

105If we consider the composition of the atmosphere which surrounds us, we must acknowledge that by far the greater part of it consists of fire and electric fluid, the latter being properly the element in a comparatively quiescent state. In deflagrating dephlogisticated and inflammable air, the mixture has sometimes shrunk up into a three hundredth part of its bulk; which shows that of these airs two hundred and ninety-nine parts are fire, the single remaining part only being earth, water, or some solid matter which we call thebasisof air.

106This is in favour of what has already been observed, that the pestilential eruptions inallcases showed a tendency to mortification.

107Bonetus relates, that in 1676 in a malignant fever at Borgo di Safia, the patients discharged live worms by the mouth, and adds that they were sooner killed by wine than any thing.

108Dr. Gotwald, formerly quoted, describes four varieties of carbuncles, the differences between which seem to be pretty distinctly marked. 1. “One kind rises pretty high, is of a dark brown colour, the cuticle appearing as if it were burnt, and it is surrounded with a lead-coloured circle. In the beginning it is no bigger than a pea, but, if not prevented, soon grows to the size of a crown piece; inwardly it is moister than the rest, and may be more easily separated. Its seat is generally in the fleshy parts, as on the shoulders, neck, hips, arms and legs. 2. The second lie a little deeper, and do not rise so high; the eschar in the middle is entirely dark and ash-coloured, full of small chops, as if it would burst by too great dryness: it has a strong lead-coloured circle, behind which the sound flesh looks red and shining. It eats into the flesh round about it, and takes deep root: it generally fixes in the most fleshy parts, as the buttocks, calves, &c. 3. The third is not very large at first; it appears like a blood swelling, not so dark as the former, with a wrinkled skin; as it increases, small blisters arise in the middle, and form an eschar, in little clusters, which, as an ingenious physician observed, were small carbuncles. They commonly are situated in membranous and tendinous parts about the knees, toes, and behind the ears, &c. 4. The fourth is the most curious, as Purman, in his treatise on the plague, has well observed. Sitonius calls them pale, livid, ulcerous papulae: they appear with a high, yellowish blister, which seems full of corruption: the circle round it is first red, then of an ash colour: the blister soon falls, and, with the carbuncle, appears scarce so big as a pepper corn, continually eating deeper and wider. They are seated upon the cartilaginous or gristly parts. Gotwald found them near the pit of the stomach, upon the cartilago ensiformis and short ribs. All the four take root and burn very violently at first, but the two former most of all.”

109Seep. p. 61, 62.

110Medical Review, vol. iii, p. 257.

111At Aleppo 20. (Russel.)

112About the mouth of the river Gambia in Africa, after the annual inundation of the river, the putrefaction of the mud, mixed with animal and vegetable substances, becomes so great, that the birds manifest their disgust by soaring to an immense height in the air. This is a natural consequence of the levity of putrefactive vapours compared with the common atmosphere. As these vapours, however, are composed of several kinds of gases, it is possible that some may descend, while others ascend; and thus the contagious part, tending to the earth, may violently affect the people who are confined among it, while the birds escape; but there is still wanting some positive evidence that ever the true plague did arise from this cause.

113Med. Repository, vol. ii, p. 367.

114Medical Review, vol. iii, p. 260.

115It seems, however, of late, that at least the city of Madrid is kept clean. Swinburne says, speaking of the palace at Madrid, “To the west it has the town, the three principal streets of which terminate in the Pravo. These are three noble openings, excellently paved, and clean even to a nicety; indeed so are most of the streets of Madrid since the edict for paving and cleaning them.116The foreigners that resided here before that time, shudder at the very recollection of its former filth. Some of the natives regret the old stinks and nastiness; as they pretend that the air of Madrid is so subtil as to require a proper mixture of grosser effluvia, to prevent its pernicious effects upon the constitution. The extremes of cold and heat are astonishing in this place, and the winds so searching, that all the Spaniards wear leathern under waistcoats, to preserve their chests; for they pervade every other kind of clothing.”The former filthiness of Madrid, together with its being situated in a climate exposed to the vicissitudes of extreme heat and cold, and its exemption from the plague under those circumstances, certainly presents a most solid objection to the theory of the domestic origin of plague. To the same purpose see below the remarks on the climate of China.

The former filthiness of Madrid, together with its being situated in a climate exposed to the vicissitudes of extreme heat and cold, and its exemption from the plague under those circumstances, certainly presents a most solid objection to the theory of the domestic origin of plague. To the same purpose see below the remarks on the climate of China.

116Dillon has a like remark in his “Travels through Spain.”

117Seep.p. 171, 172.

118Authentic Account of an Embassy, &c. vol. ii, p. 54.

119Ib. p. 39.

120Authentic Account, &c. vol. i, p. 290.

121In the time of the great fire at London, in 1666, ashes are said to have been carried to sixteen miles distance.

122Duncan’s Med. Comment. vol. viii p. 350.

123Med. Repos. vol. ii, p. 433.

124Synopsis, vol. i, p. 80.

125Earthquakes, as we have already seen, might be accounted rather asignorcauseof the beginning of pestilence, than of its departure. A great quantity of electricity in the atmosphere has accordingly been enumerated among the signs of an approaching pestilence. Thus in Burnet’s Thesaurus, p. 699, we find among the previous signs of a plague, “plurima et fere continua nocturna fulgora, sine pluviis et tonitruis, cœlo non nubiloso existante.” Very much and almost continual lightning at night, without rain or thunder; the sky in the mean time not being covered with clouds.

126Before we can attach any degree of probability to either of these suppositions, it must be proved that plagues arise out of the earth. But this, though as plausible as many other hypotheses, is not yet supported by any direct proof.

127Medicina Nautica, p. 173,et seq.

128In the plague, Dr. Russel has observed, that those who die in a very short time are much less ready to communicate infection, than those who live longer. He also takes notice, that “the plague, though a contagious disease, is not equally contagious in every period of the pestilential season. In the beginning those frequenting the sick often escape unhurt, or one only, out of several, is infected. The escape of persons employed about the sick, proves a frequent cause of misleading the popular opinion of the disease, and has in many instances occasioned much mischief, by encouraging the neglect of due precautions till too late.”

129P. 189.

130Here, I hope, it will not be thought unreasonable to digress a little in favour of the sensations of humanity which on all occasions ought to predominate in our minds. Birds are the natural enemies of that hateful class of beings we callinsects, and which in general are the natural enemies of man. In proportion to the havock we make among the former, the latter will multiply upon us whether we will or not. The wanton, indiscriminate, and I may addprovokingdestruction exercised among this useful as well as beautiful and agreeable part of the creation, must certainly be sometimes attended with bad consequences. Though birds feed on many different kinds of insects, yet there are exceptions. If then we totally exterminate a species of birds, is it not probable that a species of insects might appear, the mischief done by which we could not be able to counteract?Quere.Is it not possible that theHessian flymay have made its appearance from this cause?

131Diemerbroeck, Hist. 17, lib. 4.

132Annals of Medicine for 1797, p. 373.

133The opinion of those physicians whom Mr. Howard consulted upon this subject are given at large in theAPPENDIX.

134Thisdoctrineoffancy, orimagination, ought undoubtedly, as Dr. Russel says of the imagination itself, to be under some management. The indiscriminate use of the word has been carried to such a length as in a manner to supersede all evidence, testimony, argumentation or reason. With some it is sufficient to discredit the most positive testimony (even upon oath) if they take it into their heads that such a thingcannot be: which by the bye is as strong an evidence ofignoranceas any man can give. If imagination is given as acause, the extent and nature of its powers ought to be ascertained; but who has done this? On the contrary I may say that not one in five hundred who makes use of the word would be able to define it. But the most curious mode of reasoning used by theseimaginarygentlemen is, if they are asked, “How do you prove that such a thing is the effect of imagination?” they are ready to answer, “I can indeed bring no proof that it is so, but how do you prove that it is not?” Here theimaginarieshave notreasonsufficient to show them thattheyought to bring a proof, and not those who say they saw or felt any thing. But, waving this,senseis the highest faculty in our nature;imaginationas well asreasonare inferior to it; because neither the one nor the other can be conversant except about the objects of sense. If any person therefore says that heseesor that hefeelsany thing, nobody can, with any shadow of reason, say that he neithersawnorfeltany thing. If one man sees what another cannot see, while the supposed object is easily within reach of the eyes of either, then the one who cannot see it has a right to suspect that the object is imaginary; but, if the person himself feels any slight pain or uneasiness, and that should go off in a short time, after drinking a glass of wine, there is as little reason to suppose that the pain was imaginary, as that the drinking of the wine was imaginary. In Dr. Russel’s case, though his strength was in general sufficient to resist the contagion in which he was immersed, yet, when that strength began to decay, it was no wonder that he found the contagion beginning to invade: a few glasses of wine gave vigour to the system, and enabled it to repel the attack. Had he been much fatigued with bodily labour, and found himself greatly relieved by a few glasses of wine, surely he would not suppose that his former fatigue was merely imaginary. Just so must it be in the former case; the one has no more to do with imagination than the other.

135Duncan’s Med. Comment. vol. viii, p. 352.

136Dr. Dover, who wrote, in 1732, theAncient Physician’s Legacy, had lodged his soldiers in a church in which those who died of a plague had been buried. An hundred and eighty of the soldiers were seized either with petechiæ or buboes. He ordered them all to be bled in such quick succession, that the arm of the first was not bound up till the blood flowed from the last. Thus every one lost about an hundred ounces (upwards of three quarts.) He then ordered them water acidulated with spirit of vitriol for their drink; and by this treatment all recovered excepting eight, who would not refrain from spiritous liquors. This was transacted in Peru: but in Europe the plague will scarce bear bleeding to a few ounces. (Sauvages.)

137Duncan’s Med. Comment. vol. viii, p. 359.

138As it might by some be deemed an affront offered to the wisdom of antiquity, should we pass over in silence the opinions of the more ancient physicians, I shall in this note give a short account of some of their most remarkable modes of practice, as they are recorded in Burnet’sThesaurus.1. Forestus, in many respects a respectable author, recommends anantidotecomposed of equal parts of rue, figs and almonds, beat into a pulp in a stone mortar with a wooden pestle till united (which is not very easily done) into an uniform mass, adding as much syrup of citrons with vinegar as would render it soft, with a little powdered salt put in last. The efficacy of this he tells us he experienced in himself as well as all his family as a preventive; himself taking in the morning the bigness of a small nutmeg of this, made up into a confection with the ancient theriac, mithridate, Armenian bole, terrasigillata, &c.In his regular practice (for the above must be accounted quackery) he advises bleeding within the first twelve, or at most twenty-four, hours; such as were bled afterwards he says died. If performed in seven or eight hours after the commencement of the disease the cure went on the better. Where bleeding was inadvisable he used cupping with scarifications, finishing the cure with sweating and cordials. He remarks that where black tumours or eschars, lentil shaped, appeared, the disease always proved mortal, without a single exception. These were small, like a grain of black pepper, and therefore called by the vulgarpeppercorn; undoubtedly thetokensof Dr. Hodges.2. Hildanus, also a respectable writer, has an high opinion of issues as a preventive. He says he never knew but one or two (and those of a very bad habit of body) who had issues in their legs and arms that perished in the plague, and says that he has known its efficacy as a preventive not only in himself but many others. He says he kept two issues in his own body, one in the left arm, the other in the right leg. (See above p. 339) To the same purpose Mercurialis relates that he never knew but one, and he was apriest, who died of the plague having an issue. He says also that he had inquired of many other physicians, who all gave a similar testimony. According to him, in the plague at Lausanne, all who were attacked by vomiting or looseness, and almost all who were bled, fell victims to the disease.As preventives he advises amulets made up of arsenic, powder oftoads, andother things. These are to be hanged round the neck in times of plague, and areundoubtedlyof great virtue (maximamadpræservationem vim habere, non est quod dubites!) This remedy he says he had from his preceptorCosmas Slotanus, a very celebrated surgeon.Brine of pork is another preventive, which he never tried himself, but asks Sennerius about it. It was recommended to Hildanus by a lawyer of his acquaintance. The brine is first to be boiled in a kettle, and well skimmed, till it becomes clear, poured into earthen vessels. and kept shut up from the air for a twelvemonth; after which it was fit for use. A draught of this was given to people infected with plague, and operated by sweat, stool or vomit, or perhaps both by vomit and stool. The patient was to abstain from drink for some hours after. The brine ofanchoviesis recommended by Sam. Formius, as useful in the plague at Montpelier in 1630.3. The same author (Formius) tells us of a man and his wife and wife’s sister, in Montpelier, who, being taken with the plague, swallowed a solution of their own excrements in urine,strained through a linen cloth, and thus got clear of the distemper. It produced excessive vomiting and purging. Dr. Russel mentions one of his patients, who, he suspected, had got a dose of bezoar in urine.4. Johannes Helmontius says, thatto his certain knowledge(me conscio)Hibernus Butleruscured some thousands of the plague, at London; though unhappily our author got only part of the secret, and which is to the following purpose. “He ordered me to suspend by the legs before the fire, a largetoadtaken in the afternoon in the month of June; putting below him a cake of yellow wax. At length, after three days suspension, the toad vomited earth, and somewalking insects(insectas ambulantes) viz.flieswith shining wings of a greenish colour, as if gilt: the toad died immediately after this evacuation, nor did it take place, notwithstanding his suspension till the third day. He (Butlerus) then told me that I had medicine enough for curingforty thousandpeople infected with the plague, and promised to show me the mystery of the matter (rei cardinem) but being suddenly sent into banishment he departed.” The best part of the secret being thus lost, it is needless to trouble the reader with any further account of experiments made with other toads roasted alive, powdered and made up into troches,&c. presuming that these could not equal the value of the original receipt. I proceed therefore,5. To the antidote of the celebrated Avenzoar, who drove away the plague by the smell of theurineof anhe goat; and Mercurialis says that in the house of a most reverend canon in Hungary, he saw a large he goat kept for this purpose.6. From such horribly disgusting remedies we certainly turn with pleasure to the elegant tablets prepared for the Emperor Maximilian II. These were composed of Armenian bole, prepared pearl, prepared coral, prepared emeralds, prepared jacinct, gold-leaves (ingredients in a medical view equally efficacious with chalk or oyster shells) along with a little ambergrease and some other ingredients of little value, as medicines, and made into tablets with conserve of roses——It is needless to spend time in commenting on such ridiculous remedies; suffice it to say, that the intention of all rational practice both ancient and modern has been to effect a cure by sweating. From the instance related by Sydenham, as well as that of Dr. Power above mentioned, it seems, that if the exact time in which the disease begins could be known, it might be carried off by profuse blood-letting; but as this for the most part cannot be discovered, it is certainly better to wait, even though the event should not prove favourable, than to run the risk of killing, the patient instantly by an ignorant effort to save him.

1. Forestus, in many respects a respectable author, recommends anantidotecomposed of equal parts of rue, figs and almonds, beat into a pulp in a stone mortar with a wooden pestle till united (which is not very easily done) into an uniform mass, adding as much syrup of citrons with vinegar as would render it soft, with a little powdered salt put in last. The efficacy of this he tells us he experienced in himself as well as all his family as a preventive; himself taking in the morning the bigness of a small nutmeg of this, made up into a confection with the ancient theriac, mithridate, Armenian bole, terrasigillata, &c.

In his regular practice (for the above must be accounted quackery) he advises bleeding within the first twelve, or at most twenty-four, hours; such as were bled afterwards he says died. If performed in seven or eight hours after the commencement of the disease the cure went on the better. Where bleeding was inadvisable he used cupping with scarifications, finishing the cure with sweating and cordials. He remarks that where black tumours or eschars, lentil shaped, appeared, the disease always proved mortal, without a single exception. These were small, like a grain of black pepper, and therefore called by the vulgarpeppercorn; undoubtedly thetokensof Dr. Hodges.

2. Hildanus, also a respectable writer, has an high opinion of issues as a preventive. He says he never knew but one or two (and those of a very bad habit of body) who had issues in their legs and arms that perished in the plague, and says that he has known its efficacy as a preventive not only in himself but many others. He says he kept two issues in his own body, one in the left arm, the other in the right leg. (See above p. 339) To the same purpose Mercurialis relates that he never knew but one, and he was apriest, who died of the plague having an issue. He says also that he had inquired of many other physicians, who all gave a similar testimony. According to him, in the plague at Lausanne, all who were attacked by vomiting or looseness, and almost all who were bled, fell victims to the disease.

As preventives he advises amulets made up of arsenic, powder oftoads, andother things. These are to be hanged round the neck in times of plague, and areundoubtedlyof great virtue (maximamadpræservationem vim habere, non est quod dubites!) This remedy he says he had from his preceptorCosmas Slotanus, a very celebrated surgeon.

Brine of pork is another preventive, which he never tried himself, but asks Sennerius about it. It was recommended to Hildanus by a lawyer of his acquaintance. The brine is first to be boiled in a kettle, and well skimmed, till it becomes clear, poured into earthen vessels. and kept shut up from the air for a twelvemonth; after which it was fit for use. A draught of this was given to people infected with plague, and operated by sweat, stool or vomit, or perhaps both by vomit and stool. The patient was to abstain from drink for some hours after. The brine ofanchoviesis recommended by Sam. Formius, as useful in the plague at Montpelier in 1630.

3. The same author (Formius) tells us of a man and his wife and wife’s sister, in Montpelier, who, being taken with the plague, swallowed a solution of their own excrements in urine,strained through a linen cloth, and thus got clear of the distemper. It produced excessive vomiting and purging. Dr. Russel mentions one of his patients, who, he suspected, had got a dose of bezoar in urine.

4. Johannes Helmontius says, thatto his certain knowledge(me conscio)Hibernus Butleruscured some thousands of the plague, at London; though unhappily our author got only part of the secret, and which is to the following purpose. “He ordered me to suspend by the legs before the fire, a largetoadtaken in the afternoon in the month of June; putting below him a cake of yellow wax. At length, after three days suspension, the toad vomited earth, and somewalking insects(insectas ambulantes) viz.flieswith shining wings of a greenish colour, as if gilt: the toad died immediately after this evacuation, nor did it take place, notwithstanding his suspension till the third day. He (Butlerus) then told me that I had medicine enough for curingforty thousandpeople infected with the plague, and promised to show me the mystery of the matter (rei cardinem) but being suddenly sent into banishment he departed.” The best part of the secret being thus lost, it is needless to trouble the reader with any further account of experiments made with other toads roasted alive, powdered and made up into troches,&c. presuming that these could not equal the value of the original receipt. I proceed therefore,

5. To the antidote of the celebrated Avenzoar, who drove away the plague by the smell of theurineof anhe goat; and Mercurialis says that in the house of a most reverend canon in Hungary, he saw a large he goat kept for this purpose.

6. From such horribly disgusting remedies we certainly turn with pleasure to the elegant tablets prepared for the Emperor Maximilian II. These were composed of Armenian bole, prepared pearl, prepared coral, prepared emeralds, prepared jacinct, gold-leaves (ingredients in a medical view equally efficacious with chalk or oyster shells) along with a little ambergrease and some other ingredients of little value, as medicines, and made into tablets with conserve of roses——It is needless to spend time in commenting on such ridiculous remedies; suffice it to say, that the intention of all rational practice both ancient and modern has been to effect a cure by sweating. From the instance related by Sydenham, as well as that of Dr. Power above mentioned, it seems, that if the exact time in which the disease begins could be known, it might be carried off by profuse blood-letting; but as this for the most part cannot be discovered, it is certainly better to wait, even though the event should not prove favourable, than to run the risk of killing, the patient instantly by an ignorant effort to save him.

139These two last conclusions (though I believe them myself) are proposed only as probable conjectures, which as yet I see nothing to contradict.

140Seep. 282.

141The operation of oil so much recommended by Mr. Baldwin is said to be by producing sweat. (See above p.341.)

142Naturally belonging to the climate.

143Seep. 319.

144Seep. 17.

145In Belknap’s Biography we have a more particular account of thispestilence, as it is called, and which, if the relations there given are to be credited, certainly determines the disease in question to have been the yellow fever. The account is to the following purpose: Lord Arundel, of Wardour, had employed a captain Weymouth to search for a N. W. passage to India. In this he failed, but falling in with a river, supposed to be either the Kennebeck or Penobscot, he brought from thence five of the natives, with whom he landed at Plymouth in July 1605. Three of the Indians were taken into the family of Sir Ferdinando Gorges; and from these many particulars were obtained respecting their country, which being eagerly attended to by Gorges, he formed a plan of advancing his fortune by a thorough discovery of the country. Two vessels were accordingly fitted out; one of which failed, but the other brought such information as gave encouragement to attempt the founding of a colony. Two of the natives who had been brought to England were sent back, and 45 persons were left on the continent to begin the settlement; but these, having undergone great hardships, quitted the place in 1608. Gorges, however was not discouraged. He sent out one of his servants, by nameRichard Vines, and some others, whom he hired to stay in the country all winter.“Mr. Vines and his companions were received by the Indians with great hospitality, though their residence among them was rendered hazardous; both by a war which raged among them, and by a pestilence which accompanied or succeeded it.“This war and pestilence are frequently spoken of by the historians of New England, as remarkable events, in the course of Providence, which prepared the way for the establishment of an European colony. Concerning the war, we know nothing more than this, that it was begun by the Tarratenes, a nation who resided eastward of Penobscot. These formidable people surprised the bashaba, or chief sachem, at his head quarters, and destroyed him with all his family; upon which all the other sachems who were subordinate to him quarrelled among themselves for the sovereignty; and in these dissensions many of them as well as of their unhappy people perished. Of what particular kind the pestilence was, we have nocertain146information, but it seems to have been a disorder peculiar to the Indians, for Mr. Vines and his companions, who were intimately conversant with them, and frequently lodged in their wigwams, were not in the least degree affected by it, though it swept off the Indians at such a prodigious rate that the living were not able to bury the dead, and their bones were found several years after, lying about the villages where they had resided. The extent of this pestilence was between Penobscot in the east, and Narraganset in the west. These two tribes escaped, whilst the intermediate people were wasted and destroyed.”This distemper appears to have raged among the Indians in the year 1616. The following particulars are further given in Belknap’s Biography, vol. ii, p. 208: “Hitherto they (the English colonists) had not seen any of the natives at this place. The mortal pestilence which raged through the country, four years before, had almost depopulated it. One remarkable circumstance attending this pestilence was not known till after this settlement was made. A French ship had been wrecked on Cape Cod. The men were saved, with their provisions and goods. The natives kept their eye on them, till they found an opportunity to kill all but three or four, and divide their goods. The captives were sent from one tribe to another, as slaves. One of them learned so much of their language, as to tell them that God was angry with them for their cruelty, and would destroy them, and give their country to another people. They answered that they were too many for God to kill. He replied, that if they were ever so many, God had many ways to kill them, of which they were then ignorant. When the pestilence came among them (anew disease, probably theyellow fever) they remembered the Frenchman’s words; and when the Plymouth settlers arrived at Cape Cod, the few survivors imagined that the other part of his prediction would soon be accomplished. Soon after their arrival, the Indian priests or powows convened, and performed their incantations in a dark swamp three days successively, with a view to curse and destroy the new comers. Had they known the mortality which raged among them, they would doubtless have rejoiced in the success of their endeavours, and might very easily have taken advantage of their weakness to exterminate them. But none of them were seen till after the sickness had abated; though some tools, which had been left in the woods, were missing, which they had stolen in the night.”

“Mr. Vines and his companions were received by the Indians with great hospitality, though their residence among them was rendered hazardous; both by a war which raged among them, and by a pestilence which accompanied or succeeded it.

“This war and pestilence are frequently spoken of by the historians of New England, as remarkable events, in the course of Providence, which prepared the way for the establishment of an European colony. Concerning the war, we know nothing more than this, that it was begun by the Tarratenes, a nation who resided eastward of Penobscot. These formidable people surprised the bashaba, or chief sachem, at his head quarters, and destroyed him with all his family; upon which all the other sachems who were subordinate to him quarrelled among themselves for the sovereignty; and in these dissensions many of them as well as of their unhappy people perished. Of what particular kind the pestilence was, we have nocertain146information, but it seems to have been a disorder peculiar to the Indians, for Mr. Vines and his companions, who were intimately conversant with them, and frequently lodged in their wigwams, were not in the least degree affected by it, though it swept off the Indians at such a prodigious rate that the living were not able to bury the dead, and their bones were found several years after, lying about the villages where they had resided. The extent of this pestilence was between Penobscot in the east, and Narraganset in the west. These two tribes escaped, whilst the intermediate people were wasted and destroyed.”

This distemper appears to have raged among the Indians in the year 1616. The following particulars are further given in Belknap’s Biography, vol. ii, p. 208: “Hitherto they (the English colonists) had not seen any of the natives at this place. The mortal pestilence which raged through the country, four years before, had almost depopulated it. One remarkable circumstance attending this pestilence was not known till after this settlement was made. A French ship had been wrecked on Cape Cod. The men were saved, with their provisions and goods. The natives kept their eye on them, till they found an opportunity to kill all but three or four, and divide their goods. The captives were sent from one tribe to another, as slaves. One of them learned so much of their language, as to tell them that God was angry with them for their cruelty, and would destroy them, and give their country to another people. They answered that they were too many for God to kill. He replied, that if they were ever so many, God had many ways to kill them, of which they were then ignorant. When the pestilence came among them (anew disease, probably theyellow fever) they remembered the Frenchman’s words; and when the Plymouth settlers arrived at Cape Cod, the few survivors imagined that the other part of his prediction would soon be accomplished. Soon after their arrival, the Indian priests or powows convened, and performed their incantations in a dark swamp three days successively, with a view to curse and destroy the new comers. Had they known the mortality which raged among them, they would doubtless have rejoiced in the success of their endeavours, and might very easily have taken advantage of their weakness to exterminate them. But none of them were seen till after the sickness had abated; though some tools, which had been left in the woods, were missing, which they had stolen in the night.”

146“The Pawkunnawkutts were a great people heretofore. They lived to the east and northeast of the Narragansitts, and their chief sachem held dominion over divers other petty sagamores; as the sagamores upon the island of Nantuckett, and Nope, or Martha’s Vineyard, of Nawsett, of Mannamoyk, of Sawkattukett, Nobsquasitt, Matakees, and several others, and some of the Nipmucks. Their country, for the most part, falls within the jurisdiction of New Plymouth colony. This people were a potent nation in former times, and could raise, as the most credible and ancient Indians affirm, about three thousand men. They held war with the Narragansitts, and often joined the Massachusetts as friends and confederates against the Narragansitts. This nation, a very great number of them, were swept away by an epidemical and unwonted sickness, an. 1612 and 1613, about seven or eight years before the English first arrived in those parts to settle the colony of New Plymouth. Thereby Divine Providence made way for the quiet and peaceable settlement of the English in those nations. What this disease was, that so generally and mortally swept away, not only these but other Indians, their neighbours, I cannot well learn. Doubtless it was some pestilential disease. I have discoursed with some old Indians, that were then youths, who say, that the bodies all over were exceedingyellow(describing it by a yellow garment they showed me) both before they died, and afterward.“The Massachusetts, being the next great people northward, inhabited principally about that place in Massachusetts bay, where the body of the English now dwell. These were a numerous and great people. Their chief sachem held dominion over many other petty governors; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punkapaog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some of the Nipmuck people, as far as Pocomtacuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in former times, arm for war about three thousand men, as the old Indians declare. They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts, but held amity for the most part with the Pawkunnawcutts, who lived on the south border, and with the Pawtucketts, who inhabited on their north and northeast limits. In an. 1612 and 1613 these people were also sorely smitten by the hand of God with the same disease before mentioned; which destroyed the most of them, and made room for the English people of Massachusetts colony, which people this country, and the next called Pawtuckett. There are not of this people left at this day above three hundred men, besides women and children.“Pawtuckett is the fifth and last great sachemship of Indians. Their country lieth north and northeast from the Massachusetts, whose dominion reacheth so far as the English jurisdiction, or colony of the Massachusetts, doth now extend, and had under them several other smaller sagamores; as the Pennakoaks, Agawomes, Naamkeeks, Pascatawayes, Accomintas, and others. They were also a considerable people heretofore, about three thousand men, and held amity with the people of Massachusetts. But these also were almost totally destroyed by the great sickness before mentioned; so that at this day they are not above two hundred and fifty men, besides women and children. This country is now inhabited by the English under the government of Massachusetts.” (Gookin’s Historical Collections of the Indians in New England.)The following was communicated to Benjamin Basset, esq. of Chilmark, by Thomas Cooper, a half blooded Indian, of Gay Head, aged about sixty years; and which, he says, he obtained of his grandmother, who, to use his own expression, was a stout girl when the English came to the island: “Before the English came among the Indians, there were two disorders of which they generally died, viz. the consumption and the yellow fever. The latter they could alwayslayin the following manner: After it had raged and swept off a number, those who were well, met to lay it. The rich, that is, such as had a canoe, skins, axes, &c. brought them; They took their seat in a circle, and all the poor sat around without. The richest then proposed to begin to lay the sickness; and, having in his hand something in shape resembling his canoe, skin, or whatever his riches were, he threw it up in the air; and whoever of the poor without could take it, the property it was intended to resemble became for ever transferred to him or her. After the rich had thus given away all their moveable property to the poor, they looked out the handsomest and most sprightly young man in the assembly, and put him into an entire new wigwam, built of every thing new for that purpose. They then formed into two files at a small distance from each other; one standing in the space at each end put fire to the bottom of the wigwam on all parts, and fell to singing and dancing. Presently the youth would leap out of the flames, and fall down to appearance dead. Him they committed to the care of five virgins, prepared for that purpose, to restore to life again. The term required for this would be uncertain, from six to forty-eight hours, during which time the dance must be kept up. When he was restored he would tell, that he had been carried in a large thing high up in the air, where he came to a great company of white people, with whom he had interceded hard to have the distemper laid, and generally, after much persuasion, would obtain a promise, or answer of peace, which never failed of laying the distemper.”The following is extracted from Prince’s Chronological History of New England, p. 46: “This winter (1617) and the spring ensuing, a great plague befals the natives in New England, which wasteth them exceedingly; and so many thousands of them die, that the living are not able to bury them, and their skulls and bones remain above ground at the places of their habitations for several years after.“By Capt. Dermer’s letter of Dec. 27, 1619, in Purchas, and of June 30, 1620, in Gov. Bradford, compared with Gov. Bradford’s own account, it seems that the Narragansitts in the west, and Penobscots in the east, escaped this plague, or that it raged only in the countries lying between them, and prepared the way for another people.”

“The Massachusetts, being the next great people northward, inhabited principally about that place in Massachusetts bay, where the body of the English now dwell. These were a numerous and great people. Their chief sachem held dominion over many other petty governors; as those of Weechagaskas, Neponsitt, Punkapaog, Nonantum, Nashaway, some of the Nipmuck people, as far as Pocomtacuke, as the old men of Massachusetts affirmed. This people could, in former times, arm for war about three thousand men, as the old Indians declare. They were in hostility very often with the Narragansitts, but held amity for the most part with the Pawkunnawcutts, who lived on the south border, and with the Pawtucketts, who inhabited on their north and northeast limits. In an. 1612 and 1613 these people were also sorely smitten by the hand of God with the same disease before mentioned; which destroyed the most of them, and made room for the English people of Massachusetts colony, which people this country, and the next called Pawtuckett. There are not of this people left at this day above three hundred men, besides women and children.

“Pawtuckett is the fifth and last great sachemship of Indians. Their country lieth north and northeast from the Massachusetts, whose dominion reacheth so far as the English jurisdiction, or colony of the Massachusetts, doth now extend, and had under them several other smaller sagamores; as the Pennakoaks, Agawomes, Naamkeeks, Pascatawayes, Accomintas, and others. They were also a considerable people heretofore, about three thousand men, and held amity with the people of Massachusetts. But these also were almost totally destroyed by the great sickness before mentioned; so that at this day they are not above two hundred and fifty men, besides women and children. This country is now inhabited by the English under the government of Massachusetts.” (Gookin’s Historical Collections of the Indians in New England.)

The following was communicated to Benjamin Basset, esq. of Chilmark, by Thomas Cooper, a half blooded Indian, of Gay Head, aged about sixty years; and which, he says, he obtained of his grandmother, who, to use his own expression, was a stout girl when the English came to the island: “Before the English came among the Indians, there were two disorders of which they generally died, viz. the consumption and the yellow fever. The latter they could alwayslayin the following manner: After it had raged and swept off a number, those who were well, met to lay it. The rich, that is, such as had a canoe, skins, axes, &c. brought them; They took their seat in a circle, and all the poor sat around without. The richest then proposed to begin to lay the sickness; and, having in his hand something in shape resembling his canoe, skin, or whatever his riches were, he threw it up in the air; and whoever of the poor without could take it, the property it was intended to resemble became for ever transferred to him or her. After the rich had thus given away all their moveable property to the poor, they looked out the handsomest and most sprightly young man in the assembly, and put him into an entire new wigwam, built of every thing new for that purpose. They then formed into two files at a small distance from each other; one standing in the space at each end put fire to the bottom of the wigwam on all parts, and fell to singing and dancing. Presently the youth would leap out of the flames, and fall down to appearance dead. Him they committed to the care of five virgins, prepared for that purpose, to restore to life again. The term required for this would be uncertain, from six to forty-eight hours, during which time the dance must be kept up. When he was restored he would tell, that he had been carried in a large thing high up in the air, where he came to a great company of white people, with whom he had interceded hard to have the distemper laid, and generally, after much persuasion, would obtain a promise, or answer of peace, which never failed of laying the distemper.”

The following is extracted from Prince’s Chronological History of New England, p. 46: “This winter (1617) and the spring ensuing, a great plague befals the natives in New England, which wasteth them exceedingly; and so many thousands of them die, that the living are not able to bury them, and their skulls and bones remain above ground at the places of their habitations for several years after.

“By Capt. Dermer’s letter of Dec. 27, 1619, in Purchas, and of June 30, 1620, in Gov. Bradford, compared with Gov. Bradford’s own account, it seems that the Narragansitts in the west, and Penobscots in the east, escaped this plague, or that it raged only in the countries lying between them, and prepared the way for another people.”

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