CHAPTER I.SUMMONING OF THE PARLIAMENT.

It seemed to be going back to an ancient long-forgotten state of things, when in the English Privy Council, which continued its sittings in the King’s absence, and was anxiously discussing means of escape from existing difficulties, the Earl of Manchester, Lord Privy Seal, a man of great age and strong sense, though somewhat too fond of precedent, proposed to renew at this juncture the old institution of the Magnum Concilium, which had preceded the formation of Parliament[193]. He recalled the times when the advice of the peers, as the born counsellors of the King, had roused the nation to great efforts. The objection was urged that no assembly of the kind had taken place for fully three hundred years: moreover that it would merely be leading indirectly to what the Scots had demanded, the summoning of a Parliament. Archbishop Laud did not like the prospect, but, considering the probable results of calling a Parliament, declared for the assembly of peers. The King without hesitation accepted the proposal, and on September 7 issued writs, whereby he summoned the Peers of the realm to York, ‘to take counsel with them about weighty and serious matters touching the condition of the kingdom.’

The nation however was not satisfied; and the first cry for the immediate convocation of a Parliament arose from among the nobility themselves.

The government was somewhat alarmed to find that without their previous knowledge a considerable number of peers about this time assembled in London, most of whom wereA.D. 1640.known to be bitterly hostile to the existing régime. There were the Earls of Bedford and Hertford, whose forefathers had won their fame by the share they had taken in forwarding the thorough reformation of the Church (what had become of the bishops, if the ideas of Protector Somerset, the ancestor of Hertford, had maintained their ground?): there were Essex, Warwick, the brother of Holland, who fully agreed with them in general political sentiments, Lord Mandeville, the son of Manchester, but belonging to a totally different party from his father, Say and Brooke, who had been the first to show that their views were opposed to the King. After a short consultation they agreed on a petition, in which they repeated the general grievances of the last session of Parliament, and with special emphasis insisted on those which had first come to light since then, such as the newly imposed oath[194]. They laid great stress on the dangers arising from the military preparations. The recusants, said they, are forbidden by law even to have weapons in their houses, and now high commands in the army are entrusted to them: what misfortunes would happen if any Irish troops were brought over to England—a fear which had seized on men’s minds in consequence of the known views of Strafford, long before his expressions had been thus interpreted. The Lords declared that there was only one remedy for all these evils, namely the immediate assembly of Parliament, which was necessary in order to remove the grievances of the people, to punish the originators of them for their several offences, to end the war without bloodshed, and to unite the two kingdoms against the common enemy of religion. It will be seen that theseA.D. 1640.Lords, who had been named to the Scots as guarantees that they would meet a favourable reception in England, now, as might be expected, urged as their own the chief demands of the Scots.

On the very day on which Charles I issued his summons for the Magnum Concilium to meet at York, the two Earls of Bedford and Hertford appeared in London before the Privy Council, laid their petition before it, and moved for its concurrence in their prayer. The Earls said that they themselves were ready to pay true obedience to the King under all circumstances, but that they could not answer for the friends by whom they were commissioned, and that if their request was rejected, they would not be held answerable for the mischiefs that might ensue[195]. The obvious question was asked, who were their associates: and they replied, many other lords and a great part of the gentry in all parts of the country. The news of the summoning of the Great Council was communicated to them: they received it without attaching much importance to the fact, remarking that this council durst not take any steps towards the granting of money, nor allow any injury to the commons and their rights. Lord Arundel referred to the religious portion of their petition, saying that they seemed to wish to join the Scots for the purpose of effecting a reform in the Church[196], but that the result might be, under the pretext of liberty and religion to make England a prey to the Scots. The two Earls were asked if there was not already in England an association similar to the Covenant: but this they denied.

Without doubt such was the situation;—it is true that no popular religious union, either in England itself, or with the Scots, was actually formed: still that did not prevent the Scottish cause from being sure of general sympathy. SomeA.D. 1640.saw in it the cause of God and of the only true religion, which the Scottish army had come to defend: others cared chiefly for the support which the presence of the Scots afforded to their own political attitude: in many both these motives for sympathy were united. From the beginning down to the present day, the exact understanding which had been entered into between the parties has continued in the profoundest obscurity. Tradition connects the memory of it, among other places, with Broughton Castle in Oxfordshire, the seat of Lord Say, and Fawley in Northamptonshire, the house of a son-in-law of John Hampden: there a table was pointed out, at which all the plans were concocted from which the civil troubles arose. In London it was at the house of John Pym, near Gray’s Inn, that the meetings were held and conferences took place, by which, as it was assumed, a close connexion with the Scots was maintained[197]. Moreover the well-considered and well-written manifesto of the Scots made a marked impression in their favour: it suggested points of view which every one could accept. They did not omit, after the capture of Newcastle, a place which was of the utmost importance to the English capital on account of the coal supply, to open communications with the city: they expressed in a special letter, as well as in their manifesto, their good-will and even their reverence for London, assuring them that the traffic should not be for an instant interrupted, their purpose being to make friends and not enemies. We learn that this declaration produced the desired effect[198].

After the step taken by the Lords, preparations were immediately made in the city to present a petition similar to theirs. The Privy Council sent a letter to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, warning them against this proceeding; saying that the city had from the earliest times been treated as the King’s chamber, even as his own house, to which heA.D. 1640.would entrust his wife and children[199]: that they ought not to press him about grievances which he was ever labouring to remove, and that this course was inconsistent with the customs and charters of the city. But the Aldermen refused to interfere: still less could they be induced to do what was suggested to them—address to the King a petition of contrary tenour[200]. These ideas of a special connexion vanished before the general religious and political motives of action in the Commons as well as in the Lords. The King was requested, in the name of his capital also, to summon a Parliament as soon as possible, for the removal of grievances to which, as experience proved, the usual course of justice did not extend.

This was the demand which had been repeated for more than ten years in stronger or weaker language, which the King had evaded as often as possible, but which nevertheless had often been pressed upon him. Once he had taken steps in that direction, in the hope that complications abroad might in the interval occur to check opposition at home: but he was most bitterly disappointed. Should he now after all decide on this course? The need of Parliamentary aid was more pressing than ever, the cry for a Parliament louder: and the impression which this demand had made was deepened by another motive, the fear of worse consequences in case of refusal. The idea gained ground that if the King delayed to call a Parliament, the associated Lords would take steps towards that end[201]. A Parliament had already been held in Scotland without the King’s participation. What else did the threats mean that Bedford and Hertford had uttered before the assembled Privy Council? It was asserted that the Queen, who was close at hand at Hampton Court, and was taking counsel on the state of affairs with her confidants in the Privy Council, had been induced by the impendingA.D. 1640.dangers to advise the King to summon Parliament immediately; and if he would not do this—so she was reported to have written with the concurrence of some of the ministers—that at least he should not lose an instant in returning to London, otherwise irreparable disasters would be imminent[202]. Hereupon the King adopted the resolution which of all others was most repugnant to him, and that immediately; no extraneous influence could have led him to it. The time-honoured course of constitutional deliberation appeared under the circumstances to promise the best results: people flattered themselves that the Earl of Strafford would exhibit his parliamentary talents in England also. That nothing might interfere with his presence in the English Parliament, the Irish, in which he was equally necessary, was prorogued to Easter. The English Parliament was to be held as early as possible: the opening was fixed for Nov. 3.

With this declaration the King met the peers when they gathered round him at York in the latter half of September: the great question had already been decided without them. Charles I claimed their assistance in two other matters which, though secondary to this, were in themselves of great consequence—to bring about an accommodation with the Scots, and (inasmuch as until this could be effected the royal army must be held together, without any Parliamentary grant being made for its maintenance) to procure him the means of keeping the army for a time in an efficient state.

The latter of these two points was the most pressing. There was a talk of compulsory loans after the fashion of the old benevolences: some of those present declared themselves ready to make considerable efforts of that kind: but at last they came back to the idea of trying to get a loan in the capital. Lord Bristol observed that, as the previous proposal for oneA.D. 1640.had been rejected through political misgivings, since removed through the issue of writs for a Parliament, they might now reckon on acceptance. Six of the peers, among whom we find Pembroke and Manchester, in the name of the remainder repaired to the city on this errand. After they had conferred with the Lord Mayor and aldermen, a meeting was held on October 2, not of the entire civic body, a thing which was purposely avoided, but of the full common council. It had been rumoured in the city that their last petition had been badly received by the King: the Lords contradicted this report, and declared themselves fully satisfied with the behaviour and with the latest resolves of the King. The objection was urged that they could not grant to the Lords what had been refused to the King, but they produced a letter from the King in which he expressed his full assent to this course. The necessity for keeping on foot the royal army was shown by the violence of which the Scots had been guilty in the northern counties. The Bishop of Durham, who had suffered most at their hands, was present to give information on the subject. After the Lords had retired their request was assented to[203]. So much trouble did it cost to obtain a loan of £200,000, the repayment of which was to depend on the grants of Parliament, but was further secured to the city by the guarantee of the Lords.

It remained to make some arrangement with the Scots. For this purpose the most favourably disposed of the lords, especially the signers of the address, were despatched to Ripon. Men like Strafford could desire nothing more than that the affair should reach this stage: they were always hoping that a complete knowledge of the intentions and demands of the Scots would induce all old-fashioned Englishmen to combine against them. All actual negotiation was however stopped by the question of money: the Scots required that their army should be maintained at the costA.D. 1640.of England. On this account they asked so large a sum, £40,000 a month, that the lords who had been deputed to meet them thought it necessary to refer the matter back to the great council of peers at York. By this council the subject was debated at length on October 6. Among others, Lord Herbert of Cherbury, the historian of Henry VIII, declared himself emphatically against the demand, saying that he had read now and then of buying treaties of peace, but never of buying negotiations, the result of which was still as it were in the air. Others declared it to be an inevitable necessity: they must either drive the Scots back, or grant their demands in full. The first course Strafford himself deemed impossible; he pledged himself to defend Yorkshire against them, but not Westmoreland and Cumberland[204]. Could they abandon these two counties to be occupied by the Scots, and probably plundered as well, together with those already in their hands? It had been said that the Scottish army might be reduced, and then supplied out of Scotland: but in order to attain this they must first defeat it, and for this must before all things be unanimous. It was determined at last to guarantee to the Scots for the future the sum (£850) which they exacted daily from the occupied districts, this money to be raised at once from the neighbouring counties of Westmoreland and Cumberland, with the promise that Parliament would make good to them whatever they might do for the safety of the kingdom. On these terms a truce was signed with the Scots. They stayed in England, and thus the very extraordinary result followed, that two armies which had been intended to fight each other, remained facing each other with their swords sheathed, both at the cost of the same authority. That both armies thus depended on the grants of Parliament rendered that body absolutely indispensable, and gave it a necessary strength sufficient to overrule the King’s will.

In general terms it may be said that the summoning of Parliament implied the defeat of the King. His system of alliance between the crown and the hierarchy was therebyA.D. 1640.virtually overthrown. Between the ideas of the Scottish spiritual and temporal assemblies which he combated, and the tendencies which had caused him to dissolve the last English Parliament, as well as previous ones, a league was formed which thenceforth held the upper hand, and threatened to dictate the law to him. The question was merely how far the restrictions would extend, to which he must undoubtedly submit, and what changes in the State would be attempted in consequence.

In the elections which now began preference was given in general to those who had most zealously opposed the existing authorities, or were known as the most ardent Protestants. There were no such boards in London as in Edinburgh, formed on purpose to manage elections systematically. But those who were of one mind were seen to hasten from county to county, in order to exert their influence in each to the utmost. On the side of the government also a list was prepared: the King claimed the aid of the chief lords in his service, such as Pembroke, in support of his candidates in the boroughs: and some names show that this attempt was not altogether fruitless. But the efforts of the popular party were by far the most successful[205]. Of the members of the last Parliament three-fifths—294 out of 493—were re-elected. Moreover the new members belonged almost entirely to the popular party. Of those who had already won a reputation on this side, not one failed.

FOOTNOTES:[193]Memorial, in the Hardwicke State Papers ii. 168.[194]Unfortunately the petition, like so many other documents, is very badly printed. In the Record Office copy it is not ‘grievances, which your poor petitioners lie under,’ but more correctly, ‘which your people lies under.’ The concluding words run, ‘The uniting [not ‘the continuance,’ which makes little sense] of both your kingdoms against the common enemy of their [not ‘the’] reformed religion.’ The thing most wanted for this history is a trustworthy critical edition of the chief authorities. Even the signatures are not certain. The Record copy gives at the head the name of Rutland, which is wanting in the rest. In the same copy the name of Bristol is wanting, which undoubtedly appears wrongly in most editions. It was wanting also in the copy on which the Clarendon Papers were based. Windebank says that he was present, Clarendon Papers ii. 115.[195]Protocol: Bedford was very shy of doing anything without those by whom he was authorised.[196]So says the Protocol, which is extant in the State Paper Office, and well deserves to be printed. We find especially ‘the end and conclusion very strange, to desire the Scots to joyne in the reformation of religion.’ Windebank on the same day furnished a report to the King: some points he added, and omitted others.[197]Forster, Statesmen iii. 126.[198]Giustiniano 12/22 Sett: ‘Il tenore di queste artificiose lettere che si va da per tutto spargendo, accresce motivo d’alteratione contro ministri et a ribelli sostenta il favore delli primi applausi.’[199]‘Honoured from all antiquitie with the title of his majesty’s own chambre.’ Letter of the Privy Council, 11 Sept. in Rushworth iii. 1262.[200]Windebank to the King, 18 Sept. Clarendon Papers ii. 116.[201]We see from Giustiniano, 15 Sept., that the rumour was, that in a memorial to the King the formal threat had been expressed, ‘di chiamarlo (il parlamento) da se stessi.’[202]‘Di tale ardita resolutione—penetrate dalla regina e da ministri le piu particolari notitie ha mandati in diligenza gli avvisi al re consigliandolo a ridursi celeremente in questa citta per divertire quei pregiuditti che ben grandi gli sono irreparabilmente minacciati, quando non si disponga di convocare senza intervallo di momenti il parlamento.’ (Giustiniano, ib). Montereuil (4 Oct.) also heard of the Queen’s influence (‘que la reine y ait fort porté’) on the summoning of Parliament.[203]‘These things made such impression on them, that we discerned as they satt, how well they were disposed—so that we came about.’ So it is stated in the report of the Lord Privy Seal and Chamberlain, dated October 3, in the State Paper Office, a document which is the more welcome since Windebank’s letter about these proceedings, to which he himself refers, is not in the Clarendon collection.[204]The obscure words of the protocol in Hardwicke, State Papers ii. 247, are explained by the note of Sir Henry Vane, p. 196.[205]Pamphlet of 1643 on the elections of 1640: ‘We elected such as were not known to us by any virtue, but only by crossness to superiors.’ Montereuil reports about the same time that the elections had begun ‘par le choix des personnes, que l’on croit moins portées à favoriser le roi d’Angleterre.’

[193]Memorial, in the Hardwicke State Papers ii. 168.

[194]Unfortunately the petition, like so many other documents, is very badly printed. In the Record Office copy it is not ‘grievances, which your poor petitioners lie under,’ but more correctly, ‘which your people lies under.’ The concluding words run, ‘The uniting [not ‘the continuance,’ which makes little sense] of both your kingdoms against the common enemy of their [not ‘the’] reformed religion.’ The thing most wanted for this history is a trustworthy critical edition of the chief authorities. Even the signatures are not certain. The Record copy gives at the head the name of Rutland, which is wanting in the rest. In the same copy the name of Bristol is wanting, which undoubtedly appears wrongly in most editions. It was wanting also in the copy on which the Clarendon Papers were based. Windebank says that he was present, Clarendon Papers ii. 115.

[195]Protocol: Bedford was very shy of doing anything without those by whom he was authorised.

[196]So says the Protocol, which is extant in the State Paper Office, and well deserves to be printed. We find especially ‘the end and conclusion very strange, to desire the Scots to joyne in the reformation of religion.’ Windebank on the same day furnished a report to the King: some points he added, and omitted others.

[197]Forster, Statesmen iii. 126.

[198]Giustiniano 12/22 Sett: ‘Il tenore di queste artificiose lettere che si va da per tutto spargendo, accresce motivo d’alteratione contro ministri et a ribelli sostenta il favore delli primi applausi.’

[199]‘Honoured from all antiquitie with the title of his majesty’s own chambre.’ Letter of the Privy Council, 11 Sept. in Rushworth iii. 1262.

[200]Windebank to the King, 18 Sept. Clarendon Papers ii. 116.

[201]We see from Giustiniano, 15 Sept., that the rumour was, that in a memorial to the King the formal threat had been expressed, ‘di chiamarlo (il parlamento) da se stessi.’

[202]‘Di tale ardita resolutione—penetrate dalla regina e da ministri le piu particolari notitie ha mandati in diligenza gli avvisi al re consigliandolo a ridursi celeremente in questa citta per divertire quei pregiuditti che ben grandi gli sono irreparabilmente minacciati, quando non si disponga di convocare senza intervallo di momenti il parlamento.’ (Giustiniano, ib). Montereuil (4 Oct.) also heard of the Queen’s influence (‘que la reine y ait fort porté’) on the summoning of Parliament.

[203]‘These things made such impression on them, that we discerned as they satt, how well they were disposed—so that we came about.’ So it is stated in the report of the Lord Privy Seal and Chamberlain, dated October 3, in the State Paper Office, a document which is the more welcome since Windebank’s letter about these proceedings, to which he himself refers, is not in the Clarendon collection.

[204]The obscure words of the protocol in Hardwicke, State Papers ii. 247, are explained by the note of Sir Henry Vane, p. 196.

[205]Pamphlet of 1643 on the elections of 1640: ‘We elected such as were not known to us by any virtue, but only by crossness to superiors.’ Montereuil reports about the same time that the elections had begun ‘par le choix des personnes, que l’on croit moins portées à favoriser le roi d’Angleterre.’

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