CHAPTER IV.ATTEMPT AT A REACTION.

It is extraordinary that amid all these storms men actively and zealously pressed for the high offices of state. Northumberland gave himself immense trouble to obtain for his brother-in-law, Leicester, the post of Lord Deputy of Ireland, or Secretary of State. He entered into negotiations with the elder Vane, with Hamilton, with every one who could in any way help him to this end: he even approached the King himself[234]. In fact the King was thinking very seriously of filling the most important places with members of the now dominant opposition. Cottington and Bishop Juxon, the former, so far as is known, by express agreement with the opposition, were dismissed from their high and lucrative offices, in order to save them from sharing the ruin of their party. The plan was formed of appointing in their places the Earl of Bedford as Lord Treasurer and First Minister, and John Pym as Chancellor of the Exchequer; the King hoped that by their means his income would be fixed, and among other things tonnage and poundage voted to him in perpetuity. The Secretaryship of State, vacated by Windebank’s flight, was destined for Hollis, the post of Master of the Court of Wards for Lord Say. Other great offices were spoken of for Essex, Mandeville, and Hampden[235].

The direction of foreign affairs also was to be confided to new hands. The French hoped through parliamentary influence to detach the King entirely from Spain, and induce himA.D. 1641to interfere actively in general European politics. For this they chiefly relied on Lord Holland, who seemed to them the man best calculated to bring about an alliance between the two crowns. Montereuil was in perpetual communication with him; he can never sufficiently praise his devotion and zeal. One day Holland spoke to this effect to the King, who was very much pleased to find that France, by whom he feared that he was despised, desired an alliance with him[236]. It depended on this turn of politics whether or not the English royal pair accepted the proposal of a family alliance which came from the Prince of Orange: the Lower House received with satisfaction the news of this offer. The court had another and private motive, as expecting pecuniary and political support from the Prince, for whom it was of the greatest importance to enter into close connexion with a royal house. Lord Holland was on as intimate terms with the ambassador of Orange as with the French. His great hope was to make himself necessary, and so to attain to the leading position in England, which had ever been the object of his ambition.

It was now the openly expressed condition that whatever changes might be contemplated, royalty must not be further attacked. The King would not allow either the Viceroy of Ireland to be condemned to death, or Episcopacy to be abolished. The ministers, to whom he was compelled to entrust power, must shield him from the lowering of dignity and loss of authority with which he saw himself threatened. In fact ever since the first overtures of the court to the Lords of the Parliamentary party, the latter had, it was thought, inclined in favour of Strafford and the bishops[237]. If the Lords had had so great an influence in causing the outbreak of the troubles, it might be hoped that they would be equally powerful in lulling them to rest. But the growing popularA.D. 1641.tendencies were already become too strong to be mastered by any influence whatever. Political movements may be originated or promoted by personal interests; but an individual when he has attained his own ends can scarcely ever succeed in confining them within definite limits. Immediately the Lords saw their popularity diminish; and the Scots, who were supposed to have an understanding with them, were bitterly abused. Other circumstances, such as the death of Bedford, may have contributed to this result: but in the main it was the force of events which burst asunder the personal alliances that had been attempted.

The more obviously impossible a compromise proved to be, the stronger grew the sentiments of natural hostility. Perhaps the chief of all were shown in the case of the Queen, who already felt herself injured by the sharpness of the anti-Catholic resolutions of Parliament, wounded in her inmost feelings, and even defrauded of her rights. She had come to England on purpose to improve the lot of the Catholics: this was the concession made to her in her marriage contract. Now however she had to look on when a seminary priest, who had been several times banished, was condemned to death, and even hesitated to intercede in his behalf, since in that case the King would have exercised his privilege of pardon. The excited people demanded of Parliament that the laws should be carried out without relaxation: the Lower House requested the Lords to assist in discovering those who had interfered hitherto[238]: so that it seemed as if the Queen herself, or her personal following, would be made answerable for her intercession.

The proud and high-spirited daughter of Henry IV would not endure this. She had so great an idea of the importance of the dynasty from which she sprang that she complained of the absence of the newly-appointed French ambassador, little as she had had to praise in his predecessor while present, because forsooth she thought that he would resent the arroganceA.D. 1641.of Parliament, and defend her rights[239]. For she never doubted that her brother, Louis XIII, and his minister Cardinal Richelieu, would maintain the conditions upon which she had come to England. In February 1641 she formed the plan of going herself to France, on the pretext that her health required change of air. It was believed at the time, and doubtless with justice, that the most important and confidential persons in her suite had been active in instigating this purpose, because they themselves were afraid of being called to account by Parliament: Montague, since he was reckoned a great supporter of the Catholics, Jermyn as having been concerned with monopolies. Other members of her household, Goring, Percy, Croft, probably also the Duchess of Chevreuse, would have accompanied her. But while she sought to withdraw herself and her attendants from the indignities to which they were exposed, she calculated also on obtaining support in France. She desired to call attention to her own rights, as guaranteed by her marriage contract, and hoped also to awaken the old sympathy of the French for the English Catholics.

The English Parliament heard of her design with misgivings. They feared either a real re-awakening of the old religious animosities between the two nations, or at least a breach in the friendly relations between the parliamentary leaders and the French government. Lord Holland hastened to warn the latter against Montague, as a man who would cause the greatest difficulties, since he had persuaded the Queen to take Strafford under her protection, which, through her influence with the King, would very greatly hinder the restoration of a good understanding with Parliament[240]. He declared that Montague had not the cause of religion at heart,A.D. 1641.his reason for interesting himself in the English Papists being that they were friendly to Spain, and that if France wished to do any good to the Catholics, it would be better attempted through him, Lord Holland, and his influence with Parliament. He told the French ambassador one day in plain words that he did not desire the Queen’s confidence if such people were to share it with him. Montereuil replied that it was not the wish of his government, which had no reason to care for these men.

The Parliament had in its power a decisive means of preventing the Queen’s journey, which would have disturbed relations with France, and given her suite a new importance: it had only to apply to Cardinal Richelieu. He cared far more for a good understanding with the Parliament and its leaders, who possessed the power, than for the renewal of friendly relations with the court, which was of importance only when it was on better terms with Parliament. If Richelieu had to choose between the two, he could have no hesitation. Moreover the scheme of re-awakening the sympathy of the French court for the Catholics abroad was at variance with his policy.

Hard as it was to drive away from the French coasts the sister of the King of France, who was on the point of coming to Dieppe to breathe her native air and recruit her health, the Cardinal adopted this course without much hesitation. When the Queen’s request was laid before him—it came through an English Catholic named Forster, who had always been on good terms with the French embassy[241]—he answered by a refusal. The manner of it was highly characteristic. He did not write himself, but in order that he might have no cause to fear any misrepresentation of his language, he let Forster take note of his words, and submit the report to him. The Cardinal said that the Queen would be welcomed in France, if the state of her health rendered it absolutely necessary, but if this were not the case, he prayed her to consider whether her journey did not admit of a little delay. Her absenceA.D. 1641.from England would be injurious to the Catholic religion: besides, she would surely not leave her husband in the midst of his difficulties. Perhaps too it might be difficult for her to get back to England[242]. Another time, when the present troubles were removed, he would with pleasure welcome her in France.

The Queen was beside herself with rage when she received this answer. She said among her friends, that though the conduct of Parliament grieved her much, she felt the behaviour of the Cardinal more deeply still. She uttered much strong language in a very bitter tone, and is said to have added that for her life she would never set foot on the soil of France, unless to assert her husband’s rights over it.

As however she must stay in England, she was in no way disposed peaceably to await further injuries. The course of events, the aversion displayed in many quarters to the violent measures of Parliament, powerful factions in all three kingdoms, awakened in her the hope of even yet being able to excite a reaction.

Above all there was known to be a royalist feeling in the army, which was still in quarters in the North. It was jealous of the superior care bestowed by Parliament on the Scottish troops: besides, it was unwilling to suffer the royal power to be abased, or to pass under the authority of the dominant faction in the Lower House. The Queen asserted later[243]that the impulse did not come from the court, but that the offers made were voluntary. The first to come forward were officers who had seats in Parliament, such as Captain Ashburnham, who sat for Ludgershall, Wilmot who sat for Tamworth, and especially Henry Percy, member for Northumberland. They considered that the army had grounds of complaint against the Lower House, and not against the King, who even inA.D. 1641.these times found means to supply the wants of the soldiers, and they resolved to offer him their services. This was in March, when the great questions under discussion were inflaming the spirits of all. They calculated that if they could make sure of the Tower, and the army were to advance on London, Parliament would be obliged to accept the conditions that they might propose. These were three:—that Episcopacy should be maintained, that the crown should be endowed with an income equivalent to its former one, and that the army in Ireland should not be disbanded before the Scottish army had dispersed. Thus their scheme aimed not at the restoration of a non-parliamentary government, but at the combination of the parliamentary constitution with a strong monarchy and the old episcopal institutions. So at least their words implied. The Queen states that the majority of officers in the army were agreed on this. Among the leaders we find her personal friends: they had bound themselves together by formal oaths.

In Scotland a similar movement had been observed still earlier among those who had signed the Covenant. In the old castle of Merchiston is still pointed out a well-preserved room of that date, among the ornaments of which are conspicuous a crown and the cypher of Charles I. Here often assembled round Lord Napier a party of friends who felt themselves at variance with the anti-monarchical tendencies which the movement in Scotland had developed. Once in the last Scottish Parliament words had been dropped to the effect that they had no further need of the King, that they might depose him and introduce a new order of things. It is true that these men had from aristocraticesprit de corpsopposed the earlier attempts of Charles I, but from the same feelings, obviously, they would not endure the domination of any party which might obtain the upper hand in the Committee of the Estates. In the young James Graham, Earl of Montrose, jealousy against Argyle, the most powerful member of the Committee, was united with a loyalty inherited from his ancestors, and now again called to life, to which he at times gave utterance in vigorous stanzas. Beside him was old Napier, who might be regarded as his second father, aA.D. 1641.man of insight and resolution. Others joined these two, amongst them some of the chief nobles of the country, Home, Athol, Mar: so early as August 1640 these and others united after the Scottish fashion in a bond ‘to oppose the particular practices of a few, from which the country was suffering,’ with reservation of the Covenant, and to rescue from them the religion, the liberty, and the laws of the realm[244].

In the beginning of the year 1641 Montrose and Napier entered into direct communication with King Charles. They urged him to recognise the abolition of Episcopacy which had actually taken place in Scotland, and the constitution of the three estates—for they liked the bishops and their authority as little as did the other nobles—and then to come to Scotland and hold a Parliament in person. Among the attendants of Charles they found no longer any support in Hamilton, who had reconciled himself to the Scottish commissioners; but Traquair, Robert Spottiswood, and the Clerk Register Hay, were zealous in their favour. Traquair, when the commissioners continued to threaten, had sworn to mingle heaven, earth, and hell together before he would yield. The eyes of the two parties were turned to the next Parliament: each expected then to overpower its enemies, and give the vacated offices to its friends. Montrose and Napier calculated on gaining the support of the King, who allowed his presence to be looked for. The commissioners were in great agitation on the subject[245].

Although in Ireland, after the removal of Strafford, there had arisen a violent storm of indignation against his administration, and against the Privy Council which had supported him, yet by no means all were carried away by it. Among other facts we find that the Upper House postponed to a distant date the discussion of the grievances and complaints raised by the Lower House, and allowed the Chancellor, who had been accused by the Commons, to continue his duties as their speaker. Moreover there was the army which StraffordA.D. 1641.had raised: it had been recruited from among the hardiest natives of the Catholic faith, but still there were many Protestant veterans among them, and the officers were exclusively Protestant. In the Irish army the same spirit prevailed as in the English: it would not abandon the interests of the crown, and it would not allow itself to be disbanded.

In the meetings at which the spirit of military and loyal devotion to the throne was displayed, it was deemed possible to bring about a reaction against the tendencies dominant in Parliament. So far as can be ascertained, a project was arranged for liberating Strafford from the Tower, and setting him at the head of an army. The enlistment which had been sanctioned as for a foreign power might serve for the purpose of putting trustworthy troops into that fortress: great offers were made to Balfour, the governor, if he would co-operate. Colonel Goring, governor of Portsmouth, appeared so trustworthy that he was let into the secret of the enlistments. If there were once again a force which should declare for royalty, but in a moderate fashion, it was expected that support would be forthcoming for it in the remotest districts. In every discussion in Parliament the Lords had let it be seen that rebellion was as hateful to them as treason: they would not let themselves be overborne by a popular faction. The Bill of Attainder seemed to them an attempt to rob them of their privilege of being tried by their peers: many other lives, they thought, might be endangered in the same manner. They were fully conscious of the intimate connexion between the privileges they enjoyed and the royal prerogative[246]. Why might not all the strength of the clergy and the efforts of the Catholics be united in favour of a change of this kind?

It was assumed that support for such a movement would be forthcoming from France. The Queen had already let Montague go over, and the Parliament was certainly afraid of hostile interference from that quarter. In order to prevent it at the outset Lord Holland sent word to France that every favour shown to Montague would be an injury to theA.D. 1641.Parliament. Properly speaking, there was no need of these warnings. It may be affirmed with certainty that the Queen, after Richelieu’s first refusal, had never approached him again. We have Montague’s letters, and his purpose seems to have been to go to Rome: he cherished the hope of being raised to the Cardinalate, through the recommendations of the Queen, to which he expected to add French support. It was for this that he intrigued and wrote: at least he never had any communication on political matters with the leading men of the French government. Very probably when the Queen first planned a visit to France there was the idea in the background of seeking help from thence for a reaction against the Parliament; but if the Cardinal refused to allow her to cross over, a plan which was opposed to his policy was little likely to obtain support from him. In England there was some fear of certain transports which were being fitted out on the coast of Normandy, but it was known that they were destined for Portugal. It transpired that one or two captains of French mercenaries had been spoken to about an undertaking to be attempted in England, but this was done privately and without visible results. Nowhere as it seemed had matters advanced very far: every one was still occupied in preparations and hopes, when suddenly all was disclosed. This came to pass through one of the officers who had been most relied on, Colonel Goring, governor of Portsmouth. The Queen states that Wilmot and Goring had quarrelled about the post which each claimed as commander of the troops, and that Jermyn had vainly tried to reconcile them[247]. Goring asserts that he had demanded of the King an express sanction of the undertaking, but that he could not obtain it[248]. Both accounts are perhaps true. The King would probably have assented, had the thing been done without him, but he could not bring himself to resolve to authorise it. Goring however wished to have a retreat: these men, with all their hopes of success, were perpetually haunted by the thoughtA.D. 1641.that failure would be their utter ruin; and merely to have known a matter of this sort and concealed it might be deadly. Colonel Goring, on whose co-operation the whole scheme was based was induced to make communications to one or two Lords of his acquaintance. From them John Pym received intelligence, and so had a weapon put into his hands just when circumstances made it most useful.

FOOTNOTES:[234]Sydney Letters ii. 664.[235]Clarendon, History of the Rebellion 90.[236]Montereuil reports from Holland’s account, ‘Le comte d’Hollande—voyant que le roi se plaignoit, que la France méprisoit l’Angletene, il avoit jugé àpropos de lui répondre, qu’il sembloit par ce que je lui avois temoigné, qu’on ne désiroit rien tant en costé de France, que d’entretenir une parfaite amitié entre les deux couronnes—à quoi ce roi avoit répondu, qu’il avoit fort agréable ce qu’il luy disoit.’[237]Baillie, Letters i. 305.[238]Jan. 23, 1640-1. The Commons desired their Lordships’ assistance ‘to discover such instruments as have dared to intercede for the interruption of public justice against such offenders.’ Parl. Hist. of Jan. 29, ix. 168.[239]Giustiniano, 15 Genn. ‘Con molto desideno attende la regina l’arrivo dell’ ambasciator Francese [Montereuil was minister ad interim] sperando, che la presenza di lui ponga freno alla temerita di questi parlamentarii, che tentono d’interrompergli uso di quer vantaggi, che nel trattato del matrimonio gli furono accordati.’[240]‘Le Comte d’Hollande dit, que la reyne portoit le roy a vouloir conserver le lieutenant d’Irlande, que Montague étoit auteur de ce conseil mauvais pour la reine, qui irritoit tout le parlement, et pour le roi qui devoit librement donner les mains à une affaire, dont il lui seroit difficile d’empêcher l’exécution.’ (From extracts from Montereuil’s despatches laid before the Cardinal.)[241]Copie de l’escrit donne par Mr. Fauster au sujet du dessem que la reine d’Ingleterre avoit de venir en France, 18th May. (Paris Archives.)[242]Some of these counter-arguments are taken from Montereuil’s despatches. ‘Lesquels,’ he says, ‘peuvent être encore appuyés de l’assurance, qu’a donné Mr. de Mayerne son medecin, que la reine de la Grande Bretagne n’avoit aucune indisposition, que l’obligeoit à respirer un autre air, que celui d’Ingleterre.’[243]Gressy: Relation des conférences avec la reine d’Angleterre. She speaks of threats uttered against her and her husband ‘ce qui les obligea d’accepter les offres que la pluspart des officiers, qui étoient lors sur pied, leur firent.’ (July, 1642.)[244]‘Finding that by the particular and indirect practices of a few the country does suffer.’ Bond of Cumbernauld. Napier, Montrose i. 325.[245]The letters of Johnston of Warriston to Lord Balmerino, given in Napier i. 301, are remarkable.[246]‘That they hated rebellion as bad as treason: that the same blood that ennobled their ancestors did move also in their veins.’ Trials iii. 1462.[247]Her narrative in Madame de Motteville, Pet. xxxvii. 98.[248]He would not undertake the thing ‘que sous un expres advœu du roi.’ Aerssen to Orange, Archives de la maibon d’Orange-Nassau iii. 487.

[234]Sydney Letters ii. 664.

[235]Clarendon, History of the Rebellion 90.

[236]Montereuil reports from Holland’s account, ‘Le comte d’Hollande—voyant que le roi se plaignoit, que la France méprisoit l’Angletene, il avoit jugé àpropos de lui répondre, qu’il sembloit par ce que je lui avois temoigné, qu’on ne désiroit rien tant en costé de France, que d’entretenir une parfaite amitié entre les deux couronnes—à quoi ce roi avoit répondu, qu’il avoit fort agréable ce qu’il luy disoit.’

[237]Baillie, Letters i. 305.

[238]Jan. 23, 1640-1. The Commons desired their Lordships’ assistance ‘to discover such instruments as have dared to intercede for the interruption of public justice against such offenders.’ Parl. Hist. of Jan. 29, ix. 168.

[239]Giustiniano, 15 Genn. ‘Con molto desideno attende la regina l’arrivo dell’ ambasciator Francese [Montereuil was minister ad interim] sperando, che la presenza di lui ponga freno alla temerita di questi parlamentarii, che tentono d’interrompergli uso di quer vantaggi, che nel trattato del matrimonio gli furono accordati.’

[240]‘Le Comte d’Hollande dit, que la reyne portoit le roy a vouloir conserver le lieutenant d’Irlande, que Montague étoit auteur de ce conseil mauvais pour la reine, qui irritoit tout le parlement, et pour le roi qui devoit librement donner les mains à une affaire, dont il lui seroit difficile d’empêcher l’exécution.’ (From extracts from Montereuil’s despatches laid before the Cardinal.)

[241]Copie de l’escrit donne par Mr. Fauster au sujet du dessem que la reine d’Ingleterre avoit de venir en France, 18th May. (Paris Archives.)

[242]Some of these counter-arguments are taken from Montereuil’s despatches. ‘Lesquels,’ he says, ‘peuvent être encore appuyés de l’assurance, qu’a donné Mr. de Mayerne son medecin, que la reine de la Grande Bretagne n’avoit aucune indisposition, que l’obligeoit à respirer un autre air, que celui d’Ingleterre.’

[243]Gressy: Relation des conférences avec la reine d’Angleterre. She speaks of threats uttered against her and her husband ‘ce qui les obligea d’accepter les offres que la pluspart des officiers, qui étoient lors sur pied, leur firent.’ (July, 1642.)

[244]‘Finding that by the particular and indirect practices of a few the country does suffer.’ Bond of Cumbernauld. Napier, Montrose i. 325.

[245]The letters of Johnston of Warriston to Lord Balmerino, given in Napier i. 301, are remarkable.

[246]‘That they hated rebellion as bad as treason: that the same blood that ennobled their ancestors did move also in their veins.’ Trials iii. 1462.

[247]Her narrative in Madame de Motteville, Pet. xxxvii. 98.

[248]He would not undertake the thing ‘que sous un expres advœu du roi.’ Aerssen to Orange, Archives de la maibon d’Orange-Nassau iii. 487.

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