CHAPTER IV.RENEWED DISTURBANCES IN SCOTLAND.

The French nowhere found wider scope for this policy than in Scotland, where the Pacification of Berwick had not only not led to peace, but had stirred up yet more violent dissensions.

From the first moment different opinions were formed among the Scots with regard to this measure. Even among the Covenanters there were many who hailed it with delight. For what, they asked, must have happened if the King had continued obstinate, and they had been obliged to fight against him? Among the English, at all events, they did not find so much support as had been expected; even among the Scots the old divisions were reviving; many of the Covenanters felt their consciences smite them when they thought that they would be plunged into a bloody conflict with their King. But on the other hand it was remarked by others that the literal meaning of the conditions did not offer them any adequate security. They saw the camp broken up with feelings of dissatisfaction: for they thought that without such an army they would be obliged to submit to every dictate of the King. They complained that the agreement had been concerted in far too great haste by some few, without the concurrence of a sufficient number of nobility, gentry, and clergy.

Even at the moment when the Pacification was being concluded, these differences had made their appearance. The King had expressed himself in conciliatory and soothing termsA.D. 1639.about some clauses which gave offence by their severity[154]. These expressions were taken down, and passed from hand to hand: at the same time it was thought expedient to append to the King’s proclamation, which was made known in the camp, a remark upon the sense in which it was to be understood. People would have been glad to have procured a further written declaration to this effect from the King himself; but he would not allow himself to be persuaded to give this, just as he persevered in maintaining a somewhat proud and rigid attitude in general. Men like Argyle, when they appeared in the royal camp, could not congratulate themselves on meeting with a particularly gracious reception. Between the nobles who attached themselves to the King, and those who belonged to the other party, unpleasant discussions broke out in the King’s presence. The Covenanters were discontented and full of suspicion when they saw the sovereign to whom they wished to restore a certain, even if not the old traditional, measure of power, surrounded by men of high temporal and spiritual rank, whom they regarded as their enemies.

But meanwhile the people also were thrown into a state of excitement, mainly because the strongholds wrested from the King’s garrisons were again to be restored to them. In Edinburgh especially it was thought insupportable that the Castle of that town should again receive a garrison such as had formerly held it, and, what was more, with Ruthven for its commander, a man who, as well as others, had fought in the German wars, but was known to be a decided Royalist. Popular disturbances broke out, in which the King’s servants were insulted,—Hamilton especially, who had hastened thither in order to enforce in person the conditions of peace, which, for the most part, had been suggested by him. A number of the Scottish nobility, whom the King had ordered to come to his camp with a view to further negotiations were prevented by forceA.D. 1639.from going thither. It is probable that they were not sorry for this, even if it cannot be proved that they had themselves provoked it.

When the King promised to attend both the Assemblies in Scotland in person, he cherished the hope of reviving his power, to some extent, during the proceedings, and by means of them and of preserving the old forms of the constitution intact in their most important particulars. Hamilton now came back from Edinburgh with the impression that this was impossible, and that the King could expect nothing there but fresh losses. A full month had not yet elapsed from the conclusion of the Pacification; yet he already declared a fresh war to be inevitable. In making representations on this point, he raised a number of questions that had a wide application: for instance—whether the King could procure money for such a war without an English parliament? and if not, whether he was willing to summon a parliament, and to leave himself to its discretion[155]? No one decided these questions; but all had made up their minds to witness further complications, when the King unexpectedly announced his resolution to return to London. The two Assemblies were not on that account given up; they could not but take place; but they appear only as attempts at a further pacification, the results of which were to decide whether after all recourse must be had once more to arms. Hamilton declined to appear at them as the King’s Commissioner. The Earl of Traquair, whose views at that time more nearly approached those of the Scots, undertook this office. On August 12th the General Assembly was opened at Edinburgh.

According to the terms of the Pacification the Scots refrained from demanding a formal ratification of the resolutions of the Assembly of Glasgow. But as to the substance of them, they declared to the Commissioner that they would cling to it as long as the breath of life remained in their bodies. They would not recede a hair’s-breadth from theA.D. 1639.assertion that the ground on which they stood was the only legal ground. In open opposition to the King’s opinion, they again enacted that the proceedings of the last Assemblies of the Church which had been held under his father were null and void: if the King would at any rate, under present circumstances, allow a new Assembly to be convened within a year’s time, they on their part were ready to make a permanent statute, prescribing that the Assembly should be held once every year, and if necessary still oftener. The Commissioner on his part could not refuse to permit the abolition of Episcopacy: this was the principal concession made by the King: a dispute however arose about the wording of the resolution, which concerned indeed only one expression, but at the same time affected the main point of the controversy. The King had consented to the measure, on the ground that Episcopacy was contrary to the constitution of the Church of Scotland; the Assembly laid down that it was absolutely unlawful. At last Traquair assented to this expression, but the King showed great indignation, for he thought that what was contrary to the constitution of some one church was not therefore absolutely unlawful[156]: and he was afraid that the expression, if not moderated by a limitation to Scotland, might be applied to the English Church, which, like the Scottish, was a reformed Church. He censured the Commissioner in harsh terms for his compliance.

Still greater and more immediately urgent differences were to be anticipated, when on August 31 the Parliament met, like the Assembly, in Edinburgh. The summons had been issued under the presumption of the continuance of the legal forms; but now the King himself had given up the bishops; and the first question was, how the vacancies in the Parliament were to be filled. The King thought of replacing the bishops by clergymen selected by himself; but the Scots were of opinion that in this way Episcopacy would be abolishedA.D. 1639.only in name, while in substance it was retained; and the nobles did not wish the influence which the bishops had exercised upon the nomination of the Lords of Articles, and upon the deliberations of Parliament, to be revived. Even the Scottish clergy felt no desire for this dignity, to which in fact they traced all the abuses that had crept in; they at that time declared that the participation of the clergy in civil business was as unlawful as Episcopacy itself[157]. It was vainly objected on the other hand, that in this way one of the three estates was abolished, which was a criminal proceeding forbidden under the penalties attaching to high treason. The Scots affirmed that the concessions of the King carried with them at the same time the removal of the episcopal element and the necessity of constituting a parliament of a new kind. They now themselves took in hand the work of reconstitution without delay; for, as they alleged, the King had promised them a free parliament. In fact their design was to give the representatives of the shires an independent position, almost as in the English Parliament; they did not wish to abolish the Lords of Articles, but to draw them from the deputies of the nobility, gentry, and commonalty, as was then forthwith done[158]: it is quite clear that this was not merely a question of form, but also a question of the distribution of power. For by the nomination of other clergy in place of the bishops, the crown would certainly have been able to win back its former influence over the Parliament, and the gentry would have lost the authority which they had derived from their participation in the movements of the Covenanters. But how should the members of the Tables and of the Committees, who had acquired a feeling of independence, have again returned to their former position? They endeavoured, on the contrary, to maintain, even under parliamentary forms, the power which they had acquired, and they succeeded in their endeavour. Not only was the Parliament transformed according to their views, but the most important rights were claimed for it. TheA.D. 1639.Parliament proposed that the King’s Privy Council should be responsible to it, and that the King should be bound to follow its advice in making appointments to high military commands, especially in the fortified places; and to comply with its recommendation in alterations of the coinage: even the right of conferring honours and dignities was in future to be exercised only under definite conditions; the Treasury was no longer to possess any jurisdiction. When we consider the scope of these proposals, we understand why the royal commissioner brought his whole power to bear, by whatever means he could, to prevent the Parliament from advancing to definitive resolutions in the direction on which they had entered. He adjourned Parliament, at first for a short time. This was repeated some eight times in succession: at last he pronounced it to be prorogued from November 1639 until June 1640. This step however raised a question which was as important as any of those which he was attempting to get rid of. The Kings of England and Scotland had hitherto exercised the right of dissolving as well as of convoking Parliament: to other sovereigns who did not possess this right in dealing with their representative assemblies, this had appeared to be a most enviable prerogative. The Scottish Parliament now denied this right; it sought to show that the right belonged to the King and his commissioner only in concert with Parliament. The Assembly broke up, it is true, but it left a committee behind it, which claimed to be considered as representing the Parliament, and transacted public business in this capacity.

How completely contrary to the expectations which had been entertained at Berwick was the course which affairs had now taken! We do not join the complaints of treachery and breach of faith which were raised by men of the different parties against one another. Two powers and forces, between which a reconciliation was hardly possible any longer, now stood in opposition to one another. The monarchy on the one side, which, in spite of the great concessions which it made, nevertheless maintained its pretension to possess lawfully within itself plenary public authority; and, on the other, a parliamentary and spiritual power which had grown upA.D. 1639.during the rising under the patronage of proud nobles and preachers mighty in the word, and which would not at any price resign the independence which it had once asserted. The attempt which the two parties had made at Berwick to approach one another brought to light the internal opposition between them. The Scots, proceeding onwards with the logical consistency which from the first moment had marked their course, achieved such a measure of independence in determining the internal arrangements of the State in spiritual and temporal matters, that the monarchy was reduced to a mere name. They thought that they were thus defending an universal interest at the same time. Whoever reads the journals and memoirs of the Scots sees clearly for the first time how entirely they identified their cause at home with that of Protestantism, and with the Continental struggle against the Austro-Spanish power. They note the advance of the Swedes, of the German powers allied with them, and of the Dutch and French as an advantage to themselves. The advance of Baner into Bohemia in the summer of 1639, when he even made Vienna tremble; the further advance of the army of Bernard of Weimar, even after the death of its leader, and the danger with which it threatened Mainz, while in Westphalia and in Franconia the friends of the Emperor were kept down, and his enemies raised their heads:—all these events appeared to them to indicate the general victory of Protestantism, which indeed was their own victory also[159]. They were above all pleased that the Spanish fleet should be blockaded, and at last defeated on the English coast; for the embarrassment into which King Charles was thrown contributed to their security.

But, it may be asked, had they not, besides the support which they found in the relations between the great Powers of the world, also received some special assurances from one side or the other?

The French ambassador, Bellièvre, felt no hesitation in putting himself in alliance with the adversaries of King Charles in Scotland, in systematic opposition to the tendencies prevailing at the English court, which he regarded as dangerous to the interests of France. He was not, strictlyA.D. 1639.speaking, authorised by his court to take this step. Yet he acted in the name of his court when he assisted a few Scots of the Covenanting party, with whom he had become acquainted in London, to go to Edinburgh, in order to further his designs among the members of the Assemblies in that city. He wished them to keep three objects before their eyes—the maintenance of the privileges of the Scots if the Pacification was brought to a final conclusion[160]; the renewal of the old alliance between France and Scotland; and lastly, a representation of the Scots in the English Privy Council. It is not to be supposed that the emissaries of Bellièvre exercised much direct influence upon the course of the transactions of the General Assembly or of the Parliament, for these bodies observed in their movements an internal consistency of their own; but no one will venture to deny that the leaders were encouraged to persevere in their course, even at the risk of breaking with their King, by the thought that in case of extremities they might reckon upon the support of France. Under these circumstances the maintenance of this alliance promoted their own security. As early as August 1639, Argyle, Lesley, and Rothes, addressed a letter to Bellièvre, in which they alleged circumstances as an excuse for the delay of the French enlistments in Scotland, about which Bellièvre had intentionally complained in terms intimating suspicion, though deeper than he himself felt, while at the same time, he referred to the old alliances between France and Scotland, which he said ought ‘not to be disturbed by any shadow of mistrust[161]. Towards the end of the year, King Charles refused to grant an audience to the Commissioners of the Parliament who came to London, not so much on account of the object stated in their commission as an account of the nature of the authority on which it was based. Thereupon the principal memberA.D. 1639.of the Commission, Lord Loudon, did not hesitate to turn to the French ambassador with a declaration that Scotland reckoned upon the support of the crown of France in the event of a breach with Charles I. A Scot of the name of Dishingtoun was the agent of the negotiations between Lord Loudon and the ambassador. The Scots announced their intention of requesting the King of France, if their dispute with Charles I were not shortly adjusted, to take cognisance of it according to the terms of their old alliance, and to mediate between them and their sovereign; and, in case this was impossible, to afford them protection against him. They remarked, that they would easily have been able to come to an understanding with the German sovereigns or with the Dutch instead, but that they were convinced their petition would not be rejected by France; and, if they were right in this, that they were determined to conclude no agreement with their King which did not allow full restoration of the alliance between France and Scotland. We cannot help asking how this alliance could have been contemplated after the crowns of England and Scotland had been united on one head. The ambassador had himself intimated that the participation of the Scots in Charles’ Council for the management of foreign affairs would be necessary to effect that object. The Scots not only caught up this notion, but turned it into a demand for a high degree of political independence. They wished that the King should henceforward not be allowed to proclaim war without applying to the Scottish Parliament on the subject; the Scots must be conceded a regular place, not only in the management of foreign affairs in the Council, but also about the King’s person in the offices of his household; they must have liberty even to keep plenipotentiaries in France as well as at the Hague[162]. Not until these designsA.D. 1639.were accomplished could those political results be achieved, which the General Assembly and the Parliament had desired to bring about, in order to promote the independence of the Church, and the change of the constitution, by which the previous influence of the crown was to be excluded. The independence which the Parliament demanded in the conduct of internal affairs was now to be extended to its relation with foreign powers as well.

Bellièvre had entirely approved of the articles which were communicated to him, for they could only redound to the advantage of France: thus also hopes were held out to him of concluding a treaty of commerce in the interests of France, and to the prejudice of England. The proposals coincided with the most cherished aims of the ambassador; he regarded the severance of the policy of Scotland from that of England as the great object of his efforts. But if we are asked whether Richelieu also was of this opinion, and especially whether he thought it permissible, while France and England were at peace, to support a movement so decidedly hostile, we can only reply that such was not his view. Soon after the beginning of the proceedings he had directly forbidden the ambassador to mix himself up with the affairs of Scotland. When a proposed mission from Scotland to France was mentioned, he instructed the ambassador to prevent it, because at present it could have no result; for Louis XIII was very conscientious, and would not injure any one without reason. It was possible, he said, that England, which was constantly negotiating with Spain, would conclude an alliance with that power; in that case, the King, on his part, would be ready to enter into an alliance with the Scots, whom he loved; but until that time it would be as well to keep back the intended invitation.

He wished to let the Scots cherish the hope which they entertained of the eventual support of France, but affairs wereA.D. 1639.not in such a state as to encourage him in the wish to make common cause with them openly at this moment.

The Scots however proceeded on their way. A letter is extant, much disputed it is true, but of indubitable authenticity; it is signed by six of the principal leaders, among whom we find Montrose, but not Argyle. In this letter the writers claim the protection of France, and formally accredit an ambassador named Colvil at the court of Louis XIII; even the instructions are extant which they gave to him. According to these, Colvil was commissioned to represent their grievances in Paris, especially touching three points—the illegality of the High Commission, the declaration of Charles I that the Scots were rebels, and the dissolution of the last Parliament, not only without its consent, but even in complete opposition to its wishes. He was to remind the King of the repeated alliances between the two nations, and of the services rendered by the Scots to the royal house of France: and he was to invite the King to procure for them, by mediating with their sovereign, a renewal of the enjoyment of their privileges[163].

The attention of Charles I had long before been called to the connexion formed between the French and the Scots; his confidential agents were now indefatigable in seeking to come upon the trace of it.

Bellièvre had become odious to the English court, apparently because he was conjectured to be the agent of that connexion, but still more because he had taken an active part in the negotiations with regard to the Spanish fleet, and the journey of the Elector Palatine, and seemed to be responsible for their unsuccessful issue. One day he was walking up and down in confidential conversation with the King of England, such as he had for a long time been accustomed to hold: the conversation turned on the imprisonment of the Elector Palatine; the ambassador made a proposal; the King suddenly checked himself, and said thatA.D. 1640.he felt at a disadvantage in these negotiations; that the ambassador was prepared beforehand with his proposals; that he, the King, was not, and that he must ask him not to make much account of what he said to him; that if the ambassador wished to have a precise answer, he must hand him in a written question; that he should receive a written answer in return, and that this answer alone would be valid. The ambassador felt the full force of this intimation; the standing-ground upon which he had hitherto rested began to sink under him. He had certainly at one time expressed himself to the King in unfavourable terms with regard to the Queen; he now experienced a counter action from that side. The personal friends of the Queen he regarded as his enemies. These were Percy, Montague, and Jermyn, from whom he was already estranged, because they were friends of the Queen-mother. He had introduced the alliance with the Scots chiefly in order to counteract the influence which they exercised in favour of Spain. He said indeed that more was ascribed to him than he had done: that he was thought more dexterous, more active, and more dangerous than he was: but nevertheless it is apparent, if we consider his proceedings, that he had a great share in producing the growing ill-feeling between the two courts, and even in fomenting internal disputes. For not only the Scots, but all those who even in England were in opposition to the court attached themselves to him. How deep an influence can in general be exercised by the machinations of foreign ambassadors at a time of internal dissension, especially when those machinations are supported by governments of strong and well-understood political tendencies! An instance of this is afforded by the influence exercised by the Spanish ambassador at an earlier date in England, and in France itself at the time of the League. Bellièvre had acquired a position similar in kind though by no means similar in degree. But he felt that it was no longer tenable, and in January 1640 he left England.

Not until after his departure did the Scots resolve, as has been mentioned before, to send an ambassador. Notice of their intention was first sent to Bellièvre in France: but on this occasion the inquiries of the English government wereA.D. 1640.more successful than they had been before. The original of the letter addressed to Louis XIII fell into its hands: it had Colvil arrested, and some time afterwards, Loudon also, who had again come to London.

Richelieu was very fortunate in having declined to recognise the mission of Colvil. He had Bellièvre told that the French government had been wiser than he.

King Charles knew of the hostile intention of the French court: the strongest impression must have been produced on him when he now also became aware how cordially it was met on the part of the Scots. He determined to make the discovery a motive for the resistance which he wished to offer to his rebellious subjects.

FOOTNOTES:[154]Baillie i. 218: ‘The Kings own exposition, declared to us by all the Communers, and taken first at their mouth by many extemporary penns, and there set down by themselves to be communicat to all, gave tolerable satisfaction.’ No doubt this was the original of the promise, which at a later period was so often brought home to the King, but which he never acknowledged.[155]The Marquis his advise to the King. Berwick, July 6. Burnet, Dukes of Hamilton 144. This shows more sagacity than anything else that fell from Hamilton, so far as I know.[156]‘For many things may be contrary to the constitution of a church, which of themselfs are not simply unlawfull. For whatsoever is absolutely unlawfull in one church, cannot be lawfull in the other of the same profession.’ Charles I to Traquair, Oct. 1, in Burnet, Dukes of Hamilton 158.[157]‘All civil places and power of kirkmen to be unlawfull in the kingdom.’[158]‘Commissioners of shyres chosen (to be) one (of the lords of) artickells.’ Balfour ii. 360.[159]Baillie, Oct. 12, 1639, notices all this.[160]‘Persuadés que pour l’honneur de leur pays et le bien de leur religion ils ne doivent point laisser executer l’accord fait en termes généraux entre le roi de la Grande Bretagne et ceux du covenant, qu’ils ne fassent bien expliquer en quoy consistent leurs privilèges.’[161]‘Nous ne consentirons jamais, que tant et tant d’alliances faites entre les deux royaumes soient jamais teintes par la moindre soupçon de notre côté.’ 20/30 Août.[162]‘Ils ne feront point de traité avec le roi sans que les conditions suivantes ne leur soient accordées: à savoir 1. que l’ancienne alliance entre les roys et les royaumes de France et d’Ecosse sera entièrement retablie; 2. le roi d’Ingleterre ne pourra entreprendre aucune guerre sans l’avis et le consentement du parlement d’Ecosse, et s’il le fait autrement, les Ecossois ne seront tenus d’en prendre part; 3. dans le conseil des affaires étrangères et près de la personne du roi d’Ingleterre il y aura dorénavant des Écossois qui prendront garde, que rien ne se resolve qui préjudice à leurs alliances, 4. que les rois d’Ingleterre et leurs fils auront des Ecossois en chaque office de leur maison, 5. que le roi d’Ingleterre trouvera bon que les Ecossois tiennent un agent à la cour de France, ainsi qu’ils font a la Haye.’[163]Traduction de l’instruction du Sr. Colvil envoyé par les Seigneurs d’Ecosse in Mazure, Histoire de la Revolution de 1688, iii. 406. The letter also is printed there according to the copy found in the French archives.

[154]Baillie i. 218: ‘The Kings own exposition, declared to us by all the Communers, and taken first at their mouth by many extemporary penns, and there set down by themselves to be communicat to all, gave tolerable satisfaction.’ No doubt this was the original of the promise, which at a later period was so often brought home to the King, but which he never acknowledged.

[155]The Marquis his advise to the King. Berwick, July 6. Burnet, Dukes of Hamilton 144. This shows more sagacity than anything else that fell from Hamilton, so far as I know.

[156]‘For many things may be contrary to the constitution of a church, which of themselfs are not simply unlawfull. For whatsoever is absolutely unlawfull in one church, cannot be lawfull in the other of the same profession.’ Charles I to Traquair, Oct. 1, in Burnet, Dukes of Hamilton 158.

[157]‘All civil places and power of kirkmen to be unlawfull in the kingdom.’

[158]‘Commissioners of shyres chosen (to be) one (of the lords of) artickells.’ Balfour ii. 360.

[159]Baillie, Oct. 12, 1639, notices all this.

[160]‘Persuadés que pour l’honneur de leur pays et le bien de leur religion ils ne doivent point laisser executer l’accord fait en termes généraux entre le roi de la Grande Bretagne et ceux du covenant, qu’ils ne fassent bien expliquer en quoy consistent leurs privilèges.’

[161]‘Nous ne consentirons jamais, que tant et tant d’alliances faites entre les deux royaumes soient jamais teintes par la moindre soupçon de notre côté.’ 20/30 Août.

[162]‘Ils ne feront point de traité avec le roi sans que les conditions suivantes ne leur soient accordées: à savoir 1. que l’ancienne alliance entre les roys et les royaumes de France et d’Ecosse sera entièrement retablie; 2. le roi d’Ingleterre ne pourra entreprendre aucune guerre sans l’avis et le consentement du parlement d’Ecosse, et s’il le fait autrement, les Ecossois ne seront tenus d’en prendre part; 3. dans le conseil des affaires étrangères et près de la personne du roi d’Ingleterre il y aura dorénavant des Écossois qui prendront garde, que rien ne se resolve qui préjudice à leurs alliances, 4. que les rois d’Ingleterre et leurs fils auront des Ecossois en chaque office de leur maison, 5. que le roi d’Ingleterre trouvera bon que les Ecossois tiennent un agent à la cour de France, ainsi qu’ils font a la Haye.’

[163]Traduction de l’instruction du Sr. Colvil envoyé par les Seigneurs d’Ecosse in Mazure, Histoire de la Revolution de 1688, iii. 406. The letter also is printed there according to the copy found in the French archives.

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