FOOTNOTES:[370]So writes the King to Loudon (Burnet 190): ‘You expressed your readiness to hazard both life and fortune for the maintenance of our temporal power, and even in matters ecclesiastick, though you wished uniformity therein betwixt the two nations, yet you would not interest you in these differences further than should be with our knowledge and good liking.’ Words which more nearly determine the sense of the communication to Sabran.[371]Hamilton observes in his instruction: ‘The apprehension they have of H. M. not observing what he hath already granted, if he shall be in a condition to force them.’ Burnet 196.[372]Burnet 205, from a letter written to Loudon.[373]Baillie to Spang. ‘We feared that the first action of any such armie might have been the knocking down our best patriots, who latelie had most opposed the malcontents.’ Letters ii. 58.[374]The cross petition.[375]Spalding ii. 230.[376]Journals of Commons, May 2.[377]Ordinance in Rushworth v.[378]Hamilton’s defence against the accusations made against him at Oxford. Article 7, in Burnet 265.[379]Burnet. ‘If putting down of episcopacy was simply sinful according to the King’s conscience, then that alone would furnish him with a very good reason to overturn all, since no men are bound to observe the promises they make, when they are sinful upon the matter.’[380]We shall endeavour—the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England and Ireland in doctrine worship discipline and government, according to the Word of God and the examples of the best reformed churches, and shall endeavour to bring the churches of God in the uniformity. (The Solemn League and Covenant of the three kingdoms.)[381]Letters and Journals, ii. 99, which we here follow.[382]Whitelocke’s Memorials 70.[383]So the King himself declared to Hamilton afterwards.[384]Votes in Oxford, January 26; Parl. Hist. xiii. 54.[385]Walker, Historical Discourses 13.[386]‘But he would be dead first’. Clarendon’s Hist. Book viii. (iv. 488). The single testimony of Clarendon must here suffice: it is not found in Walker, whom in other respects he follows.[387]Essex to the Committees of both kingdoms. Lostwithiel, August 4, in Devereux ii. 424.[388]Depêche de Sabran, November 3, 1644. ‘Va autant à pied qu’à cheval à la tête de son armée qui est fort bonne.’[389]James Turner, Memoirs 31.[390]Letter in Warburton ii. 438.[391]I take this notice from Fuller’s Worthies ii. 225. On the Royalist side Newcastle was originally blamed (A. Trevor, in Carte’s Letters i. 58), then Byron, who actually suggested the attack on Cromwell (Rupert’s Diary). The Scots praise Lindsay, Eglinton, above all David Lesley. The Presbyterians defend Fairfax. Cromwell is however praised even by those who were not Independents, as the author of the victory.[392]Préface aux negotiations de Sabran. ‘Le party contraire ayant Londres et les forces de mer en main, les Ecossais l’appuyant d’une forte armée, la nature ayant mis un obstacle près a tout secours étranger, le peuple ayant toujours estimé le parlement le contrepoids de l’autorité royale pour son propre bien, la hayne de l’un et de l’autre (peuple et parlement) étant égal contre le roy et la reine, il est malaisé d’attendre que de la main de Dieu le restablissement de l’autorité royale.’
[370]So writes the King to Loudon (Burnet 190): ‘You expressed your readiness to hazard both life and fortune for the maintenance of our temporal power, and even in matters ecclesiastick, though you wished uniformity therein betwixt the two nations, yet you would not interest you in these differences further than should be with our knowledge and good liking.’ Words which more nearly determine the sense of the communication to Sabran.
[370]So writes the King to Loudon (Burnet 190): ‘You expressed your readiness to hazard both life and fortune for the maintenance of our temporal power, and even in matters ecclesiastick, though you wished uniformity therein betwixt the two nations, yet you would not interest you in these differences further than should be with our knowledge and good liking.’ Words which more nearly determine the sense of the communication to Sabran.
[371]Hamilton observes in his instruction: ‘The apprehension they have of H. M. not observing what he hath already granted, if he shall be in a condition to force them.’ Burnet 196.
[371]Hamilton observes in his instruction: ‘The apprehension they have of H. M. not observing what he hath already granted, if he shall be in a condition to force them.’ Burnet 196.
[372]Burnet 205, from a letter written to Loudon.
[372]Burnet 205, from a letter written to Loudon.
[373]Baillie to Spang. ‘We feared that the first action of any such armie might have been the knocking down our best patriots, who latelie had most opposed the malcontents.’ Letters ii. 58.
[373]Baillie to Spang. ‘We feared that the first action of any such armie might have been the knocking down our best patriots, who latelie had most opposed the malcontents.’ Letters ii. 58.
[374]The cross petition.
[374]The cross petition.
[375]Spalding ii. 230.
[375]Spalding ii. 230.
[376]Journals of Commons, May 2.
[376]Journals of Commons, May 2.
[377]Ordinance in Rushworth v.
[377]Ordinance in Rushworth v.
[378]Hamilton’s defence against the accusations made against him at Oxford. Article 7, in Burnet 265.
[378]Hamilton’s defence against the accusations made against him at Oxford. Article 7, in Burnet 265.
[379]Burnet. ‘If putting down of episcopacy was simply sinful according to the King’s conscience, then that alone would furnish him with a very good reason to overturn all, since no men are bound to observe the promises they make, when they are sinful upon the matter.’
[379]Burnet. ‘If putting down of episcopacy was simply sinful according to the King’s conscience, then that alone would furnish him with a very good reason to overturn all, since no men are bound to observe the promises they make, when they are sinful upon the matter.’
[380]We shall endeavour—the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England and Ireland in doctrine worship discipline and government, according to the Word of God and the examples of the best reformed churches, and shall endeavour to bring the churches of God in the uniformity. (The Solemn League and Covenant of the three kingdoms.)
[380]We shall endeavour—the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England and Ireland in doctrine worship discipline and government, according to the Word of God and the examples of the best reformed churches, and shall endeavour to bring the churches of God in the uniformity. (The Solemn League and Covenant of the three kingdoms.)
[381]Letters and Journals, ii. 99, which we here follow.
[381]Letters and Journals, ii. 99, which we here follow.
[382]Whitelocke’s Memorials 70.
[382]Whitelocke’s Memorials 70.
[383]So the King himself declared to Hamilton afterwards.
[383]So the King himself declared to Hamilton afterwards.
[384]Votes in Oxford, January 26; Parl. Hist. xiii. 54.
[384]Votes in Oxford, January 26; Parl. Hist. xiii. 54.
[385]Walker, Historical Discourses 13.
[385]Walker, Historical Discourses 13.
[386]‘But he would be dead first’. Clarendon’s Hist. Book viii. (iv. 488). The single testimony of Clarendon must here suffice: it is not found in Walker, whom in other respects he follows.
[386]‘But he would be dead first’. Clarendon’s Hist. Book viii. (iv. 488). The single testimony of Clarendon must here suffice: it is not found in Walker, whom in other respects he follows.
[387]Essex to the Committees of both kingdoms. Lostwithiel, August 4, in Devereux ii. 424.
[387]Essex to the Committees of both kingdoms. Lostwithiel, August 4, in Devereux ii. 424.
[388]Depêche de Sabran, November 3, 1644. ‘Va autant à pied qu’à cheval à la tête de son armée qui est fort bonne.’
[388]Depêche de Sabran, November 3, 1644. ‘Va autant à pied qu’à cheval à la tête de son armée qui est fort bonne.’
[389]James Turner, Memoirs 31.
[389]James Turner, Memoirs 31.
[390]Letter in Warburton ii. 438.
[390]Letter in Warburton ii. 438.
[391]I take this notice from Fuller’s Worthies ii. 225. On the Royalist side Newcastle was originally blamed (A. Trevor, in Carte’s Letters i. 58), then Byron, who actually suggested the attack on Cromwell (Rupert’s Diary). The Scots praise Lindsay, Eglinton, above all David Lesley. The Presbyterians defend Fairfax. Cromwell is however praised even by those who were not Independents, as the author of the victory.
[391]I take this notice from Fuller’s Worthies ii. 225. On the Royalist side Newcastle was originally blamed (A. Trevor, in Carte’s Letters i. 58), then Byron, who actually suggested the attack on Cromwell (Rupert’s Diary). The Scots praise Lindsay, Eglinton, above all David Lesley. The Presbyterians defend Fairfax. Cromwell is however praised even by those who were not Independents, as the author of the victory.
[392]Préface aux negotiations de Sabran. ‘Le party contraire ayant Londres et les forces de mer en main, les Ecossais l’appuyant d’une forte armée, la nature ayant mis un obstacle près a tout secours étranger, le peuple ayant toujours estimé le parlement le contrepoids de l’autorité royale pour son propre bien, la hayne de l’un et de l’autre (peuple et parlement) étant égal contre le roy et la reine, il est malaisé d’attendre que de la main de Dieu le restablissement de l’autorité royale.’
[392]Préface aux negotiations de Sabran. ‘Le party contraire ayant Londres et les forces de mer en main, les Ecossais l’appuyant d’une forte armée, la nature ayant mis un obstacle près a tout secours étranger, le peuple ayant toujours estimé le parlement le contrepoids de l’autorité royale pour son propre bien, la hayne de l’un et de l’autre (peuple et parlement) étant égal contre le roy et la reine, il est malaisé d’attendre que de la main de Dieu le restablissement de l’autorité royale.’