WORK OF THE FAWCETT SCHEME COMMITTEE—A NOTABLE PAMPHLET—MR. RAIKES AND THE “AGITATOR”—A NEW POSTAL ORGAN—THE FAWCETT SCHEME AND THE “LUMINOUS COMMITTEE.”
WORK OF THE FAWCETT SCHEME COMMITTEE—A NOTABLE PAMPHLET—MR. RAIKES AND THE “AGITATOR”—A NEW POSTAL ORGAN—THE FAWCETT SCHEME AND THE “LUMINOUS COMMITTEE.”
The seed had germinated; the plant had taken root even in such seemingly stony and barren soil, and was destined within a short while, despite chill winds and frost-bite, to become flourishing and fruitful.
The newly-constituted Fawcett Scheme Committee set about in real earnest in preparing the further petition which should suitably represent the united claims of the two classes. As the representatives of the first and second classes of sorters, they called attention to the fact that several important provisions of the scheme of reorganisation, recommended by the late Mr. Fawcett when Postmaster-General, and sanctioned by the Treasury in 1881, had not been carried into effect; and on behalf of the sorters, they wished to take such steps as may be in their power to have those provisions effectuated. The improvements of position which had been sanctioned by the Treasury, and which, they submitted, they had been entitled to since April 1, 1881, were comprised in the sanctioned recommendation of Mr. Fawcett to redress the grievances coming under the first two of the five points to which, in his letter to the Treasury, he reduced the whole of the representations and petitions which had been addressed to him by the various classes of the postal and telegraph services, viz.:—
“1. Inadequacy of pay arising to some extent from stagnation in promotion.
“2. The excessive amount of overtime, the small rate of pay allowed for it, and the severity of the night duty. Theinadequacy of pay referred to in the first point was redressed by a new classification and scale of wages, which was to be uniform for the postal staff of the Sorting Branch and for the telegraphists (videTreasury reply), and which was ‘based upon the intelligible principle of paying for work solely according to its quality’ (videMr. Fawcett’s report to the Treasury).”
The grievances embodied in the second point were redressed by the recommendation in paragraphs 5 and 6 of Mr. Fawcett’s report, viz.:—
“5. That the period of ordinary night attendance, both for telegraphists and sorting clerks, be reduced from eight to seven hours; already recognised at several offices as the proper amount of night attendance for the postal staff.
“6. That payment as for overtime work at provincial offices, whether of telegraphists or sorting clerks, be, in the case of male officers, at the rate of one-fiftieth part of a week’s pay per hour, and in the case of female officers (who, as a rule, are not called upon to do more than 48 hours’ work per week) at the rate of one-forty-eighth part of a week’s pay. That when the overtime at any given office on a single occasion exceeds three hours, the rate of pay for such excess shall be one-quarter higher than the ordinary rate. As a rule the 16 hours which form an officer’s work for two days shall be so divided as to avoid giving him more than 11 hours’ work on either day; when an occasional exception is necessary, all excess beyond 11 hours in any one day shall be paid for as overtime, although the two days’ work in the aggregate may not exceed 16 hours.”
The petition proceeded to point out that:—
“None of these provisions have been carried into effect. The scale of wages under which we are paid should, as stated in the Treasury reply, be uniform with that of the Central Telegraph Office, which is detailed in Schedule B in the copy of the papers ordered to be printed by the Honourable the House of Commons. Nor is work paid for according to its quality, as sorters of the second class are regularly required to perform duties of the highest quality, and consequently appertaining to the first class. On this point we hold that a hard and fast limitation of the classes within certain prescribednumbers is opposed to Mr. Fawcett’s recommendation, and therefore not in accordance with the letter or spirit of this reorganisation scheme sanctioned by the Lords of the Treasury; for it is clearly explained, that the paying for such work solely according to its quality is to be effected by regulating the ‘number of places’ in the class carrying any particular scale, ‘strictly in accordance with the aggregate number’ of duties appertaining to that class. The number of places in the class carrying the first-class scale should, consequently, be limited solely by the number of first-class duties.
“The recommendation to reduce the night duty to seven hours has not been carried out, as in the N.P.B. and I.B. a duty exists extending from 5P.M.to 12.30A.M., and in the E.C.D.O. there is in existence a duty extending from 4P.M.until 12 midnight. We are aware that a portion of these duties comes within the hours of the ordinary evening attendance, but in the case of a midnight duty of seven hours (say from 12 midnight to 7A.M.), a certain portion also comes within the hours of the equally ordinary morning attendance, and we therefore contend that the duties we have mentioned come within the reference of the scheme of midnight duties, and should not therefore exceed seven hours.
“We need not point out that overtime is not paid for in accordance with the recommendation of the scheme. That we are entitled to payment at this rate is certain, for although the paragraph reads, ‘for ordinary overtime work at provincial offices,’ it is expressly stated in another paragraph of the report that the sorting force in London cannot be excluded from any improvement of position which may be conceded to the telegraphists and provincial sorting clerks.
“These are the provisions which have been expressly sanctioned by the Treasury for our benefit, and which we have been elected to endeavour to have carried into effect; but we may also mention the reference in Mr. Fawcett’s report to point 3 respecting holidays, viz.:—‘I am now considering a scheme the effect of which I hope may be to give one month’s leave in the course of the year to many who now have only three weeks, and three weeks to many who nowhave only a fortnight, respecting which we have been instructed to inquire, if the order of the Postmaster-General in the Post-Office Circular of 30th November 1886 is the effectuation of Mr. Fawcett’s contemplated scheme, and, if so, to ascertain if the fortnight’s leave of absence enjoyed by the second class should not be extended as in the case of the first class to three weeks. We are also instructed to inquire what foundation exists for the prevalent impression, that the payment as for overtime work given for all work done on Christmas Day and Good Friday should be at the rate of pay for overtime work on Sundays, and not on week days.
“We think it the most courteous and respectful method we could adopt to bring these facts under your notice, and before taking any further steps to ask you for any information on these points which may be within your knowledge, and for guidance as to the methods we should pursue, which, while fulfilling the trust reposed in us by our brother officers, would meet with your commendation. In conclusion, we beg to press on your consideration the fact that this is a representation emanating from the entire sorting staff of the Circulation Department, who feel sure that some of the most important provisions granted to them by the Lords of the Treasury have been withheld from them since 1881, and that you will therefore be kind enough to regard this letter as a matter of urgency, and favour us with an immediate intimation of its having reached you, and a reply at your earliest convenience.”
[Signed by the Committee.]
This petition from the united classes of the London sorting force broadly covered the whole of the ground on which they based their claims to the Fawcett scheme, and the various other petitions presented to Mr. Raikes were modelled upon it. As was almost inevitable under the circumstances, and as was almost expected by the promoters themselves, another unfavourable reply to their petition was received from the Controller. It was therefore soon afterwards determined to seek for permission, this time from the Postmaster-General himself, to hold another general meeting inside the official building.
In the meantime, however, Clery, the enthusiastic and resourceful young leader of the new movement, had written and published a pamphlet, “An Exposition of the Fawcett Scheme,” which gained a ready sale among the interested and expectant men. The exposition was a clever piece of literary dissection, and a clear analysis of the much-debated question of Mr. Fawcett’s intended meaning. With rare legal acumen the text and spirit of the 1881 scheme were compared and examined, and considered at some length. The conclusion was, of course, favourable to the contention that the sorting force were still being robbed of their rightful privileges.
The audacity of openly and undisguisedly rushing into print in the face of what were supposed to be most hard and fast regulations against it, caused in the minds of many no little anxiety as to the safety of the author. There were even some protests from the committee, and at least one resignation. But the men as fully appreciated the necessity of some explanatory information on the subject as did the writer, and almost every one possessed himself of a copy, if only to try and discern through the chink in the door of the treasure-chamber what proportion of the promised treasure should be his, and to speculate as to his chances of getting it in the sweet by-and-by. The pamphlet undoubtedly did good, and had no inconsiderable educational value, while it strengthened the conviction that their cause was a just one, and their course a safe one. The recent general meeting at which it was thought that every one had arrived at a perfect understanding had left much to be desired in the way of information, and the majority came away from that meeting with as varied and divergent opinions as if a text of Scripture had been under discussion. It was indeed only to be expected. It is a peculiar quality of the human mind that the more a given printed text is discussed and debated the less definite is the understanding upon it. There is scarcely a paragraph in the daily newspaper as to the literal and actual meaning of which a heated discussion, and possibly sectarian differences, could not centre upon. There had been all sorts of rumours bandied about and opinions expressed about this wonderful scheme, till at last, while every one agreed to believe that it was nextto divinely inspired and that the spirit of the dead lawgiver still hovered about it, very distinct differences prevailed as to the meaning and bearing of particular paragraphs. Every man had his own pet paragraph, and wore it about his person in his waistcoat pocket or elsewhere, as a Mohammedan wears texts of the Koran, for ready reference and the confusion of one of opposite view. It was to meet this state of things that Clery very sensibly conceived the idea of supplying a long-felt want at threepence per copy.
The publication of this pamphlet was for the most part thought the most daring thing that Clery had ever attempted, especially as it was so unblushingly offered for sale within the Post-Office itself, and under the very noses of the authorities. None knew what would become of the man who could fly in the face of one of the most cherished traditions of officialism; for it had never yet been doubted that the same rules which governed the action of “communicating with the public press” covered such a case as this, and was sufficient to proclaim the author an outlaw. But the writer himself, so far from acting in ignorance of existing rules on the subject, in this very pamphlet challenged the authority of the Postmaster-General in this matter of personal liberty, and in one movement swept the musty cobwebs of tradition aside. In this pamphlet it was incidentally pointed out for the first time that there was absolutely no prohibition against an officer of the Post-Office being, if he chose, actually connected with the public press while performing his official duties. The whole matter had been immersed in obscurity; not one person in five thousand could have quoted the rule which was supposed to overshadow their actions in this respect. But herein for the first time it was shown that the minute issued by the Treasury so recently as 1875, and adopted by the Postmaster-General as a rule of the postal service—and which had been regarded as a menace because not understood—was directed against “Unauthorised Communications to the Public Press of Information derived from Official Sources.” It was scarcely likely that the rule would be so strained in the present instance; and if it were Clery was prepared to fight it.
Certain it is that Clery in no way enhanced his character inthe service by taking up such an exposed position. His character officially indeed had been represented as scarcely anything to be proud of; he met with scant leniency at the hands of those over him, and it was rumoured that his days would not be long in the land, that is, of the postal service. It is said that during this troublous period he was “suspended” no less than thirteen times. Then, to the surprise of every one, the supervising officials especially, young Clery, the agitator, was suddenly informed that Mr. Raikes, the Postmaster-General, had expressed a desire to see him. Such a proceeding on the part of any former Postmaster-General was wholly unheard of; and if it was regarded asinfra dig.for the gilded figurehead of a great public department to voluntarily and unasked grant an interview to an underling so low down in the rungs of the service, the subordinate himself was to gain a little more credit and respect from that moment. The youth was doing the ordinary work of the juniors at the time, and his duty had to be provided for by the superintendent of his branch, to enable him to gratify the Postmaster-General’s extraordinary request for an interview with this agitating subordinate, whose notoriety had reached the august ears. He had but to step across St. Martin’s-le-Grand to find himself in the presence of Mr. Cecil Raikes, and that gentleman he found all smiles instead of all frowns, as he had been led to anticipate, and a welcoming nod reassured him that at least the Postmaster-General was not about to order him to be bow-strung on the spot.
“I have sent for you, Mr. Clery,” said the Postmaster-General, eyeing the stripling whose height was by no means dwarfed by Mr. Raikes’s own six feet three or four inches, “principally because I wanted to satisfy my curiosity. You have such an exceptionally bad official character that it made me curious to see what you are like.” This private interview lasted an hour or more; and many points were discussed between them; and from that interview it is probable that Mr. Raikes learnt more of the actual grievances of the staff than he might have learnt in a month through the ordinary channels, and wading through memorials and petitions. It was the very first time in the annals of the Post-Office that a Postmaster-Generalhad invited an agitator into his presence; but it is more than probable that Mr. Raikes had some knowledge of the man before he met him. He must have learnt something of his antecedents, his connections, and his character beforehand; and when he met the youthful agitator face to face, it is likely in a man of Mr. Raikes’s disposition that he felt some sort of a sympathy with the ambitious and energetic youth whose literary aspirations were to an extent a reflex of those of his own earlier days. For Mr. Raikes himself had been an industrious literary hand, a leader-writer for theStandard, a poet, and a playwright. But over and above all that it is only reasonable to think that Mr. Raikes’s principal motive was to gather first-hand and in an informal way, from an accredited authority, the leading agitator himself, what really were the grievances of the postal side of the service. In selecting Clery he selected a ready and a logical exponent of the case. If Clery was not flattered, he certainly went away with a better understanding of Mr. Raikes than before. His and others’ estimate of the Postmaster-General had been based on a misconception of him; his utterances in regard to him, though always as respectful as the official regulations demanded, betrayed the impression that Mr. Raikes was one of whom they had to expect scant consideration.
Meanwhile the Fawcett Scheme Committee were not idle, and proceeded with the work of organising the men on a more definite basis; voluntary subscriptions per man being collected systematically, and the principles of trades unionism quietly disseminated. Clery and his immediate following were now agreed that the time had arrived when the sorting force should set an example to other postal servants who were not yet organised by combining on trades-union lines. The project was privately discussed in all its bearings; meetings were held in every available nook and corner, at Clery’s residence and elsewhere, till at last a definite resolution was decided on, to be moved at the next general meeting. A requisition was sent to the Postmaster-General for the use of one of the branches in which to hold it, and this was accompanied with the polite request that one or two newspaper reporters might be allowed to be present.
It was a rather cool request under the circumstances, and very naturally, perhaps, Mr. Raikes at first demurred. But eventually the little matter was negotiated; and the use of the Foreign Newspaper Branch was given them, and reporters were allowed to be present to take notes of the proceedings. This was a distinct concession, which was thought to be as much due to Mr. Raikes’s desire to be generous as to the pertinacity of the men’s representatives. Perhaps the significance of this little concession may be better understood when it is remembered that the resolution which Clery and his supporters had decided to submit at that general meeting within the Post-Office building was to the effect, “That the time had arrived for the sorting force to combine on trades-union principles.”
In moving this, reliance was doubtless placed on the fact that previously Mr. Raikes in the House of Commons had proclaimed his belief that civil servants had a right to combine for mutual benefit. At this time, before it became fashionable for Tory ministers to express such tolerant views in regard to the claims of labour and the recognition of trades-union doctrines, such a declaration was perhaps a little remarkable.
The meeting was accordingly held on December 11, 1889, practically under the smiling patronage of the Postmaster-General, whose action and whose judgment was to afford food for criticism. It was the greatest gathering that had ever assembled within the General Post-Office, far exceeding even the one of ten or eleven years before, which had been called by Booth the postman. The Foreign Branch, which was not used after eight o’clock ordinarily, was on this occasion literally packed almost to suffocation with considerably over two thousand men of all grades. The wildfire of enthusiasm permeated the meeting from the first moment till the last. Men from every district office and from every branch squeezed themselves into the place, and climbed even into the girders of the roof, and the very weight of the enormous mass of humanity almost constituted a grave danger, of which, however, they were not at the time cognisant. Subsequently, when Mr. Raikes went over the building and visited the scene of that memorable meeting, he observed, “What! over two thousand men here! It is a wonder the floor stood the strain.”
Overcrowded and enthusiastic as was the meeting, nothing more serious occurred than some damage to a few sorting-tables and the unanimous passing, amidst the wildest excitement, of the all-important resolution. Williams was in the chair, and in his measured, cold, metallic fashion, as a lecturer of the Hunterian Society might, with scalpel in hand, deliver a clinical lecture on nerve tissues and their ramifications, he once more pulled the Fawcett scheme thread from thread.
The sorters were by this time pretty well acquainted with theprosandconsof the Fawcett scheme in its application to themselves. The proposition, therefore, that they now petition the Postmaster-General in connection with the unfulfilled conditions of the Fawcett scheme required but little argument to convince them of the desirability of doing so speedily. The second, and perhaps the more important resolution of the two, that they now combine on trades-union lines for purposes of mutual benefit, they were equally agreed on. Both resolutions were carried unanimously, and it was also resolved that the Fawcett Scheme Committee should be forthwith dissolved, and that its members should become the provisional executive of the new organisation, to be called the “London Sorting Clerks’ Association.” The immediate outcome of this great meeting was that a monster petition, embodying the points of former petitions, was signed by the whole of the London sorting force.
The Postmaster-General almost immediately this time consented to receive a deputation of the aggrieved men at an early date. The well-worn facts were once more refurbished, and the necessary preparations were made to recite before him the thrice-told tale. The deputation almost expected to find themselves confronted by an austere, frowning official, ready to trip them up and to limit them both in points and minutes. But to their agreeable surprise the ogre they had come to storm in his castle turned out to be a gentleman who treated them with studied courtesy, who immediately put them at their ease, telling them to feel quite at home and to sit down with him, so that they might reason together and settle the matter in dispute amicably and without prejudice. The various points were urged at length by each speaker, Mr. Raikesmeanwhile listening patiently and taking voluminous notes. At the conclusion he turned to Clery, who was in the deputation, and pleasantly remarked, “Now perhaps Mr. Clery will sum up.” Nothing loth, Clery did promptly and briefly. He said the sorters had not got the missing portion of the Fawcett scheme, and they should never be contented or happy till they got it, and he suggested that it should be referred to a small committee of public men, who might satisfactorily solve the difficult problem and interpret the scheme to every one’s satisfaction. Mr. Raikes smiled and responded, “That is a very luminous suggestion, Mr. Clery, and I will talk it over with the Secretary. In the meantime, although from your point of view your contention appears a very just one, I must say I do not read this scheme as you do.” “Then,” said Clery, “it resolves itself into a literary exercise.” There was some merriment expressed, and joined in by Mr. Raikes. The Postmaster-General further assured them that he deeply sympathised with them in their disappointment that he did not read the scheme as they did; but it appeared to him nevertheless that there was a substantial equality between them and the telegraphists, who were supposed to be so much better off. Entering more fully on the ground of his difference with them, he pleaded that Mr. Fawcett’s intentions could not be assumed by them, inasmuch as the language in which they were couched was of such an ambiguous character. Second, that the interpretation which the permanent authorities put upon the more important passages was directly opposite to that which the deputation claimed to be their true meaning. Third, that at the time the Fawcett scheme was formulated the authorities and Mr. Fawcett understood each other, and that the arrangements at present in existence were exactly what the late Mr. Fawcett desired to see.
The deputation withdrew naturally disappointed in their quest, but none the less impressed with the surprising difference between their first picture of him and the man personally.
Following on this deputation yet another meeting within the precincts of the General Post-Office building was asked for and official permission obtained; and on January 16, 1890, the combined sorting force met, again two thousand strong.The temper and enthusiasm of this monster gathering was if anything more pronounced than the last, curiosity running high as to the result of the recent meeting between their leaders and the Postmaster-General. J. H. Williams and W. E. Clery were the moving spirits of the platform, and the men looked to them as the heralds of good tidings. It was resolved that the sorting force express their regret that while the Postmaster-General seemed to consider their view a justifiable one and sympathised with them in their disappointment, he was not prepared to immediately carry into effect that which had been for so long withheld from them. He was also reminded of the “luminous suggestion” of a “three-cornered committee” of public men. It was decided to request that official permission be granted for holding a further meeting in a more convenient place, so that public men could be invited. Further, it was definitely decided to form an organisation on trades-union lines.
The want of an official organ for the interchange of ideas among the members and for the advocacy of accepted principles among the letter-sorting staff was at this time beginning to be strongly felt. Clery, seeing the necessity which the new movement had created, now determined to supply the deficiency. At his own risk he started a small journal, thePost. The first number appeared February 8, 1890, and was an unpretentious, pamphlet-like little print of eight pages, sold at a penny weekly. Clery himself was not only editor, but almost the sole contributor; as few dared to join in the risk of “writing for the press,” and the fact is to be commented on only because of the surprising amount of work and responsibility he saddled himself with at this period. Besides performing his ordinary eight hours’ duty at the General Post-Office, and his association as an officer with the Fawcett Scheme Committee, and the efficient discharge of all the detail work which such an office entailed, he was an industrious contributor to the public press, a prolific writer of fiction, and a playwright of some little repute. Under anom de plumewhich afterwards became well known, he found an entrance into the pages of theGentleman’s Magazine, and found himself, among other things, special dramatic correspondent oftheMorning Advertiser—no mean attainments, it will be confessed, remembering his years and the hampering conditions under which he worked. ThePostappeared, but it was predicted by many that its life would be short, as, if it did not die of ill-nutrition on the part of its patrons, the Postmaster-General would undoubtedly strangle it with red-tape. But Mr. Raikes, though he could not have been wholly oblivious to the daring innovation in postal journalism, did not in any way attempt to burke it, and for a considerable period it was allowed to be sold and circulated within the precincts of the Post-Office. Clery himself was prepared to defend his action if called on to do so, and stoutly maintained that before the authorities could legitimately question his right to act as the editor of a Service paper, they would have to institute a new regulation.
Preparations by this time had been set afoot for the great occasion towards which all the events of the preceding few years had been slowly but surely trending, the formation of a real postal trades-union. There was no attempt at disguising the object and the nature of it; and somewhat to the surprise of the older and more cautious among them, there was no opposition from the authorities. Indeed, the then Controller, Mr. R. C. Tombs, who, it may be mentioned, in his callow youth had himself been an agitator among his own class, seemed only too glad to remove every unnecessary official obstacle. He offered the use of the old disused prison-chapel at the parcel depot at Mount Pleasant for their forthcoming inaugural meeting, and even deputed Clery and Nevill to go there and complete arrangements. But finding it to be scarcely suitable for the purpose, a new difficulty arose. Then it was proposed that the postal authorities hire the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street, and for the time being turn it into an official annexe, so as to meet the existing rule that meetings might not be held outside Government buildings. This proposal was actually seriously considered. It was then decided by Mr. Raikes to relax the rule. By showing confidence in the men in this matter, he thought they might be relied on not to abuse the liberty so far accorded them. While still retaining the right to send an official reporter, none was present, though it was generally understood that the proceedingswere under the espionage of known spies. It was originally intended to call the new organisation by the name of the “London Sorting Clerks’ Association,” but the title “sorting clerk” being one of the minor points in dispute—it is still in dispute—some official exception was taken to its being used in this connection. It was then decided to rechristen it the “Fawcett Association,” partly because it was a development of the Fawcett Scheme Committee, and partly out of respect to the memory of Professor Henry Fawcett, the benefactor, whose full benefits they were endeavouring to obtain after now eight years.
The new postal trades-union of letter-sorters, the Fawcett Association, was inaugurated February 10, 1890, at the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street. There had been many meetings of postal officials before, indeed much of the history of postal agitation had been made up of meetings either open or illicit; but this was memorable, as it marked an epoch and proclaimed a new departure. It was the first meeting held in public by postal servants since 1866 which had not been proscribed and officially banned. During a previous agitation, that of 1872-74, there had been enormous mass meetings at Cannon Street Hotel and at Exeter Hall, and many public men of weight and influence supported their platforms; nevertheless each of those meetings was held in open defiance of the existing rule, and in spite of the official warnings against them. But now Mr. Raikes had shown his confidence in them by removing the restriction so far as they were concerned. Henceforth they would be free to meet when and where they liked, the only slender link of connection between them and the Post-Office being the presence of the official reporter. And this right to send an official reporter to the public meetings of postal servants was by some regarded as not wholly objectionable, as it had the compensating advantage of providing a ready communication between the departmental chief and themselves. Mr. Raikes had been the first Postmaster-General who had condescended to receive a deputation of lower subordinates for the purpose of discussing points of difference between them and the department. He had also been the first to set aside an old-established rule, and to allow postalservants a fuller liberty to meet in places of their own selection, where they might engage in discussion amidst more congenial surroundings than the Post-Office could offer. Their deliberations were henceforth not to be so cramped, cabined, and confined as they had hitherto, but brought into the freer light of publicity. It was a concession much to be appreciated, and one which set a valuable precedent.
The indefatigable Williams presided; and once more, with lawyer-like precision, he stated the case for the fulfilment of the Fawcett scheme; and the numerous speakers who followed, including Clery, drove home the necessity of forming this association, not only for securing immediate benefits, but for safeguarding the privileges already possessed. The result of this inaugural meeting was that a membership of over a thousand was immediately enrolled, and within a short time the number was more than doubled.
Scarcely to be compared numerically with the former postal trades-union, embracing the letter-carriers and letter-sorters, which was led by Booth, the Fawcett Association was yet to succeed as a movement where the other had failed. The enormous movement of 1872-74, covering so wide a field as it did, and numbering its branches in almost every town throughout the kingdom, with great resources financially and morally, and counting among its sponsors and supporters dozens of the most notable men of the day, after living through a brief and stormy period, had achieved little. The withdrawal of the personal influence of Booth, the organising and the dominating spirit, caused it to shrink and crumble away in decay and disaster. It had spent thousands of pounds one way and another, in expensive mass meetings at Exeter Hall and elsewhere, with their bands of music and colours flying, and public men parading their platforms in pomp; but the agitation had produced little beyond a sensation. The postal servants for whom the movement was begun were left practically just where they were in the beginning. It was an agitation which, while it ran its brief course, filled both the public eye and ear; it bedecked itself with trappings and tinsel; it was magnificent in a way, but directly Booth left it, it was no longer war. He undoubtedly it was mainly whoinspired and inflated it; and his withdrawal in a moment of pique following indisposition, left it without a responsible leader, and the fight became a rout. With victory almost within sight, the principal leader withdrew and others followed, and the rank and file of the movement, left to their own resources, abandoned the siege and unaccountably beat a hasty retreat, as if a panic had seized them. The very looseness and wavering in their ranks was an invitation and an encouragement to the official patricians who garrisoned the till now beleaguered citadel of privilege, and directly this was seen the cavalry issued forth and smote them. The Assyrian came down like a wolf on the fold; and the undisciplined and leaderless organisation had to return captive along the paths of submissiveness and obedience. Hope for the redress of their grievances was abandoned for years to come.
This, then, was the first real opportunity since the collapse of the previous agitation that had been afforded the men of the sorting force to reassert their liberty to organise. But for the tact and moderation of the Postmaster-General, Mr. Raikes, and had he been less sympathetic towards them, that opportunity might have been still further delayed. That the opportunity would have been sought for or forced ultimately there can be no doubt. The younger men were not to be expected to be intimidated by the warnings issued fifteen or sixteen years before. That was ancient history written on a slate. On top of the grievances left unredressed by Booth’s agitation, others had accumulated; and none but those contented with being born into serfdom could much longer have tolerated or accepted such conditions. But it was due to Mr. Raikes not only that the moment for starting a new movement was brought nearer, but that that movement was made to run along the constitutional and legitimate lines it did. Mr. Raikes, unconsciously perhaps, pointed the road they should take, and by following that direction they found the road travelled to success. However he may have been averse to the introduction of organised trades-unionism in the Post-Office, Mr. Raikes took the sensible view that open and deliberate opposition to the sorters’ agitation at that time of day and in the circumstances would not only give a fillip to it,but probably force it into a less commendable shape. Mr. Raikes was a man of the world, who knew human nature and human impulses as it showed itself in the aggregate. He had his duty to himself, to the department, and the public to consider, and in this instance the just motive of the man was not inconsistent with that of the tactician. It had been conveyed to him that there was a general storm brewing among the telegraphists and the letter-carriers, as well as the sorters, and he was not blind to the necessity, from a departmental point of view, of keeping each organisation distinct and confined to its own ground of operations. He probably knew by this time that the sorters were sufficiently determined to run an organisation of some kind; and failing to prevent it, even if he would, he decided to show some tolerance as the best means of arresting or suppressing what might otherwise become a turbulent spirit among them. It was under these auspices and these conditions that the sorters’ association was inaugurated.
From this moment a better feeling of security and a consciousness of strength took possession of what had hitherto been but a loosely united crowd, and, disciplined and organised as they now were, they felt that some material benefit must be the outcome of their efforts. The Postmaster-General evidently recognised that it was necessary to make some concession to the spirit of demand everywhere manifesting itself throughout the postal service, and shortly afterwards appointed a small Committee of Inquiry to deal particularly with the interpretation of the Fawcett scheme. The “luminous suggestion” of the young leader Clery became translated into the “Luminous Committee.” This committee, formed to assist the Postmaster-General in determining the correct interpretation of the much-discussed document, consisted of Sir Francis Sandford, Sir Rupert Kettle, Q.C., Mr. William Woodall, M.P. for Hanley, and Mr. F. J. Dryhurst, a personal friend of the late Mr. Fawcett, as secretary. A deputation of the staff were invited to attend the sittings, and Messrs. Williams, Clery, Kemp, Groves, Leader, and Macartney, as representing the men, attended and stated their case. The Fawcett scheme, which had for so long remained a bone of contentionover the grave of the dead benefactor, was, it seemed, at last to be removed beyond cavil or dispute.
It was on this occasion that a high compliment, intentional or unintentional, was paid to the young secretary of the Fawcett Association, W. E. Clery, the author of the “Exposition of the Fawcett Scheme.” The deputation had no sooner taken their seats than the late Mr. Joyce, one of the leading officials of the General Post-Office, handed to each a copy of the pamphlet, though where and how they had been obtained was something of a mystery. Not only the deputation, but every member of the committee were provided with a copy, and the incident occasioned no little surprise.
The points were discussed and the evidence given, and the representatives of the men entertained high hopes of the matter being speedily settled in their favour. “Waiting to hear the verdict” became a watchword and a commonplace saying among the men for several weeks, and few seriously doubted what that verdict would be. On March 25, 1890, the report of the committee was issued, and it was then found, greatly to the surprise and disappointment of all, that the decision was against them on every single point. There was a feeling that they had been betrayed; but this speedily gave way to a new hope that Mr. Raikes, after all, intended to compensate them for the disappointment sustained; for, in the meantime, the Postmaster-General had offered a still further compromise to the general spirit of discontent by instituting a departmental Committee of Inquiry to inquire fully into the quality of postal duties. The new hope that had inspired them became clouded with much uncertainty during the next few weeks; but a general meeting of the men decided to await the result a reasonable time before taking further action.
The verdict of the Luminous Committee was taken strong exception to by the general body of the force as being inconclusive and unconvincing. The official verdict, so far as the Fawcett scheme was concerned, had gone against them certainly, but they had lost nothing but the verdict. They lost neither courage in themselves nor hope for the future. They had pursued an ideal that had eluded their grasp, but it had enticed them into pastures they might never have explored.It had taught them how to organise; it had taught them self-reliance, and gave them a better appreciation of their own value as public servants. Their pursuit of the Fawcett scheme ideal, while it had given them some acquaintance with the difficulties to be faced, had taught them how to surmount those difficulties. It had inspired them with a new and a stronger ambition to better the conditions of postal life; and it had been the means of discovering to themselves that in their two leaders, Clery and Williams, they had two officers of more than ordinary ability, and to whom they could confidently look for ultimate victory. They had lost the verdict, but this much they had gained, and more. If nothing more substantial had been gained from the Postmaster-General, they had at least secured his respect and even his goodwill, and that respect they reciprocated. At first, unwilling to consider their claims, Mr. Raikes had come to realise that they were deadly in earnest, and were not easy to refuse. And they had reason to think that from this realisation had sprung the conviction that, after all, they had grievances which, at any cost, would have to be remedied.
The impression had gained ground among the leaders of the sorters’ agitation that though the verdict had gone against them Mr. Raikes was disposed to do all that was within his power to improve the position and prospects of the sorting force, on similar lines to those laid down in the Fawcett scheme itself. The Postmaster-General was asked to receive a further deputation from the men, and fourteen points were submitted for his consideration, these fourteen points covering all the ground of their previous demands. Mr. Raikes consented to receive the deputation to discuss with him all the points submitted with the exception of two, which were, the reorganisation of the medical department, and the request to have some voice in the formation of any revision before it was finally applied. The points the Postmaster-General was asked to discuss with the deputation were:—
“1. Uniform scales and privileges for the chief office of the Sorting Branch with the Central Telegraph Office; and holidays in accordance with the Post-Office Circular of 30th November 1886.
“2. That the number of officers on each class be regulated strictly in accordance with the number of duties rightly appertaining to that class, due provision being made for lack of promotion by the establishment of a class of seniors as in the Central Telegraph Office; and that allowances be abolished in favour of higher scales where duties of a higher quality are performed, except in cases of risk ortemporaryperformance of superior duties, when the minimum of the higher scale should be paid.
“3. That the minimum rate of pay for any appointed officer of the sorting force be 24s. per week; and that the first class be restored to the metropolitan district offices, the scale of pay to be that of the district telegraphists.
“4. That officers of the sorting force may have the right of promotion to superior appointments, especially to those dealing directly with the control of the work.
“5. That in order to generally abolish ‘split’ attendances, and reduce the extreme pressure under which the duties are performed, a sufficient increase of the permanent staff be at once granted.
“6. The abolition (1) of indirect punishment, such as the capricious ordering of midday attendance, &c. (not officially recorded as punishment); and also (2) of confidential reports, except in suspected criminal cases; and (3) that the notification in the Post-Office Circular of punishment awarded to any officer be discontinued.
“7. That compulsory extra duty be abolished.
“8. That inquiry be made into the pay, duties, and position of the sorting staff attached to the Savings-Bank Department, with a view of readjusting their position in the service, no such inquiry having been made for the past seventeen years.
“9. That the term ‘sorting clerk’ be in all cases substituted for that of ‘sorter.’
“10. That the official duty be seven hours per diem, such to be continuous; but where a ‘split’ duty or night attendance is necessary, six hours.
“11. That full pay be granted during absence on sick-leave.
“12. That Sunday rates be paid for all work performed onChristmas Day and Good Friday; all other public holidays to be paid for at the ordinary extra-duty rates.
“13. That the Medical Department as at present constituted be abolished, a medical officer being retained solely for the examination of candidates for employment and superannuation claimants through physical incapacity.
“14. That in order to render satisfactory to those concerned any future revision we urge the necessity of our being consulted before it assumes its final form.”
Early in the June following Mr. Raikes received a deputation of six, including the indispensable Williams and Clery, and the points were amicably discussed between them, a shorthand writer being present. The Postmaster-General gave every attention, and treated them as usual with consideration. And his kindliness of nature displayed itself on this occasion when spontaneously he made one very valuable concession on the spot. He had been reminded that members of the postal staffs had not yet enjoyed the privilege extended to telegraphists, that of being transferred to country and seaside offices when in ill health. “I should likethatdone,” said he, turning to the Controller. And this privilege was to be enjoyed from that moment for years to come. The business of the deputation having concluded, the Postmaster-General complimented them for having urged their case with great reason and moderation, and promised he would give every consideration to the matters laid before him; and that they might expect an answer at as early a date as possible. Besides the concession of temporary transfer to seaside offices in cases of ill health, which they had gained at the interview, Mr. Raikes had already a few days before granted full pay in sickness, and this was now made to extend to the whole of the London postal service. After this they had to curb their impatience for four months, for other happenings of more serious moment were directing Mr. Raikes’s attention elsewhere.