FOOTNOTES:

As soon as the news of the murder was received by the Government, a force of about 50 police, under Inspector W.F. Lyttle, was sent to Trewirgie to recover the bodies of Hunt and Armstrong. These were found on the 9th at the scene of outbreak, each with 12 to 15 wounds, but not otherwise mutilated. In the meantime, the rebels left the small bush where the police had been murdered and took refuge near by in the Enon forest.

The police remained at Trewirgie, patrolling and searching for the fugitives.

FOOTNOTES:[76]This tax of 14s. per hut had, of course, to be paid in respect of huts on private lands, regardless of the rent charged by the farmer or landlord.[77]An important Act, regulating claims against Natives for interest, was passed by the Natal Legislature in 1908. It has proved very beneficial to the Natives.[78]As the contracts were never for less than six months, and labourers had not acquired the habit of banking their earnings, it can be seen that losses from theft or otherwise at a mining centre must have been considerable.[79]Ordinance 20, 1902, sec. 2 (Transvaal).[80]Silwana's tribe consisted of about 30,000, that of Ngqambuzana of about 28,000, souls.[81]Cd. 2905, p. 11.[82]The niece, Nongqause by name, stated: "This talking of the new people commenced after my having reported to Mhlakaza that I had seen about ten strange Kafirs in the gardens. [The first meeting is said to have occurred about 2½ years before the date of giving the information.] ... I told him I was afraid to go there. The people I saw were Kafirs—young men. I was afraid of them, because I did not know them. Mhlakaza told me not to be afraid of them, as they would do me no harm. He told me to speak to them, and ask them what they were doing there. I did so. They replied: 'We are people who have come to order you to kill your cattle, to consume your corn, and not to cultivate any more.' Mhlakaza asked them through me: 'What are we to eat when we kill our cattle, etc.' They answered: 'Wewill find you something to eat.' The people then said that was enough for that day—they would return some other day. We asked who sent them; they answered: 'We have come of our own accord, as we wish everything in the country to be made new.' They said they had come froma place of refuge. I asked them where this place of refuge was. They said: 'You will not know if we even told you.' I always pressed them to tell me where this place of refuge was, but they gave me the same answer. The next day Mhlakaza killed one head of cattle. He then called a meeting of the people and told them that strangers had come to tell them to kill their cattle—to destroy their corn, and that great plenty would be provided for them hereafter. The people dispersed, and from that day they commenced killing their cattle, etc.; and Mhlakaza continued killing his cattle, one a day. The people killed more cattle than they could use...."The same, as well as other, strange men—commonly believed by the Natives to be spirits of the departed—came on other occasions and conversed with Nongqause and Mhlakaza on the foregoing lines. Their object was "to change the country" by "driving the English out" and "making them run into the sea." Such intention was to be communicated to the Paramount Chief Kreli (Sarili) and other Chiefs. On Mhlakaza reporting to Xito (Kreli's uncle), the latter directed him to spread the news throughout the country. This was done. Kreli and others had confidential meetings with Mhlakaza, the latter eventually leaving his kraal to live on roots and shell-fish. Mhlakaza often blamed the Paramount Chief as the sole cause of the widespread cattle-killing that then went on. Nongqause, too, declared that Kreli had said "the English were in his way," and that he looked to the strangers to assist him in fighting and driving them out of the country. "I have been at a loss," he added, "to know what to do with the English, as they have been stronger than the Kafirs."[83]That is, to become filled with an angry, vengeful spirit. The countenance of a person or animal that hasqunga'd is abnormally dark and forbidding. Clouds are said to havequnga'd when,—charged with thunder, lightning and rain,—a violent storm is imminent.[84]And this rumour arose notwithstanding that both were subjects of the British Government.[85]This is the name given to five or six magisterial districts taken from the Transvaal and annexed to Natal subsequently to the Boer War.[86]5th January, 1906. Cd. 2905, p. 1.[87]I.Who is going to die among the Whites?Stand firm, O King!Heed not their mutterings,They are but finding fault.(Note.—The meaning probably is that Dinuzulu is the last person that will die among Europeans, as his own people are determined to prevent his being taken.)II.Great must be this people,Who carry loads of goods around,To barter salempore for cattle here and there.About It a song, methinks, I'll sing.It will o'erspread th' entire land.A long thin frame It has, bending to and fro.Starting from earth, It makes towards the sky,Like that huge snake which ate the white men's sheep;They set a trap for it and caught it,Pulled at it two, and three, days long;Cut it through with knives, when lo! a flameLeapt from out its pool and scorched them.Clouds of dust straightway broke forth,And streamed throughout the land,Which thereupon was set ablaze!And here at Mbilane, too,From whence (as every pool, 'twas said, was full thereof)They thought it must spring forth.(Note.—Like the foregoing, this song is in the form of an enigma. The word "It" evidently refers to animpi, which, when on the march, very much resembles a snake. The object of the song was, no doubt, to promote a spirit of defiance against Europeans. It is possible the word "snake" in line 8 is used metaphorically. Mbilane refers to a pool near Nodwengu, Mpande's principal kraal on the White Umfolozi. Mpande was Dinuzulu's grandfather. That such a song should have been sung at Usutu is clear evidence of the atmosphere of disloyalty that prevailed there.)The Zulu version of the above translations appears in Appendix IX.[88]Principal Under-Secretary to Magistrates, 28th Dec. 1905. Cd. 2905, p. 2.[89]Cd. 2905, p. 2.[90]On the occasion of the hut tax being raised from 7s. to 14s., Sir Theophilus Shepstone officially informed the people of the Government's intentions, and discussed with them the necessity for taking the step.[91]The following is a case that occurred at Durban in September, 1905, though unknown to the Chief Magistrate when convening his meeting of 4th November: "Mditshwa and other Natives held meetings" at which the poll tax and other matters were discussed, and inflammatory and seditious speeches were uttered.... The result of the deliberations was a resolution to write to their Chiefs on the subject. A letter was produced in Court [Native High Court], written by Mditshwa to his Chief.... The following are extracts therefrom. "They refuse to submit to this money on any account, and they say that you should advise one another throughout the whole country. To-day you are given manliness, and it will be proved which man is persevering.... Day after day we find fault with your fathers, and say that they submit to every law. To-day the matter is upon yourselves. We, in Durban, say let the white people do what they will. I have two ideas: an irresistible army or hooligans, it is they who trod on a white man on the day we were gathered together to be told this law," (referring evidently to one of the other already held magisterial meetings).Decisions, Native High Court, Natal, March, 1906—January, 1907, p. 34.[92]The hut tax, on the other hand, was payable only to the Magistrate of the district in which it became due.[93]A gross breach of etiquette and a matter that would at once excite suspicion.[94]The Native Code prohibits, on pain of severe penalty, the carrying of lethal weapons by persons other than constables on duty.[95]When going about a district collecting taxes, a Magistrate's staff hardly ever exceeded three or four Europeans and half-a-dozen Native police and messengers.[96]According to the late Mjongo, a curious phenomenon occurred almost simultaneously with the commission of this murder. "The matter I am now going to tell you (the writer) about," he said, "is of a strange or miraculous description. I am aKolwa(Christian), and would not tell anyone, but in the most confidential manner.... The instant the firing started, I saw a ball of fire fall from the sky to earth, near where the fighting was going on. It was so brilliant that a darkness arose after it, continuing some little while.... In size, this ball was about 9 or 10 in. in diameter. I was not deceived in any way. It was in no way connected with revolver or rifle fire. Moreover, I was not the only one who observed it. Those present, including the Europeans, must have noticed it. Whilst in gaol in Richmond, I heard Native warders referring to the matter.... The ball fell to earth and disappeared immediately.... When this occurred, it was misty, but still quite light."We believe Mjongo regarded this as a supernatural intervention, ordained to mark a most unusual incident. It is probable that the other Natives who are said to have seen it hold similar views.

[76]This tax of 14s. per hut had, of course, to be paid in respect of huts on private lands, regardless of the rent charged by the farmer or landlord.

[77]An important Act, regulating claims against Natives for interest, was passed by the Natal Legislature in 1908. It has proved very beneficial to the Natives.

[78]As the contracts were never for less than six months, and labourers had not acquired the habit of banking their earnings, it can be seen that losses from theft or otherwise at a mining centre must have been considerable.

[79]Ordinance 20, 1902, sec. 2 (Transvaal).

[80]Silwana's tribe consisted of about 30,000, that of Ngqambuzana of about 28,000, souls.

[81]Cd. 2905, p. 11.

[82]The niece, Nongqause by name, stated: "This talking of the new people commenced after my having reported to Mhlakaza that I had seen about ten strange Kafirs in the gardens. [The first meeting is said to have occurred about 2½ years before the date of giving the information.] ... I told him I was afraid to go there. The people I saw were Kafirs—young men. I was afraid of them, because I did not know them. Mhlakaza told me not to be afraid of them, as they would do me no harm. He told me to speak to them, and ask them what they were doing there. I did so. They replied: 'We are people who have come to order you to kill your cattle, to consume your corn, and not to cultivate any more.' Mhlakaza asked them through me: 'What are we to eat when we kill our cattle, etc.' They answered: 'Wewill find you something to eat.' The people then said that was enough for that day—they would return some other day. We asked who sent them; they answered: 'We have come of our own accord, as we wish everything in the country to be made new.' They said they had come froma place of refuge. I asked them where this place of refuge was. They said: 'You will not know if we even told you.' I always pressed them to tell me where this place of refuge was, but they gave me the same answer. The next day Mhlakaza killed one head of cattle. He then called a meeting of the people and told them that strangers had come to tell them to kill their cattle—to destroy their corn, and that great plenty would be provided for them hereafter. The people dispersed, and from that day they commenced killing their cattle, etc.; and Mhlakaza continued killing his cattle, one a day. The people killed more cattle than they could use...."The same, as well as other, strange men—commonly believed by the Natives to be spirits of the departed—came on other occasions and conversed with Nongqause and Mhlakaza on the foregoing lines. Their object was "to change the country" by "driving the English out" and "making them run into the sea." Such intention was to be communicated to the Paramount Chief Kreli (Sarili) and other Chiefs. On Mhlakaza reporting to Xito (Kreli's uncle), the latter directed him to spread the news throughout the country. This was done. Kreli and others had confidential meetings with Mhlakaza, the latter eventually leaving his kraal to live on roots and shell-fish. Mhlakaza often blamed the Paramount Chief as the sole cause of the widespread cattle-killing that then went on. Nongqause, too, declared that Kreli had said "the English were in his way," and that he looked to the strangers to assist him in fighting and driving them out of the country. "I have been at a loss," he added, "to know what to do with the English, as they have been stronger than the Kafirs."

The same, as well as other, strange men—commonly believed by the Natives to be spirits of the departed—came on other occasions and conversed with Nongqause and Mhlakaza on the foregoing lines. Their object was "to change the country" by "driving the English out" and "making them run into the sea." Such intention was to be communicated to the Paramount Chief Kreli (Sarili) and other Chiefs. On Mhlakaza reporting to Xito (Kreli's uncle), the latter directed him to spread the news throughout the country. This was done. Kreli and others had confidential meetings with Mhlakaza, the latter eventually leaving his kraal to live on roots and shell-fish. Mhlakaza often blamed the Paramount Chief as the sole cause of the widespread cattle-killing that then went on. Nongqause, too, declared that Kreli had said "the English were in his way," and that he looked to the strangers to assist him in fighting and driving them out of the country. "I have been at a loss," he added, "to know what to do with the English, as they have been stronger than the Kafirs."

[83]That is, to become filled with an angry, vengeful spirit. The countenance of a person or animal that hasqunga'd is abnormally dark and forbidding. Clouds are said to havequnga'd when,—charged with thunder, lightning and rain,—a violent storm is imminent.

[84]And this rumour arose notwithstanding that both were subjects of the British Government.

[85]This is the name given to five or six magisterial districts taken from the Transvaal and annexed to Natal subsequently to the Boer War.

[86]5th January, 1906. Cd. 2905, p. 1.

[87]I.Who is going to die among the Whites?Stand firm, O King!Heed not their mutterings,They are but finding fault.(Note.—The meaning probably is that Dinuzulu is the last person that will die among Europeans, as his own people are determined to prevent his being taken.)II.Great must be this people,Who carry loads of goods around,To barter salempore for cattle here and there.About It a song, methinks, I'll sing.It will o'erspread th' entire land.A long thin frame It has, bending to and fro.Starting from earth, It makes towards the sky,Like that huge snake which ate the white men's sheep;They set a trap for it and caught it,Pulled at it two, and three, days long;Cut it through with knives, when lo! a flameLeapt from out its pool and scorched them.Clouds of dust straightway broke forth,And streamed throughout the land,Which thereupon was set ablaze!And here at Mbilane, too,From whence (as every pool, 'twas said, was full thereof)They thought it must spring forth.(Note.—Like the foregoing, this song is in the form of an enigma. The word "It" evidently refers to animpi, which, when on the march, very much resembles a snake. The object of the song was, no doubt, to promote a spirit of defiance against Europeans. It is possible the word "snake" in line 8 is used metaphorically. Mbilane refers to a pool near Nodwengu, Mpande's principal kraal on the White Umfolozi. Mpande was Dinuzulu's grandfather. That such a song should have been sung at Usutu is clear evidence of the atmosphere of disloyalty that prevailed there.)The Zulu version of the above translations appears in Appendix IX.

[87]

Who is going to die among the Whites?Stand firm, O King!Heed not their mutterings,They are but finding fault.

(Note.—The meaning probably is that Dinuzulu is the last person that will die among Europeans, as his own people are determined to prevent his being taken.)

II.

Great must be this people,Who carry loads of goods around,To barter salempore for cattle here and there.About It a song, methinks, I'll sing.It will o'erspread th' entire land.A long thin frame It has, bending to and fro.Starting from earth, It makes towards the sky,Like that huge snake which ate the white men's sheep;They set a trap for it and caught it,Pulled at it two, and three, days long;Cut it through with knives, when lo! a flameLeapt from out its pool and scorched them.Clouds of dust straightway broke forth,And streamed throughout the land,Which thereupon was set ablaze!And here at Mbilane, too,From whence (as every pool, 'twas said, was full thereof)They thought it must spring forth.

(Note.—Like the foregoing, this song is in the form of an enigma. The word "It" evidently refers to animpi, which, when on the march, very much resembles a snake. The object of the song was, no doubt, to promote a spirit of defiance against Europeans. It is possible the word "snake" in line 8 is used metaphorically. Mbilane refers to a pool near Nodwengu, Mpande's principal kraal on the White Umfolozi. Mpande was Dinuzulu's grandfather. That such a song should have been sung at Usutu is clear evidence of the atmosphere of disloyalty that prevailed there.)

The Zulu version of the above translations appears in Appendix IX.

[88]Principal Under-Secretary to Magistrates, 28th Dec. 1905. Cd. 2905, p. 2.

[89]Cd. 2905, p. 2.

[90]On the occasion of the hut tax being raised from 7s. to 14s., Sir Theophilus Shepstone officially informed the people of the Government's intentions, and discussed with them the necessity for taking the step.

[91]The following is a case that occurred at Durban in September, 1905, though unknown to the Chief Magistrate when convening his meeting of 4th November: "Mditshwa and other Natives held meetings" at which the poll tax and other matters were discussed, and inflammatory and seditious speeches were uttered.... The result of the deliberations was a resolution to write to their Chiefs on the subject. A letter was produced in Court [Native High Court], written by Mditshwa to his Chief.... The following are extracts therefrom. "They refuse to submit to this money on any account, and they say that you should advise one another throughout the whole country. To-day you are given manliness, and it will be proved which man is persevering.... Day after day we find fault with your fathers, and say that they submit to every law. To-day the matter is upon yourselves. We, in Durban, say let the white people do what they will. I have two ideas: an irresistible army or hooligans, it is they who trod on a white man on the day we were gathered together to be told this law," (referring evidently to one of the other already held magisterial meetings).Decisions, Native High Court, Natal, March, 1906—January, 1907, p. 34.

[92]The hut tax, on the other hand, was payable only to the Magistrate of the district in which it became due.

[93]A gross breach of etiquette and a matter that would at once excite suspicion.

[94]The Native Code prohibits, on pain of severe penalty, the carrying of lethal weapons by persons other than constables on duty.

[95]When going about a district collecting taxes, a Magistrate's staff hardly ever exceeded three or four Europeans and half-a-dozen Native police and messengers.

[96]According to the late Mjongo, a curious phenomenon occurred almost simultaneously with the commission of this murder. "The matter I am now going to tell you (the writer) about," he said, "is of a strange or miraculous description. I am aKolwa(Christian), and would not tell anyone, but in the most confidential manner.... The instant the firing started, I saw a ball of fire fall from the sky to earth, near where the fighting was going on. It was so brilliant that a darkness arose after it, continuing some little while.... In size, this ball was about 9 or 10 in. in diameter. I was not deceived in any way. It was in no way connected with revolver or rifle fire. Moreover, I was not the only one who observed it. Those present, including the Europeans, must have noticed it. Whilst in gaol in Richmond, I heard Native warders referring to the matter.... The ball fell to earth and disappeared immediately.... When this occurred, it was misty, but still quite light."We believe Mjongo regarded this as a supernatural intervention, ordained to mark a most unusual incident. It is probable that the other Natives who are said to have seen it hold similar views.

We believe Mjongo regarded this as a supernatural intervention, ordained to mark a most unusual incident. It is probable that the other Natives who are said to have seen it hold similar views.

MOBILIZATION AND DEMONSTRATIONS IN FORCE: (a) IN THE SOUTH-WEST; (b) AT MAPUMULO.—EXECUTIONS AT RICHMOND.

Thenews that the Police had been attacked and two of them murdered, came to everyone in the Colony as a bolt from the blue. Nothing of the kind had been experienced since the affair in Polela district in 1892.[97]But, strange though occurrences among Natives sometimes appear to be, they are almost invariably capable of explanation. In this particular instance (1906), so far as we have been able to ascertain, the explanation seems to be briefly as follows:

In 1895 a dispute arose between Chief Mveli's father, Hemuhemu, and several of the tribe, of both sexes (connected with the group that attacked the police at Trewirgie). They had recently become converts to Christianity. The Chief, having taken exception to disrespect shown by one of them, as well as to immoral behaviour by women and girls through remaining out after dark on the pretext of attending Christian services, imposed a penaltyunder his ordinary tribal authority. Against this decision they appealed; first to the Native High Court, then the Supreme Court. The latter decided,inter alia, that, as the appellants were Christians, the Chief had no right to treat them as he did the rest of the tribe. He was reminded that, as a deputy of the Supreme Chief (Governor), he was bound to conform to the instruction the Governor had received from the Queen to the effect that religion was to be fostered to the utmost of his power amongst the Natives, and that such steps were to be taken by the Governor as appeared to him necessary for converting the people to the Christian faith. The appellants were, therefore, declared to be independent of the Chief's control, in certain important respects, though allowed to continue to live within his ward.[98]

This case, and the highly unsatisfactory influence it began forthwith to exert on those concerned as well as on others, had, by 1906, passed almost out of the recollection of Europeans; not so with the Natives. The Christians referred to and their children, having been accorded certain liberties by the highest legal authority, were not slow in assuming a more complete independence than the said authority had supposed they would do. In short, they became what are commonly known as Ethiopians, that is, a class whose church organization, like their social life, is wholly free from European control.[99]Their denomination was the African Congregational Church. They then became a set of "free-lances," socially, politically and religiously. Is it surprising, then, that a group of barbarians with the merest veneer of Christianity, cut off from all effective controlling influences, should, in course of time, have developed rebellious tendencies? The rigid application of the principles of European civilization to ordinary heathen life, without regard to after-effects, is one of the most subtle dangers to which Natal, in common with all other countries in which there are lower races subject to Christian government, has constantly been exposed.

Among the Ethiopians referred to, but especially in connection with the Trewirgie outbreak,[100]two names—Makanda and Mjongo—stand out prominently. These men were the ringleaders of the attack in question. The former, otherwise known as David, had, years before, been turned out of the tribe by the Chief on account of seditious practice, but, during the last Boer War, he associated with Mjongo, a member of the same tribe, and returned to his old haunts near Byrnetown, under the guise of a sawyer. As such, he worked in the Enon forest along with Mjongo, but, in addition, claimed to be a 'teacher of religion.' So zealous was he in this respect that he was soon recognized as the local leader of the Ethiopians,—a position he held, in conjunction with another Native, until 1906. As sawyer, he resorted to dishonest practices; as preacher, his influence was subversive of law and order.

Mjongo, at this time, was a man of about 58 years of age. For more than thirty years he had been employed, off and on, as a sawyer. "By skill and assiduity," says Mr. Frank Gordon of Enon, one of his oldest masters, "he was early taken note of by bush-owners, and must, during all these years, have broken in some hundreds of sawyers. Many of these set up on their own account no doubt;many formed a sort of gang who followed Mjongo, and who, in a measure, relied on him to support them with suitable work.... This gave him a certain ascendancy over this class of industry throughout the district." Although an intelligent and competent workman, and in receipt of high wages, he was never free from debt.

The gravity of the assault on the police at once impressed itself on the Government, already alive to the necessity of detecting and dealing promptly with any tendencies towards actual hostility.

Ministers communicated with the Governor, who, at the time, was temporarily residing in Durban. Sir Henry McCallum returned to headquarters and discussed the situation with the ministry, when it was decided immediately to call out a portion of the Active Militia to deal with the outbreak, and to proclaim martial law over the whole Colony. The Militia were accordingly mobilized on the 9th February, and martial law proclaimed on the 10th.

This calling out of troops and application of martial law have been frequently discussed, different opinions being expressed. Some good people, especially those living beyond the borders of the Colony, although knowing very little of the facts, came to the conclusion that there was no spontaneous rising at all, but that such hostility as had occurred was due to the Government having goaded the Natives by a reckless display of force into arming, more in self-defence than for any other purpose. As this point is of importance, amounting almost to an accusation of tyrannous practice or, at least, of being panic-stricken, an attempt will be made to set forth some of the principal reasons that induced Ministers to advise a resorting to such measures.

The Natives at several of the magistracies,e.g.Mapumulo, Durban, Pietermaritzburg and Empandhleni (Nkandhla), had already behaved with insolence and defiance, particularly at Mapumulo, where the Government had been openly defied by Natives in large numbers whenattempting to collect the poll tax. And yet, not only had the tax been imposed on all Europeans and Asiatics, but a very liberal concession had been made exclusively to Natives, viz. that those already liable for the hut tax would be exempt altogether from paying poll tax. This, in itself, was evidence of a desire to be fair and reasonable. Notwithstanding this the Natives, as shown by numerous records, generally assumed an attitude of disrespect and defiance. In so doing, they acted hastily and recklessly, owing largely, no doubt, to the difficulty of understanding the exact effect of the law. It was enough that it was extra taxation, and appeared to put a premium on the already increasing independence of youths. No allowance whatever was made for thebona-fidestraits the Government was in for the want of revenue, nor yet for the fact that the additional burden would not, after all, exceed one shilling per head per annum on the total Native population.[101]Chiefs, aided and abetted by their adherents, made attempts to combine against the Government. At Mid-Illovo, European farmers felt obliged to go into lager, whilst others prepared to do the same at such places as Highflats, Ixopo and Richmond. It will, no doubt, be conceded that defiance in any community calls for firm and prompt action by those in authority; not less necessary is it when savages, known to be warlike and impulsive, have to be dealt with.

Then the anonymous order, purporting to have come from some Native of high position, requiring the killing of pigs, white fowls, etc., and the discarding of utensils of European manufacture, could have had no other significance than that the Natives in general should unite againstthe white man's government. Such interpretation is patent to anyone. There was, moreover, abundant evidence that this propaganda had been widely spread. Messengers are known to have proceeded to different parts of the Transvaal and even to the neighbourhood of Salisbury, Rhodesia, preaching sedition wherever they went. In Natal the order had already been complied with by many people. Numerous instances occurred in the thickly populated belt of country between Krantzkop, Mapumulo and Stanger, especially on the Tugela side of that line. Others were not wanting in other parts of the Colony, such as Ixopo, Mid-Illovo, Weenen, etc. Not only had animals been either killed or sold at absurdly low figures,[102]but European utensils,e.g.pots, had been destroyed or thrown away. If some Natives had already manifested disaffection, only time and want of effective control by the Government were needed for others to do the same.

Thus the atmosphere, by the time of the outbreak, had become so charged with an unmistakably rebellious spirit, and with reports that the tribes generally were out of the control of their Chiefs, that it required but a successful outbreak or two, in places not readily accessible to European troops, to set the whole affair ablaze. And, in any such event, not only the peace of Natal, but of other portions of South Africa, would have been endangered. There is no getting away from this conclusion, because it follows directly from the widely prevalent facts above referred to. Clearly, the position was abnormal, and, being abnormal, it called for extraordinary action.

It was whilst these evidences of unrest and loudly and disrespectfully expressed dissatisfaction existed that the Magistrate of Umgeni division proceeded to carry out the new law. For any Magistrate to have refrained, from fear of outbreak, from collecting the poll tax, after giving proper notice, would have been the height of weakness, of which Natives, in such mood as they then were in, would not have been slow to take advantage. And yet when theMagistrate[103]proceeded in a normal manner to collect the tax, another section of the same tribe, on its own initiative, marched under arms and in open defiance of the law to await at a convenient spot an opportunity of throwing themselves on to and murdering the Magistrate. Being discovered, they returned to their kraals, well-knowing that, as they had broken the law, warrants would be issued for their arrest. Although unprovoked in any way, they continued to carry their weapons in defiance of law and order. Instead of surrendering or running away, as other offenders would have done, they banded themselves together[104]when the police appeared on the scene, and went into hiding. And when the police proceeded to make arrests, they resisted and murdered them. Why? Not because of any grievance against the Government peculiar to themselves, but one which they supposed had, by then, become common to the whole Black House.[105]

There were, however, other considerations. The Natal Police Field Force, about 100 strong, had some weeks before been divided into two. One detachment was sent on important duty to Zululand and the other to Mapumulo—an isolated district carrying a particularly large Native population, where, it will be remembered, the Magistrate had been openly defied. Owing to this fact, no ordinary police were available to deal with the Trewirgie affair. To have engaged for this duty special constables, many of whom would probably have been unable either to ride or to shoot, would have been almost as great folly as to have sent them out on foot armed with batons. But legal machinery to enrol even such auxiliaries was wanting. If, then, firearms were necessary, it was surely better toemploy a disciplined force than put them into the hands of men who did not know how to use them.

The necessity for immediate concentration of a force at Trewirgie was obvious. To have delayed, say for 36 hours, would have been to court appalling disaster. Zulus are known to be precipitate in action when once the war-cry has been sounded from the hill-tops and the beacon-fires lit. Every battle of the Zulu War testified to their energy, rapidity and true martial instincts. The fact that the first blow had been struck in a cause common to a million others, already impatient to emulate the heroic deeds of their fellows, still further lessened any chances of delay on their part. Here is the language of one of them, uttered on the 13th February to friends within a couple of miles of Richmond: "You are cowards, sitting still when there's fighting on. I have a following of my own. Let us combine and kill the whites round about here."[106]Had the rebels got away with the renown of having attacked and defeated the police with loss, without overwhelming action being swiftly taken, the Rebellion must have spread in an alarming manner. That, at any rate, is the opinion of all persons on the spot best entitled to express it, men with life-long experience of those parts, including the Natives themselves.

The alternative, that of calling out the Militia in support of the police, assuming these to have been available, would certainly have been proper in the case of any ordinary riot, disturbance of the peace, or other emergency, but this was no ordinary outbreak, nor was it at all likely to confine itself to the locality in which it had occurred. Outbreaks of a more serious character, such as the one in question, were intended by the legislature to be dealt with by a Permanent Militia Force, provision for establishing which was included in the law. Such force, it was enacted, might be ordered out to any part of the Colony, "to acttherein, either in aid of, or as the police force ... and when so acting every member of the Permanent Militia Force shall have the same authority as constables and otherwise."[107]This force, owing to the want of the necessary financial provision, had never been created. If, however, regular police had been employed, there would have been no one available to relieve them at their various posts. In this connection, it must be stated that, as the disaffection was general, it was obviously impossible to withdraw the police from the various out-stations.

Under all these circumstances, the Governor had no difficulty in deciding (a) "that men were in armed resistance to the authority of the Crown"; (b) "that such armed resistance could not be dealt with by the Military, acting merely in aid of the civil power in the ordinary manner"; (c) "that such armed resistance could not be promptly and effectively suppressed otherwise than by subjecting the inhabitants of the disturbed district to direct military control, and by inflicting summary punishment upon offenders against the peace."[108]

But, although of opinion that martial law was necessary, care was at the same time taken by the Government to provide for all criminal and civil cases pending in the various courts being proceeded with and determined in the ordinary way; where failure or inability to exercise jurisdiction occurred, the proceedings were to be suspended until withdrawal or amendment of the proclamation.[109]

The extension of martial law over the whole Colony instead of only the district in which the revolt had occurred,—to which, indeed, the Governor had at first wished to limit it,—arose solely out of the unrest and disaffection being so widespread. Alarming rumours were constantly being received from all quarters, showing thatthe entire Native population was more or less disaffected and that outbreaks of rebellion were possible anywhere and at any moment. As for the Ministers being panic-stricken, there was not only no sign of this at any time, but they, throughout the whole course of the Rebellion, enjoyed the fullest confidence of the public as well as of the Governor. The latter, on more than one occasion, called the attention of the Secretary of State for the Colonies to the cool and collected way in which they were grappling with the situation.

The truth is that, with such a personnel at the head of affairs, together with Sir Henry McCallum, the Colony was extremely fortunate. There is no question that it was owing largely to their able and firm administration that an insurrection, which, at one time, threatened to become universal, was suppressed as speedily and effectually as it was.

As soon as the employment of the Militia had become legally possible, orders to mobilize were issued to the Right Wing of the Natal Carbineers and to one Battery of the Natal Field Artillery; the Commandant of Militia was, at the same time, authorized to issue requisitions on all persons "to furnish such animals, vehicles and other necessary things as may be demanded from them for military use." When, however, reports of threatened risings, with demands for military assistance, were, about the same time, constantly received from Magistrates and others in various parts of the Colony, the Government resolved to mobilize a stronger force than at first intended, and this notwithstanding that later intelligence went to show that the rest of the tribe to which the Trewirgie rebels belonged was loyal. The force, therefore, that mobilized and proceeded from different points on the 10th to concentrate at Thornville Junction, Elandskop and Richmond, consisted of Right and Left Wings, Natal Carbineers (under Major A.C. Townsend and Lieut.-Col. D.W. Mackay, respectively) 675; two sections, C Battery, Natal Field Artillery (Capt. W.S. Bigby); one company, Natal Royal Regiment (Lieut.-Col. A.W. Matterson); twosquadrons, Border Mounted Rifles (Lieut.-Col. W. Arnott);[110]one squadron, Natal Police Field Force (Lieut.-Col. G. Mansel, C.M.G.); and detachments, Natal Medical, Natal Telegraph, and Natal Service, Corps.

Colonel, now Brigadier-General, Sir Duncan McKenzie, C.B., K.C.M.G., J.P., V.D., of the Natal Carbineers, was placed in command.[111]General authority to administer martial law was, moreover, delegated to him by the Commandant.[112]

The rapidity with which mobilization and concentration were carried out could not have been surpassed. That fact alone testifies to the excellence and splendid efficiency of the Militia organization. In the case of the B.M.R., orders to mobilize were received at 11 a.m. on the 10th. By 8 p.m. on Sunday the 11th, although having had to march over thirty miles in heavy rain, the regiment, "mobilizing forward," had reached Elandskop, the destination assigned.

The disposition of the forces on the 11th was:

Thornville Junction.Staff; Right Wing, Natal Carbineers; Natal Police.Elandskop.Left Wing, Natal Carbineers; Border Mounted Rifles (Troops D-H).Richmond.One squadron (D), Natal Carbineers; C Battery, Natal Field Artillery; Natal Royal Regiment.

The object of this disposition was to enable a convergingmovement to take place, from the three points named, on the farm Trewirgie. A simultaneous advance, with exception of the Artillery and Infantry (which remained at Richmond), was accordingly made on the 12th, the intervening country being searched as much as possibleen route. On the afternoon of the same day, the troops having completed the drive, combined on the farm Trewirgie, in the immediate vicinity of the scene of outbreak. The brigade then formed was nearly 1,000 strong.

Chief Mveli had, in the meantime, been instructed to co-operate. McKenzie placed on his shoulders the responsibility of finding the rebels, then evidently hiding in the neighbouring forests. The result was that, on the 13th and succeeding days, Mveli, with some 300 of his men, rendered very valuable assistance. The Enon forest, some 1,200 acres in extent, was driven, whilst the kraal and crops belonging to Mjongo were destroyed.

Owing especially to the prompt and energetic assistance of a local farmer (Mr. Gibson), the hiding-places of two of the rebels were ascertained, when both were captured. They were tried on the 13th by a drumhead court-martial and, on its being clearly proved they had participated in the murder of the police, were sentenced to be shot. The sentence was carried out forthwith on a peak overlooking Enon forest, and in the presence of Mveli and his men.

The shooting of these men created a deep impression. News of the incident, which was regarded as just and proper by every loyal Native, spread at once far and wide. Rebelliously disposed Natives realized that the troops had come into the field to adopt stern measures, and put a check on their behaviour accordingly.

As, by this time, everything appeared to be quiet in the district, the column moved on to Richmond on the 14th.

The troops would not have withdrawn from the neighbourhood of Byrnetown had it not been clear that the best method to adopt with the remaining rebels was to continue to hold Mveli responsible for their capture. Asa matter of fact, Mveli and the majority of his tribe were loyal. Apart from this, they had a motive of their own and, therefore, needed no urging. This motive was, of course, to avenge themselves in some way on the Ethiopians, with whom they had the deep-seated, ten-years' difference dealt with at the beginning of the chapter. A further reason for imposing the onus was that the rebels were concealed in a part of the country with which the whole of Mveli's tribe were intimately acquainted. That McKenzie was right in the action he took will be seen further on.

An Inspector of Native Locations (Thomas Fayle) was, about this time, killed at his house, some three miles from Henley, probably by lightning. The death was regarded by some as a murder, connected in some way with the outbreak, seeing it occurred but a few days after the attack on the police, and only a short distance from Trewirgie.

Other intelligence that was received went to show that people living in Richmond division, under a headman, Mamba, but belonging to Chief Miskofeli, under the belief that an attempt was to be made to arrest their Chief, responded to some extent to a call to arms circulated on the night of the 12th. On the following day, certain headmen passed Thedden, the residence of Mr. W. Nicholson, but, finding him absent, used some expressions regarding him which were interpreted at the trial later on to signify an intention to have killed him had he been at home.

Owing to the disrespect that had recently been shown by Natives to the Magistrate of Richmond when explaining the poll tax at Mid-Illovo, the Minister for Native Affairs (The Hon. H.D. Winter) caused another meeting to be convened at the same place to afford himself an opportunity of addressing the Chiefs on the same subject. It was fixed for the 13th. On the day previous, it transpired that some of Tilonko's people had taken up arms either to offer resistance or act in some more daring and even aggressive manner. The probabilities are that they felt their Chief was about to be arrested and intended resisting, if any such attempt were made. Needless tosay, the idea had never entered the mind of the Government. Notwithstanding this intelligence, having made the appointment, Mr. Winter proceeded to keep it, and this in spite of warning as to the risks he was apparently running. On arrival at Mid-Illovo, accompanied by Mr. S.O. Samuelson, Under Secretary for Native Affairs, he found that three Chiefs and a large gathering of Natives had already assembled. The European inhabitants of that part were in a lager, which consisted of wire entanglements erected round a church. The Chiefs, with six men each, were directed to enter a larger wire-fence enclosure, within which the church and lager stood, leaving the rest of their followers seated along the road a short distance off. After Mr. Winter had taken them to account, one by one, for unruly behaviour to the Magistrate, and one of them for having resorted to certain practices of a treasonable character, and had further fully explained the poll tax, they asked for a day to be named on which the tax could be paid by those liable therefor. The matter was thereupon referred to the Magistrate, who met with no further difficulty. It was in respect of this and other occurrences incidental to the tours made by Mr. Winter to different parts of Natal and Zululand at this critical time that the Governor referred to him as having "behaved with conspicuous calmness and courage," an opinion shared by others as well.

In view of the fact that, as daily arriving information showed, disaffection was not confined to Trewirgie or Mid-Illovo, it became necessary for McKenzie's force to demonstrate in other directions, especially on the south of the Umkomanzi and towards Ixopo. At the same time, the Government was most anxious that the troops should be kept well in hand, and not to put the people to more inconvenience than was absolutely necessary. To this end, on the 17th, the Commandant of Militia instructed McKenzie in the following terms: "On Monday next, the 19th instant, you will march with all your mounted men and one or two sections of artillery from Richmond to Springvale, crossing Umkomanzi by the Josephine bridge,thence to Highflats, and thence to Ixopo. From Ixopo you will proceed to Mabedhlana, thence to Bulwer and Elandskop.... You will send two men with a message to Miskofeli and other Chiefs on your route before your forces approach their neighbourhood, assuring them that they need fear nothing from the column.... You will take care that nothing is done by your force to provoke an outbreak on the part of the Natives. If Miskofeli does not come and pay his respects to you ... you will take this as a sign of fear, or as indicating that he is not as loyal to the Government as he professes to be; you will, however, take no action until you have gone on and given some of the smaller Chiefs an opportunity of coming to see you...."

These instructions were carried out to the letter, except that, instead of proceeding from Ixopo to Bulwer and Elandskop, it became necessary for the column to demonstrate in the direction of the south coast.

Leaving the Natal Royal Regiment to garrison Richmond,[113]with Lieut.-Col. J. Weighton as officer in command of the post, McKenzie moved off at 9 a.m. on the 19th with the rest of the force. He crossed the Umkomanzi river and camped in the neighbourhood of the farm Waterfall. The next day the march was continued through the heart of Miskofeli's ward to Springvale. Owing to the country being hilly, and the roads difficult, the guns and waggons stuck fast several times.

At Springvale, Miskofeli, who was a man of about 25 years of age and head of a powerful tribe, came with a small following to pay his respects.[114]This satisfactory result was brought about through the efforts of a well-known local resident, Mr. Garland, whose services the Officer Commanding was fortunately able to secure.[115]

From Springvale, the column went to Highflats, where intelligence was received that Miskofeli and three other Chiefs of that part had originally arranged, and to some extent prepared, to break out in rebellion on the 18th, but, on hearing that troops had arrived in Richmond and were ready to advance, their plans were upset.

On the 22nd, the force pushed on to Stuartstown.[116]At this village it remained until the 13th March. The route traversed between the 19th and 22nd had, on purpose, been through, or close to, areas largely occupied by Natives.[117]

During such time as the troops were at Stuartstown, a number of courts-martial were held (beginning on the 3rd and ending on the 12th). As many as three sat at one time. These included the trial of the induna Mamba, whose people had recently taken up arms. On Miskofeli, a fine of 100 head of cattle was imposed by McKenzie, on account of the offence committed by himself and his tribe. Armed parties of the tribe had been reported as roaming about the country, whilst Miskofeli himself had prepared for trouble by causing his wives and property to be concealed in precipices and other inaccessible country.

In view of the fact that this man's tribe was intimatelyconnected with another in East Griqualand, the Governor requested the Government of the Cape Colony, in the event of force having to be used, to prevent Natives of the Cape Colony from entering Natal viâ Union Bridge (Umzimkulu) to assist their relatives. The Cape Ministers took steps at once in the direction indicated.

The Government, as already seen in Colonel Bru-de-Wold's instructions, had intended that a demonstration should also be made in the direction of Bulwer, but as order had been quickly restored there, as well as at Elandskop, the Commandant decided to keep McKenzie at Stuartstown, with a view to the column being employed along the coast between Isipingo and Port Shepstone, particularly at Dumisa and Umtwalume. The Natives there had recently got out of control of their respective Chiefs, or else the Chiefs themselves were pretending to comply with orders, whilst inciting their men to act with defiance.

In Alexandra division, on the coast, Charlie Fynn, a half-caste and Chief of a large tribe, had, on the 20th February, come with 1,000 men ostensibly with the intention of paying the poll tax to the Magistrate at Nelson's Hotel, Umtwalume. The men were, however, armed with long sharpened sticks (the ends charred so as to harden them) and small shields. They came up, "shouting, gesticulating and prancing," and "striking blows at an imaginary enemy." Many, as afterwards transpired, had hidden assegais at a stream close by. The Magistrate (Mr. J.L. Knight) refused to speak until they had laid down their arms. They moved back to do this, but only to adopt a most unusual procedure. Instead of being laid down, the sticks were stuck into the ground, not simultaneously, but one by one. Then they sat down. After being addressed and having the law explained, they shouted defiantly in one decided voice: "We shall not pay!" Nor did they do so, at any rate, not on that occasion. Violent behaviour was exhibited by several as apart from the mass. One of the leading indunas, Batimane, amidst a general din, "pushed forward" and "raved like a madman." Hespat and "foamed at the mouth" as he ranted, "picked up rubbish from the ground, threw it down in front of, and swore at, the Magistrate"—signs of the grossest contempt and insubordination. In the course of his harangue, he threatened to stab European women and mutilate them in an especially revolting manner. The fact that none of those present reproved him, showed they were either afraid or generally concurred in his conduct. The whole body then rose, marched off triumphantly, and presently breaking into a war-song, moved on to their homes. But for the cool and tactful behaviour of the Magistrate, a serious disturbance must have arisen.[118]

In the other division (Lower Umzimkulu), other Chiefs had neglected to comply with orders to attend at the magistracy.

Leaving Stuartstown at 10 a.m. on the 13th March, McKenzie moved towards Umtwalume, the scene of the threatening behaviour of Fynn's tribe. Marching viâ Highflats and Dumisa, the village of Umzinto and seat of magistracy was reached at 3 p.m. on the 15th. Here, acting upon the advice of the Magistrate, a Chief Jeke came to the officer commanding to pay his respects. On the day following, the force moved to Ifafa; on the 17th, it camped in the neighbourhood of Chief Charlie Fynn's kraal. The Natal Police Field Force had been detached from the column at Stuartstown and sent back to headquarters. On the column reaching Alexandra County, it was reinforced by the Umzinto and Port Shepstone troops, B.M.R.

In obedience to the directions of Government, Fynn, on the 20th March, went to report himself to McKenzie, accompanied by about a thousand of his adherents. His indunas and sub-indunas were then placed under arrest, on account of the seditious and threatening attitude they had assumed towards the Magistrate, whilst on the tribe itself, a fine of 1,500 head of cattle was imposed. The men were, moreover, ordered to bring in all their lethal weapons"The aboveindaba,"[119]says McKenzie, "was carried out with as much ceremony as possible [in order to impress the Natives].... Two sides of a triangle were formed, with guns at either flank, and maxims distributed along the lines. I was received with a salute, trumpets sounding and the Union Jack being broken from a flag-staff."

On the 21st, 300 cattle were brought in by Fynn's tribe, also some old assegais and guns. The Natives were warned that severe measures would be taken if the required cattle were not handed over.

Not wishing to subject Natives more than necessary to the inconvenience of troops being in their midst, the Government now instructed the Commandant to arrange for demobilization as speedily as possible. Colonel Bru-de-Wold visited Umtwalume on the 26th, when demobilization was ordered to take place on the 30th.

After infliction of the cattle-fine, it transpired that, with the object of evading payment thereof, numbers of Natives were secretly removing their cattle into country on the south of the Umzimkulu river, and there placing them in the custody of various Chiefs and people. Four squadrons of mounted troops were accordingly sent to scour the country and collect and bring in all such cattle as could be found. Of this force, one squadron N.C. was sent across the Umzumbe river, whilst another (B.M.R.) proceeded to the top of Mgayi hill. Some 200 cattle and a number of goats were seized. The full amount of the fine was subsequently handed over by the tribe.

The troops demobilized on the day arranged, and returned by train to their respective homes.

The demonstrations, extending as they had done from 10th February to 30th March, had not, of course, been arranged on the supposition that all Natives whose locations were visited were disloyal or disaffected, but seeing that the people in general had, for some time, been showing symptoms of unrest, notably the tribes of Miskofeli, Faku, Munyu and Mnyamana in Ixopo division, with Charlie Fynn, Jeke and others on the coast, it wasnecessary, after the outbreak at Trewirgie had been dealt with, to restore public confidence and to prove that the Government was determined and able to enforce its requirements. For declining to hand over members of his tribe (charged with sedition), as well as their assegais, in addition to gross impertinence to the Officer Commanding at Richmond, Mnyamana was deprived of a section of his tribe. This was thereupon placed under the independent control of his head induna.

That the action taken by McKenzie's column during February and March was necessary, was shown by the altered demeanour of the tribes concerned, and the absence of all disorder among them during the later and more critical stages of the Rebellion. The existence of martial law and the military demonstrations and operations that took place may, indeed, have caused hardship in some cases. Although it was necessary to punish disaffected tribes as a body, every precaution was taken to prevent punishment falling on individuals, unless their conduct had made it desirable to deal with them apart from the rest of the tribe.

In a report from Stuartstown, dated 25th February, McKenzie says: "Great unrest has existed ... caused by what the Natives consider to be excessive taxation. There is no doubt that Chiefs have been communicating with each other with a view to combination.... The mobilization of this column, consequent on the attack by Mjongo's party on the police (which appears to have been premature, from the general plan of operations by the disaffected Natives), has undoubtedly upset the scheme which was hatching."

After McKenzie left Trewirgie for Richmond, Mveli continued, as directed, to search the Enon and other forests for the murderers of Hunt and Armstrong. Some of the rebels were traced to a thick bush some five miles from Nel's Rust. Here, strange to say, they, though greatly outnumbered, made a sortie on Mveli's force, when one of their number, Mjongo, used a rifle with expanding bullets. Five of Mveli's force were wounded. The rebelswere driven back into the bush, where three were subsequently killed and eight taken prisoners. Among the latter was Mjongo himself. He had been severely wounded. Before the sortie was made, Mveli applied to be reinforced by European troops. Thirty-five European police were accordingly dispatched from Pietermaritzburg, with a company of N.R.R. from Richmond. The troops, however, arrived too late for the fight, though they helped to surround the bush. Another party of rebels, located at New Leeds, close to Thornville Junction, was also captured.

In recognition of the good services performed by Mveli, he and twenty of his principal followers were presented to the Duke of Connaught, His Royal Highness having arrived at Durban in H.M.S. "Terpsichore" on a visit to South Africa, on the 21st of the same month.

By the 2nd March the result was that, with the exception of three men (one of whom was wounded), the whole of the original party that attacked the police had been accounted for.

Reference has already been made to the defiance of the Magistrate, Mapumulo (Mr. R.E. Dunn), by Ngobizembe and three other Chiefs and their followers. These incidents occurred before that of Trewirgie, though they were not of so pressing a character. But, being nevertheless serious, the Government was determined they should not be overlooked, particularly as these Chiefs and their tribes were evidently on the verge of rebellion. When McKenzie, therefore, had operated at Trewirgie, and subsequently marched without untoward incident as far as Ixopo, it was decided to mobilize a second column to deal with the Chiefs and people referred to. The additional forces, which were mobilized on the 24th February, consisted of U.M.R., 250 (Colonel G. Leuchars, C.M.G.); N.M.R., 280 (Lieut.-Col. H. Sparks); N.N.C., 100 (Commander F. Hoare); A Battery, N.F.A. (Major C. Wilson); and two companies, D.L.I. (Lieut.-Col. J. Dick). The column was placed under the command of ColonelLeuchars.[120]The immediate object in view was to support the Magistrate whilst dealing, under the ordinary law, with those who had threatened him. In the event of the offenders not being speedily brought in by their Chief, they were to be arrested and brought to the Magistrate for trial.

It was further arranged that Mr. (now Sir) C.R. Saunders, K.C.M.G., Commissioner for Native Affairs in Zululand, should organize and send across the Tugela to Mapumulo a strong contingent of Zulus under the command of European officers. Such assistance appeared necessary, because of the difficult country in which the Natives in question were living. This action was determined on in consequence of Mr. Saunders' contention that the unrest was practically confined to the Natal Natives. "So certain are Ministers," observes Sir Henry McCallum, "that Zulus are to be trusted at this juncture, that they have made arrangements with Mr. Saunders for him to raise at once animpiof 2,000 Zulus under European command to assist, if necessary, the field force (Mapumulo)...."[121]

Another portion of Leuchars' column was to consist of about 300 Christian Native Scouts, recruited from Edendale and other parts of the Colony.

Theimpireferred to above was to be raised from Eshowe district, which is largely adjacent to that of Mapumulo. The Commissioner issued the order for those concerned to get ready, but, on the Commandant requesting and subsequently urging that theimpibe sent, he was informed that, as the men objected to taking part against Natal tribes, they would have to be forced to comply, ifparticularly required. As resort to compulsion at such a time might easily have complicated an already difficult situation, the Commandant decided to do without the men, and advised Leuchars accordingly.

Leuchars' column converged simultaneously on Mapumulo magistracy from Greytown and Stanger. Ngobizembe was ordered by Leuchars, acting on behalf of the Supreme Chief, to appear before him, accompanied by those members of his tribe who had treated the Magistrate with defiance. Delay ensued. On the 2nd March, an ultimatum was sent intimating that, if the offenders were not delivered by 10 a.m. on the 5th, summary punishment would be inflicted on the tribe. The warning was practically ignored. Instead of 300, only 20 of the offenders were delivered. Leuchars thereupon moved out, shortly before 11 a.m., with a portion of his force, leaving Dick within the grounds of the Residency. To begin with, he caused the Chief's kraal to be destroyed, which was done by shell-fire at a range of about two thousand yards,—after the women and children had been removed to a place of safety. The mere sound of the guns in a part of the country never visited by artillery before, as well as the act of setting the straw huts ablaze at such a distance, greatly impressed the aborigines, as, indeed, it did the Europeans. Ngobizembe shortly afterwards surrendered, together with a large number of the tribe. After being tried, he was deposed and sent to live in Zululand, over 100 miles from his former ward. A fine of 1,200 head of cattle and 3,500 sheep and goats was, moreover, imposed on him and his tribe for the offence committed, as well as for failing to hand over the offenders.[122]It became necessary for the troops to levy the amount of the fine. As a result of the firm action taken by Leuchars, a number of other offenders required of the Chiefs Meseni and Swaimana were brought in.

On the 16th, the column was demobilized, except a few men required for guarding the magistracy, until the 100 Zululand Native Police, then being re-enlisted, could relieve them.

Prisoners that had been arrested by McKenzie's and Leuchars' columns were tried by courts-martial appointed by the respective commanding officers. It was not in every case that the Commandant, with whom the necessary authority lay, felt able to confirm the sentences. At such a time, perhaps, it was not unnatural that the military officers, swayed by local and not unbiassed feeling, should have been led away by evidence which, though incriminating, would in any ordinary court of law have been regarded as insufficient to secure conviction and, even if sufficient, it still remained to weigh carefully the degree of punishment to be awarded. A case of this kind arose at Ixopo, the sentences in which, on review, the Commandant found himself unable to confirm as they stood. His decision, as a matter of fact justifiable from every point of view, excited surprise and even resentment in the troops who, for a moment, had overlooked the fact that they were in the field to carry out orders, not to question the adequacy or otherwise of action taken by their superiors. Responsibility for the peace of the country rested, not on their shoulders, but on those of the Government.

Subsequent to the arrest of the Christian Natives who had murdered Hunt and Armstrong, and to whom belongs the unenviable distinction of having started the Rebellion, and started it prematurely, a general court-martial was appointed to try them. The officers selected were: Lieut.-Col. J. Weighton, N.C., President; Lieut.-Col. A. Hair, N.C.; Major W. Knott, Militia Reserves; Captain H.A. Capstick, N.R.R.; and Captain H.L. Pybus, N.F.A. The venue was Richmond. The trial began on the 12th, and ended on the 19th, March. Twenty-four rebels[123]werearraigned by the prosecutor, Captain J. Fraser, N.R.R., on three charges, viz.: (i) public violence; (ii) murder and assault with intent to murder; and (iii) being in arms against the Government and actively resisting constituted authority, and aiding and abetting rebels against the Government. As the accused were undefended, a local attorney and efficient Zulu linguist, Mr. J.F. Jackson, was appointed by the Government to protect their interests. After a long and patient hearing, in which the strongest evidence was adduced, 17 of the 23 were found guilty of the first charge, 12 of the second, and 16 of the last. The 12 found guilty of the second charge were found guilty of the other two as well. In respect of the murder, sentence of death was passed; as to the others, the sentences were of imprisonment, lashes, and confiscation of property.

It is somewhat surprising that none of the four daily newspapers in the Colony arranged for publication of digests of the evidence in this important trial. No doubt it was partly owing to this omission that misunderstanding arose as to the justice of the sentence.

The proceedings were submitted for approval. By this time, however, the Governor had withdrawn the delegation to the Commandant of Militia of authority to confirm or revise sentences imposed by courts-martial. This withdrawal had occurred, not because of any dissatisfaction with the manner in which the Commandant had discharged the duty, but because there then appeared to be no pressing necessity for the duty to be exercised otherwise than in the ordinary way.[124]

The evidence and proceedings were carefully reviewed by the Governor-in-Council. As they appeared to be in order, and as there was no indication of injustice having been committed, the Governor accepted the advice of his Ministers that the sentences should be carried into effect. A cable on these lines was sent to the Secretary of State for the Colonies on the 27th. Lord Elgin replied in thefollowing terms: "Continued executions[125]under martial law certain to excite strong criticism here, and as His Majesty's Government are retaining troops in Colony and will be asked to assent to Act of Indemnity, necessary to regularize the action taken, trial of these murder cases by civil courts greatly to be preferred. I must impress upon you necessity of utmost caution in this matter, and you should suspend executions until I have had opportunity of considering your further observations." In a lengthy cable to the Secretary of State explaining the position, Sir Henry McCallum said,inter alia: "On receipt of your telegram ... I requested Prime Minister ... to order suspension of executions which had been fixed for to-morrow pending further instructions from your Lordship. He replied that he regretted that he could not authorise suspension of executions which had been confirmed after full and deliberate consideration. I ... explained that this decision would oblige me ... to exercise prerogative of the Crown ... and to cancel death warrant which I had signed. He quite recognised this, but said that, as a most important constitutional question was involved, he would feel obliged if I would give him written instructions. This I did, upon which he wrote me following minute: 'As your Excellency has thought it necessary to give instructions to suspend executions which were confirmed by the Executive Council and appointed to be carried out on Friday next, I feel that it is impossible for me to continue in office as Prime Minister, and I beg to tender my resignation. My colleagues are unanimous in supporting me in what, under the present circumstances, appears to be most important constitutional question.'" As, however, Lord Elgin's direction was that suspension should operate only until he had had an opportunity of considering Sir Henry McCallum's further observations, the latter requested the Ministry to retain office during his further communication with the Secretary of State. This Mr. Smythe and his colleagues agreed to do.

The action of the Imperial Minister instantly caused a commotion throughout the length and breadth of Natal. The press was loud in its denunciation of what was looked on as unnecessary interference in the internal affairs of a self-governing Colony, and as seriously undermining local authority in the eyes of the Natives. Nor was surprise confined only to the people in the Colony. The Governor-General of Australia cabled, in the name of his Ministers, to Lord Elgin on the 31st: "Since an intervention of His Majesty's Ministers ... with the administration of the self-governing Colony Natal would tend to establish, even in regard to prerogative of pardon, a dangerous precedent affecting all states within the Empire, Your Excellency's advisers desire most respectfully to appeal to His Majesty's Ministers for reconsideration of the resolution at which they are reported to have arrived on this subject." The Governor of New Zealand, too, was requested to "ascertain precise position in respect to action ... in instructing Governor of Natal to postpone the execution...."[126]Lord Elgin had, however, already cabled (on 30th) to Sir Henry McCallum that "His Majesty's Government have at no time had the intention to interfere with action of the responsible government of Natal, or to control Governor in exercise of prerogative. But your Ministers will, I feel sure, recognize that, in all the circumstances now existing, and, in view of the presence of British troops in the Colony, His Majesty's Government are entitled, and were in duty bound to obtain full and precise information in reference to these martial law cases, in regard to which an Act of Indemnity has ultimately to be assented to by the Crown. In the light of the information now furnished, His Majesty's Government recognize that the decision of this grave matter rests in the hands of your Ministers and yourself." The Secretary of State went on to express regret that Sir Henry McCallum did not keep him informed by telegraph of the steps he was taking, pointing out that it was the lack of such information that had necessitated the telegram directing suspension. The Governor tookthe rebuke in a dignified manner, although it was generally believed in the Colony that he had been assiduous in the discharge of his duties and had kept Lord Elgin fully informed.

The murderers of Hunt and Armstrong, twelve in number, after a trial that was in every way fair and impartial, were shot at Richmond in the presence of a large number of Natives, including Chiefs, at mid-day on the 2nd April, the firing-party consisting of comrades of the deceased. There is no doubt that the public execution of these men, who met their death with fortitude, created a profound impression on the Native population, and had no small share in checking the spread of the Rebellion, not only in that district, but in other parts of the Colony. Nor is it too much to say that the resolute action of the Government on that occasion will serve as a lesson for many years to rebelliously inclined Ethiopians throughout South Africa.

Swayed by certain Members in the House of Commons, Lord Elgin cabled on the 6th April to the Governor to know if the warrant held by the police on the 8th February, as well as other documents connected with the executions, could be produced. The cabled reply of Ministers, whilst intimating ability and readiness to furnish any information that might properly be called for, and appreciating the position in which the Secretary of State was placed, contained a request that they might be protected "from harassing interference on the part of Members of the House of Commons in regard to matters for which Ministers are themselves solely responsible."

And no further application seems to have been made.

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