ERRATA.
Page 2, line last,formain-yards,readlower-yards—p. 9. l. 3,forone quarter,readby—ib. l. ib.forone quarter,readby—ib. l. 6.forone quarter,readby—p. 17. l. 16.forthe river of Plate,readRio de la Plata—p. 33. l. 15.fortop-masts handed, and main-yards lowered,readyards and top-masts struck—ib. l. 19.formain-sailsreadcourses and top-sails—p. 34. l. 12.forone quarter,readby—p. 245. note, l. 1.forcooes nutisera,readcocos nucifera—ib. l. 2.forparasidiaca,readparadisiaca.
Foonotes
Foonotes
Foonotes
1. We have thought proper to omit M. Pereire’s discourse on the nature of the language of Taiti, as being a very trifling performance, founded on the imperfect vocabulary, and defective pronunciation of Aotourou.
1. We have thought proper to omit M. Pereire’s discourse on the nature of the language of Taiti, as being a very trifling performance, founded on the imperfect vocabulary, and defective pronunciation of Aotourou.
2. North Sea signifies here the Atlantic Ocean, and is put in opposition to South Sea; the former taking in the ocean on this side the Magellanic straits, the latter that which is west of them. The appellation, though somewhat improper, by calling the sea about the south pole the North Sea, is however sometimes employed by some writers. F.
2. North Sea signifies here the Atlantic Ocean, and is put in opposition to South Sea; the former taking in the ocean on this side the Magellanic straits, the latter that which is west of them. The appellation, though somewhat improper, by calling the sea about the south pole the North Sea, is however sometimes employed by some writers. F.
3. Dom Pernetty, in his Dissertation upon America, speaks of a voyage round the world, in 1719, by captain Shelvock; I have no knowledge of this voyage. Note of Mr. de B.As M. de Bougainville’s list of circumnavigators is very imperfect, we will endeavour to give a more compleat one in few words.1. Fernando Magalhaens, 1519.2. Sir Francis Drake sailed from Plymouth the 15th of November, 1577, but was obliged to put back on account of a storm; after which, he set sail again the 13th of December, and returned the 16th of September, 1580.3. Sir Thomas Cavendish, 1586-88.4. Simon de Cordes, a Dutchman, sailed in 1598-1600.5. Oliver Van Noort sailed the 13th of September, 1598, and returned the 22nd of August, 1601.6. George Spielbergen, a German in the Dutch service, 1614-1617.7. William Cornelius Schouten with Jacob Le Maire, 1615-1617.8. Jacob l’Hermite with John Hugo Schapenham sailed from Goeree, in the province of Holland, the 29th of April, 1623, and arrived in the Texel the 9th of July, 1626.9. Henry Brouwer, a Dutchman, in 1643.10. Cowley, in 1683-1686.11. William Dampier, an Englishman, sailed in 1689, and returned 1691. He has been omitted by M. de Bougainville in the list of circumnavigators, because he did not go round the world in one and the same ship.12. Beauchesne Gouin, in 1699.13. Edward Cooke, an Englishman, made the voyage in the years 1708 and 1711. 14. Woodes Rogers, an Englishman, sailed from Bristol, June 15th, 1708, and returned 1711.15. Clipperton and Shelvocke, two Englishmen, sailed the 13th of February, 1719, and returned in 1722; the former to Galway in Ireland, in the beginning of June, the latter to London, on the first of August.16. Roggewein, a Mecklenburger, in the Dutch service, sailed the 16th of July, 1721, and returned the 11th of July, 1723.17. Lord Anson, 1740-1744.18. Commodore Byron, 1764-1766.19. The Dolphin and Swallow sloops. The first 1766-1768. The second 1766-1769.20. M. de Bougainville, 1766-1769.21. The Endeavour sloop, captain Cooke, which sailed in August, 1768, to observe the transit of Venus, came to Batavia the latter end of 1770, and returned to England in July 1771.From this list, it appears that the English have undertaken the greatest number of voyages, with a design to make discoveries, unattended by that selfishness with which most of the Dutch voyages were entered upon, merely with a view to promote the knowledge of geography, to make navigation more safe, and likewise to throw further lights on the study of nature. F.
3. Dom Pernetty, in his Dissertation upon America, speaks of a voyage round the world, in 1719, by captain Shelvock; I have no knowledge of this voyage. Note of Mr. de B.
As M. de Bougainville’s list of circumnavigators is very imperfect, we will endeavour to give a more compleat one in few words.
1. Fernando Magalhaens, 1519.
2. Sir Francis Drake sailed from Plymouth the 15th of November, 1577, but was obliged to put back on account of a storm; after which, he set sail again the 13th of December, and returned the 16th of September, 1580.
3. Sir Thomas Cavendish, 1586-88.
4. Simon de Cordes, a Dutchman, sailed in 1598-1600.
5. Oliver Van Noort sailed the 13th of September, 1598, and returned the 22nd of August, 1601.
6. George Spielbergen, a German in the Dutch service, 1614-1617.
7. William Cornelius Schouten with Jacob Le Maire, 1615-1617.
8. Jacob l’Hermite with John Hugo Schapenham sailed from Goeree, in the province of Holland, the 29th of April, 1623, and arrived in the Texel the 9th of July, 1626.
9. Henry Brouwer, a Dutchman, in 1643.
10. Cowley, in 1683-1686.
11. William Dampier, an Englishman, sailed in 1689, and returned 1691. He has been omitted by M. de Bougainville in the list of circumnavigators, because he did not go round the world in one and the same ship.
12. Beauchesne Gouin, in 1699.
13. Edward Cooke, an Englishman, made the voyage in the years 1708 and 1711. 14. Woodes Rogers, an Englishman, sailed from Bristol, June 15th, 1708, and returned 1711.
15. Clipperton and Shelvocke, two Englishmen, sailed the 13th of February, 1719, and returned in 1722; the former to Galway in Ireland, in the beginning of June, the latter to London, on the first of August.
16. Roggewein, a Mecklenburger, in the Dutch service, sailed the 16th of July, 1721, and returned the 11th of July, 1723.
17. Lord Anson, 1740-1744.
18. Commodore Byron, 1764-1766.
19. The Dolphin and Swallow sloops. The first 1766-1768. The second 1766-1769.
20. M. de Bougainville, 1766-1769.
21. The Endeavour sloop, captain Cooke, which sailed in August, 1768, to observe the transit of Venus, came to Batavia the latter end of 1770, and returned to England in July 1771.
From this list, it appears that the English have undertaken the greatest number of voyages, with a design to make discoveries, unattended by that selfishness with which most of the Dutch voyages were entered upon, merely with a view to promote the knowledge of geography, to make navigation more safe, and likewise to throw further lights on the study of nature. F.
4. The author is very solicitous to exclude le Gentil de la Barbinais from the honour of being the first circumnavigator of the French nation, in order to secure it to himself; though it is a real circumnavigation. The famous Italian, Giovan Francisco Gemelli Carreri, cannot with propriety be called a circumnavigator, though he made the tour of the globe in the years 1693-1698, for he landed in Mexico, and crossed America by land, and went again to the Manillas by sea, and from thence to China and Europe on board of other ships. F.
4. The author is very solicitous to exclude le Gentil de la Barbinais from the honour of being the first circumnavigator of the French nation, in order to secure it to himself; though it is a real circumnavigation. The famous Italian, Giovan Francisco Gemelli Carreri, cannot with propriety be called a circumnavigator, though he made the tour of the globe in the years 1693-1698, for he landed in Mexico, and crossed America by land, and went again to the Manillas by sea, and from thence to China and Europe on board of other ships. F.
5. Not from the discoverer, but from the ship Eendraght (Concord).
5. Not from the discoverer, but from the ship Eendraght (Concord).
6. The mistakes and omissions of our author in regard to these navigators of the South Seas, who did not sail round the world, are various and multifarious; but it would take up too much time to point them all out; and as there is a very complete list of all the navigators of the Pacific Ocean, in theHistorical Collection of the several Voyages and Discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, published by Alex. Dalrymple, Esq. we refer our readers to it. F.
6. The mistakes and omissions of our author in regard to these navigators of the South Seas, who did not sail round the world, are various and multifarious; but it would take up too much time to point them all out; and as there is a very complete list of all the navigators of the Pacific Ocean, in theHistorical Collection of the several Voyages and Discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, published by Alex. Dalrymple, Esq. we refer our readers to it. F.
7. The officers on board the frigate la Boudeuse, were M. de Bougainville, captain of the ship; Duclos Guyot, captain of a fire-ship; chevalier de Bournand, chevalier d’Oraison, chevalier du Bouchage, under-lieutenants (enseignes de vaisseau); chevalier de Suzannet, chevalier de Kué, midshipmen acting as officers; le Corre, super-cargo (officier-marchand); Saint-Germain, ship’s-clerk; la Veze, the chaplain; la Porte, surgeon.The officers of the store-ship l’Etoile, consisted of M. M. Chenard de la Giraudais, captain of a fire-ship; Caro, lieutenant in an India-man; Donat, Landais, Fontaine, and Lavary-le-Roi,officiers marchands; Michaud, ship’s-clerk; Vivez, surgeon.There were likewise M. M. de Commerçon, a physician; Verron, an astronomer, and de Romainville, an engineer.
7. The officers on board the frigate la Boudeuse, were M. de Bougainville, captain of the ship; Duclos Guyot, captain of a fire-ship; chevalier de Bournand, chevalier d’Oraison, chevalier du Bouchage, under-lieutenants (enseignes de vaisseau); chevalier de Suzannet, chevalier de Kué, midshipmen acting as officers; le Corre, super-cargo (officier-marchand); Saint-Germain, ship’s-clerk; la Veze, the chaplain; la Porte, surgeon.
The officers of the store-ship l’Etoile, consisted of M. M. Chenard de la Giraudais, captain of a fire-ship; Caro, lieutenant in an India-man; Donat, Landais, Fontaine, and Lavary-le-Roi,officiers marchands; Michaud, ship’s-clerk; Vivez, surgeon.
There were likewise M. M. de Commerçon, a physician; Verron, an astronomer, and de Romainville, an engineer.
8. It would be improper to derogate from the merit of any nation, unless that same nation intends to obtain it by destroying the character of another. Had Mr. de Bougainville bestowed some encomiums upon the zeal and courage of the officers under his command, it would be thought that he were willing to do them justice: but since he, without the least necessity, casts a reflection upon the English officers in commodore Byron’s expedition, it is no more but justice to retort the argument. It is an undeniable proof of the badness of the constitution, and of the arbitrary government of a country, when a set of worthy men, who have braved the most imminent danger, with an undaunted courage, for the welfare of their fellow-citizens, remain without any reward whatsoever, except that philosophical one, the consciousness of good and laudable actions. But it is likewise the best proof of the happiness of the government and constitution of a country, when merit and virtue is rewarded. These propositions are so evidently founded on truth, that they want no further confirmation: and every true Englishman will congratulate himself on the happiness to live under a government which thinks it a necessary duty to reward zeal, courage, and virtue, in a set of men who go through their duty with spirit and chearfulness; and what honour must not redound on an administration which forces, even a rival nation, to give an honourable testimony to its attention in justly and conspicuously rewarding merit in its fellow-citizens, at the same time that these rivals endeavour to quiet the uneasy minds of their poor dissatisfied officers, with a vain and empty compliment. F.
8. It would be improper to derogate from the merit of any nation, unless that same nation intends to obtain it by destroying the character of another. Had Mr. de Bougainville bestowed some encomiums upon the zeal and courage of the officers under his command, it would be thought that he were willing to do them justice: but since he, without the least necessity, casts a reflection upon the English officers in commodore Byron’s expedition, it is no more but justice to retort the argument. It is an undeniable proof of the badness of the constitution, and of the arbitrary government of a country, when a set of worthy men, who have braved the most imminent danger, with an undaunted courage, for the welfare of their fellow-citizens, remain without any reward whatsoever, except that philosophical one, the consciousness of good and laudable actions. But it is likewise the best proof of the happiness of the government and constitution of a country, when merit and virtue is rewarded. These propositions are so evidently founded on truth, that they want no further confirmation: and every true Englishman will congratulate himself on the happiness to live under a government which thinks it a necessary duty to reward zeal, courage, and virtue, in a set of men who go through their duty with spirit and chearfulness; and what honour must not redound on an administration which forces, even a rival nation, to give an honourable testimony to its attention in justly and conspicuously rewarding merit in its fellow-citizens, at the same time that these rivals endeavour to quiet the uneasy minds of their poor dissatisfied officers, with a vain and empty compliment. F.
9.La flûte.
9.La flûte.
10. Though the name of this circumnavigator is frequently spelled Magellan, it is, however, right to spell proper names as they are written in their original language; according to this rule we shall always write Magalhaens. F.
10. Though the name of this circumnavigator is frequently spelled Magellan, it is, however, right to spell proper names as they are written in their original language; according to this rule we shall always write Magalhaens. F.
11. Land-fall,atterage, the first land a ship makes after a sea-voyage. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary. F.
11. Land-fall,atterage, the first land a ship makes after a sea-voyage. See Falconer’s Marine Dictionary. F.
12. It is now certain, that the animal, here called tyger, is the Couguara or Brown (tyger) Cat, of Penn. Syn. quad. p. 179. a very large animal, and very fierce in hot countries. F.
12. It is now certain, that the animal, here called tyger, is the Couguara or Brown (tyger) Cat, of Penn. Syn. quad. p. 179. a very large animal, and very fierce in hot countries. F.
13. These balls are two round stones, of the size of a two-pound ball, both enchased in a strap of leather, and fastened to the extremities of a thong, six or seven feet long. The Indians, when on horseback, use this weapon as a sling, and often hit the animal they are pursuing, at the distance of three hundred yards.
13. These balls are two round stones, of the size of a two-pound ball, both enchased in a strap of leather, and fastened to the extremities of a thong, six or seven feet long. The Indians, when on horseback, use this weapon as a sling, and often hit the animal they are pursuing, at the distance of three hundred yards.
14. The Paulists are another race of robbers, who left Brasil, and formed a republic, towards the end of the sixteenth century.
14. The Paulists are another race of robbers, who left Brasil, and formed a republic, towards the end of the sixteenth century.
15. Maté, or Paraguay-tea, or South-sea-tea, are pounded dry leaves of a plant growing in South America, and chiefly in Paraguay. The Jesuits, when in possession of the interior parts of the provinces of Paraguay, got by a manœuvre similar to that of the Dutch, in regard to the spice-trade, the exclusive commerce of this commodity. They cultivated this plant in enclosures, upon the rivers Uraguai and Parana, and wherever it grew wild, it was destroyed; and after the space of nineteen years they became the sole masters of this trade, which was very lucrative; for as this plant is thought to be an excellent restorative, and a good paregoric, and therefore of indispensible necessity to the workmen in the famous Peruvian mines, it is carried constantly to Peru and Chili; the whole consumption of it being yearly upon an average of 160,000 arrobas, of 25 pounds Spanish weight each; and the price is, at a medium, thirty-six piasters per arroba, so that this plant was worth to the Jesuits 5,760,300 piastres per ann. the tenth part of which sum must be deducted out of the whole, for instruments of agriculture, the erection and repairing of buildings necessary for manufacturing this plant, feeding and cloathing of about 300,000 Indians and Negroes: so that still above five millions of piastres were the clear yearly profit of the pious fathers. These cunning men sold these leaves in powder on purpose that no botanist might get a sight of them, and thus be enabled to find out the plant to which the leaves belong, in case some plants should have escaped their selfish destruction of them. Some writers call this plant Maté, which is, I believe, the name of the vessel it is drank out of. Others call it Caa, and make this the generic name of it, and its species are Caa-cuys, Caa-mini, and Caa-guaz, the last of which is the coarsest sort prepared, with the stalks left to it, for which reason it is likewise called Yerva de Palos; but the Caa-mini or Yerva de Caamini is the best sort and sold dearer; the Caa-cuys will not keep so long as the other two sorts. This plant is thought to be the Ilex Cassine, Linn. Sp. pl. p. 181. or the Dahoon-holly. Forster’s Flora Americ. Septentr. p. 7. and Catesby car. i. t. 31. F.
15. Maté, or Paraguay-tea, or South-sea-tea, are pounded dry leaves of a plant growing in South America, and chiefly in Paraguay. The Jesuits, when in possession of the interior parts of the provinces of Paraguay, got by a manœuvre similar to that of the Dutch, in regard to the spice-trade, the exclusive commerce of this commodity. They cultivated this plant in enclosures, upon the rivers Uraguai and Parana, and wherever it grew wild, it was destroyed; and after the space of nineteen years they became the sole masters of this trade, which was very lucrative; for as this plant is thought to be an excellent restorative, and a good paregoric, and therefore of indispensible necessity to the workmen in the famous Peruvian mines, it is carried constantly to Peru and Chili; the whole consumption of it being yearly upon an average of 160,000 arrobas, of 25 pounds Spanish weight each; and the price is, at a medium, thirty-six piasters per arroba, so that this plant was worth to the Jesuits 5,760,300 piastres per ann. the tenth part of which sum must be deducted out of the whole, for instruments of agriculture, the erection and repairing of buildings necessary for manufacturing this plant, feeding and cloathing of about 300,000 Indians and Negroes: so that still above five millions of piastres were the clear yearly profit of the pious fathers. These cunning men sold these leaves in powder on purpose that no botanist might get a sight of them, and thus be enabled to find out the plant to which the leaves belong, in case some plants should have escaped their selfish destruction of them. Some writers call this plant Maté, which is, I believe, the name of the vessel it is drank out of. Others call it Caa, and make this the generic name of it, and its species are Caa-cuys, Caa-mini, and Caa-guaz, the last of which is the coarsest sort prepared, with the stalks left to it, for which reason it is likewise called Yerva de Palos; but the Caa-mini or Yerva de Caamini is the best sort and sold dearer; the Caa-cuys will not keep so long as the other two sorts. This plant is thought to be the Ilex Cassine, Linn. Sp. pl. p. 181. or the Dahoon-holly. Forster’s Flora Americ. Septentr. p. 7. and Catesby car. i. t. 31. F.
16. When I delivered the settlement to the Spaniards, all the expences, whatsoever, which it had cost till the first of April 1767, amounted to 603,000 livres, including the interest of five per cent. on the sums expended since the first equipment. France having acknowledged the catholic king’s right to the Malouines, he, by a principle of the law of nations, owed no reimbursement to these costs. However, as his majesty took all the ships, boats, goods, arms, ammunition, and provisions that belonged to our settlement, he being equally just and generous, desired that we should be reimbursed for what we had laid out; and the above sum was remitted to us by his treasurers; part at Paris, and the rest at Buenos Ayres.
16. When I delivered the settlement to the Spaniards, all the expences, whatsoever, which it had cost till the first of April 1767, amounted to 603,000 livres, including the interest of five per cent. on the sums expended since the first equipment. France having acknowledged the catholic king’s right to the Malouines, he, by a principle of the law of nations, owed no reimbursement to these costs. However, as his majesty took all the ships, boats, goods, arms, ammunition, and provisions that belonged to our settlement, he being equally just and generous, desired that we should be reimbursed for what we had laid out; and the above sum was remitted to us by his treasurers; part at Paris, and the rest at Buenos Ayres.
17. The inscription on this medal was as follows.Settlement of the Isles Malouines, situated in 51° 30′ of S. latitude, 60° 50′ W. long. from the meridian of Paris, by the Eagle frigate, captain P. Duclos Guyot, captain of a fire ship, and the sphinx sloop; captain F. Chenard de la Giraudais, lieutenant of a frigate, equipped by Louis Antoine de Bougainville, colonel of infantry, captain of a ship, chief of the expedition, G. de Nerville, captain of infantry, and P. d’ Arboulin, post-master general of France: construction of a fort, and an obelisk, decorated with a medallion of his majesty Louis XV. after the plans of A. L’Huillier, engineer and geographer of the field and army, serving on this expedition; during the administration of E. de Choiseul, duke of Stainville, in February, 1764.And the exergue.Conamur tenues grandia.
17. The inscription on this medal was as follows.
Settlement of the Isles Malouines, situated in 51° 30′ of S. latitude, 60° 50′ W. long. from the meridian of Paris, by the Eagle frigate, captain P. Duclos Guyot, captain of a fire ship, and the sphinx sloop; captain F. Chenard de la Giraudais, lieutenant of a frigate, equipped by Louis Antoine de Bougainville, colonel of infantry, captain of a ship, chief of the expedition, G. de Nerville, captain of infantry, and P. d’ Arboulin, post-master general of France: construction of a fort, and an obelisk, decorated with a medallion of his majesty Louis XV. after the plans of A. L’Huillier, engineer and geographer of the field and army, serving on this expedition; during the administration of E. de Choiseul, duke of Stainville, in February, 1764.
And the exergue.Conamur tenues grandia.
18. An officer who has the care of the stores.
18. An officer who has the care of the stores.
19. The author has on purpose omitted to mention, that the English are the first discoverers of these isles. Captain Davis, in the expedition of 1592, under the command of Sir Thomas Cavendish, saw them; and so did Sir Richard Hawkins two years after in 1594, and called them Hawkins’s Maiden Land. In the year 1598 they were seen by the Dutchman Sebald de Waert, and called Sebald’s isles, and with that name they were put in all Dutch charts. Dampier discovered them likewise in 1683, but suspected they had no water. Strong gave these isles, in the year 1689, the name of Falkland-Islands, which was adopted by the celebrated astronomer Halley, and is now become of universal use in all our maps and charts. The privateers in the times of the wars of kingWilliamWilliamand queen Mary frequently saw these isles, and no sooner than in 1699-1700 they were seen for the first time by a Frenchman called Beauchesne Gouin. It is pretty evident from this account, that the English have an undoubted prior claim to these barren rocks and marshes, situated in a cold climate, subject to the severest rigours of winter, without the benefit of woods to alleviate them; and on which, was it not for the wretched fuel of turf, all the French, English, and Spanish settlements would have been starved with cold. F.
19. The author has on purpose omitted to mention, that the English are the first discoverers of these isles. Captain Davis, in the expedition of 1592, under the command of Sir Thomas Cavendish, saw them; and so did Sir Richard Hawkins two years after in 1594, and called them Hawkins’s Maiden Land. In the year 1598 they were seen by the Dutchman Sebald de Waert, and called Sebald’s isles, and with that name they were put in all Dutch charts. Dampier discovered them likewise in 1683, but suspected they had no water. Strong gave these isles, in the year 1689, the name of Falkland-Islands, which was adopted by the celebrated astronomer Halley, and is now become of universal use in all our maps and charts. The privateers in the times of the wars of kingWilliamWilliamand queen Mary frequently saw these isles, and no sooner than in 1699-1700 they were seen for the first time by a Frenchman called Beauchesne Gouin. It is pretty evident from this account, that the English have an undoubted prior claim to these barren rocks and marshes, situated in a cold climate, subject to the severest rigours of winter, without the benefit of woods to alleviate them; and on which, was it not for the wretched fuel of turf, all the French, English, and Spanish settlements would have been starved with cold. F.
20. The work which I now publish was already finished, when the History of a Voyage to the Malouines, by Dom Pernetty, appeared, otherwise I should have omitted the following accounts.
20. The work which I now publish was already finished, when the History of a Voyage to the Malouines, by Dom Pernetty, appeared, otherwise I should have omitted the following accounts.
21. As M. de Bougainville’s map of the Malouines or Falkland’s isles, is a mere inaccurate out-line; we refer our readers to the more exact plans of these islands, published in England. F.
21. As M. de Bougainville’s map of the Malouines or Falkland’s isles, is a mere inaccurate out-line; we refer our readers to the more exact plans of these islands, published in England. F.
22. Euphorbia Linn. Tithymalus Tournef. F.
22. Euphorbia Linn. Tithymalus Tournef. F.
23. Ceterae Asplenium, Linn. F.
23. Ceterae Asplenium, Linn. F.
24. Lepas Linn.
24. Lepas Linn.
25. Buccinum Linn.
25. Buccinum Linn.
26. Ostreæ Pectines Linn.
26. Ostreæ Pectines Linn.
27. Mya Linn. F.
27. Mya Linn. F.
28. For a navigator, of Mr. Bougainville’s experience and abilities, this query is very extraordinary; and, still more so, for a man who has spent so many years in Canada, near the coasts of Labrador; and who certainly must have read accounts from Greenland, where often land-animals, on large masses of ice fixed to the shore, and broke loose by the sea, are driven into the ocean; and again landed on the shores of countries, very distant from their native home. F.
28. For a navigator, of Mr. Bougainville’s experience and abilities, this query is very extraordinary; and, still more so, for a man who has spent so many years in Canada, near the coasts of Labrador; and who certainly must have read accounts from Greenland, where often land-animals, on large masses of ice fixed to the shore, and broke loose by the sea, are driven into the ocean; and again landed on the shores of countries, very distant from their native home. F.
29. In the northern parts of America is a kind of wild goose, which was called by the French, when in possession of Canada, Outarde, or Bustard; the English call it the Canada-goose; it has been represented by Catesby, I.t. 92. Edward t. 151. and the Planches Enluminées, t. 346. Perhaps this may be the same species. F.
29. In the northern parts of America is a kind of wild goose, which was called by the French, when in possession of Canada, Outarde, or Bustard; the English call it the Canada-goose; it has been represented by Catesby, I.t. 92. Edward t. 151. and the Planches Enluminées, t. 346. Perhaps this may be the same species. F.
30. This bird, though the author calls it a Diver, seems, according to the description of it, to be rather the Grebe; which is so plentiful on the lake of Geneva, whose beautiful skins are drest, and made into muffs and tippets. Br. Zool. 2. p. 396. 8vo. Ed. F.
30. This bird, though the author calls it a Diver, seems, according to the description of it, to be rather the Grebe; which is so plentiful on the lake of Geneva, whose beautiful skins are drest, and made into muffs and tippets. Br. Zool. 2. p. 396. 8vo. Ed. F.
31. This species seems to be the white and dusky grebe. Br. Zool. 2. p. 397, and vol. 4. f. 17. F.
31. This species seems to be the white and dusky grebe. Br. Zool. 2. p. 397, and vol. 4. f. 17. F.
32. Becs-scies.
32. Becs-scies.
33. As far as we can guess, from this very imperfect description, the birds here mentioned seem to be of the kind called Guillemot. Br. Zool. vol. 2. p. 410. and vol. 4. t. 20. F.
33. As far as we can guess, from this very imperfect description, the birds here mentioned seem to be of the kind called Guillemot. Br. Zool. vol. 2. p. 410. and vol. 4. t. 20. F.
34. TheQuebrantahuessosis a bird belonging to the genus called by Dr. Linnæus,Procellaria, or petrel; some of the sailors call it Albatross, but then we must take care not to confound the common albatross, represented by Mr. Edwards, tab. 88, which is not this Quebrantahuessos, but I believe the bird described by our author to be not yet well known by our ornithologists; and the imperfect account of Bougainville and Dom Pernetty are far from being satisfactory to natural historians. Our late great circumnavigators and philosophers will probably oblige the literary world with a drawing and account of this bird. F.
34. TheQuebrantahuessosis a bird belonging to the genus called by Dr. Linnæus,Procellaria, or petrel; some of the sailors call it Albatross, but then we must take care not to confound the common albatross, represented by Mr. Edwards, tab. 88, which is not this Quebrantahuessos, but I believe the bird described by our author to be not yet well known by our ornithologists; and the imperfect account of Bougainville and Dom Pernetty are far from being satisfactory to natural historians. Our late great circumnavigators and philosophers will probably oblige the literary world with a drawing and account of this bird. F.
35. Nenuphars, Nymphæa Linn, F.
35. Nenuphars, Nymphæa Linn, F.
36. The place referred to here in Lord Anson’s Voyage is book I. chap. vii. p. 92. edit. 14th, in 8vo. 1769; but from thence, as well as from our author’s account, it is impossible to determine which species of the penguin is meant. F.
36. The place referred to here in Lord Anson’s Voyage is book I. chap. vii. p. 92. edit. 14th, in 8vo. 1769; but from thence, as well as from our author’s account, it is impossible to determine which species of the penguin is meant. F.
37. The first of these penguins seems to be that described by Mr. Pennant in the Philos. Trans. vol. lix. and represented in an accurate drawing. F.
37. The first of these penguins seems to be that described by Mr. Pennant in the Philos. Trans. vol. lix. and represented in an accurate drawing. F.
38. Aigrette, a species of heron.
38. Aigrette, a species of heron.
39. This last species of penguin, or auk, seems to be the same with the alca cirrhata of Dr. Pallas, Spicileg. Zool. Fasc. v. p. 7. tab. i. & v. fig. 1-3. F.
39. This last species of penguin, or auk, seems to be the same with the alca cirrhata of Dr. Pallas, Spicileg. Zool. Fasc. v. p. 7. tab. i. & v. fig. 1-3. F.
40. The author certainly has the noted fable of the antients in view, according to which, the alcyons had a swimming nest, and brooded at sea at a time in winter, when the weather was calm. The few calm days during which these birds were employed in brooding, were therefore called alcyonia. F.
40. The author certainly has the noted fable of the antients in view, according to which, the alcyons had a swimming nest, and brooded at sea at a time in winter, when the weather was calm. The few calm days during which these birds were employed in brooding, were therefore called alcyonia. F.
41. The two petrels here mentioned seem to be the little, and the sea-swallow or frigat; the first of which is described, Br. Zool, vol. ii. p. 434, and represented, vol. iv. t. 82. The second, or swallow petrel, or frigat, is to be met with in Rochefort’s Voyage, t. 135. Dr. Linnæus calls the first procellaria pelagica, the latter the fregatta, and, if I am not mistaken, the third kind here mentioned, is, the fulmar, Br. Zool, vol. ii. p. 431. and vol. iv. t. 82. Dr. Linnæus’s Procellaria glacialis. F.
41. The two petrels here mentioned seem to be the little, and the sea-swallow or frigat; the first of which is described, Br. Zool, vol. ii. p. 434, and represented, vol. iv. t. 82. The second, or swallow petrel, or frigat, is to be met with in Rochefort’s Voyage, t. 135. Dr. Linnæus calls the first procellaria pelagica, the latter the fregatta, and, if I am not mistaken, the third kind here mentioned, is, the fulmar, Br. Zool, vol. ii. p. 431. and vol. iv. t. 82. Dr. Linnæus’s Procellaria glacialis. F.
42. The sea-pie is sometimes called oyster-catcher, because this bird forces the shells open with its bill, which are left bare on the shore, at the recession of the tide. Br. Zool, vol. iv. p. 376, Dr. Linnæus’s Hæmatopus Ostralegus. F.
42. The sea-pie is sometimes called oyster-catcher, because this bird forces the shells open with its bill, which are left bare on the shore, at the recession of the tide. Br. Zool, vol. iv. p. 376, Dr. Linnæus’s Hæmatopus Ostralegus. F.
43. This seems to be the American red-breast, or turdus migratorius, Linn. and Kalm’s Voyage, vol. ii. p. 90, where likewise a figure of it is given. F.
43. This seems to be the American red-breast, or turdus migratorius, Linn. and Kalm’s Voyage, vol. ii. p. 90, where likewise a figure of it is given. F.
44. Glayeuls.
44. Glayeuls.
45. The animal here mentioned as the true sea-lion exceeds the sea-lion described in Lord Anson’s Voyage; for this is twenty-five feet long, and that in the isle of Juan Fernandes only twenty. See Voyage aux Isles Malouines, par Dom Pernetty. F.
45. The animal here mentioned as the true sea-lion exceeds the sea-lion described in Lord Anson’s Voyage; for this is twenty-five feet long, and that in the isle of Juan Fernandes only twenty. See Voyage aux Isles Malouines, par Dom Pernetty. F.
46. Muge ou mulet.
46. Muge ou mulet.
47. Brochet transparent.
47. Brochet transparent.
48. This kind of trout has been likewise mentioned in a pamphlet published last winter about the Falkland isles. F.
48. This kind of trout has been likewise mentioned in a pamphlet published last winter about the Falkland isles. F.
49. Debouché.
49. Debouché.
50. Intendant.
50. Intendant.
51. Capitainie.
51. Capitainie.
52. Upwards of 450,000 pounds sterling; at 4 s. and 6 d. per dollar.
52. Upwards of 450,000 pounds sterling; at 4 s. and 6 d. per dollar.
53. Buccarelli.
53. Buccarelli.
54. Virer en quille.
54. Virer en quille.
55. Chambekin.
55. Chambekin.
56. Chambekins.
56. Chambekins.
57. The Jesuits in Paraguay have been so much the object of private conversation, and of public contest, that it is a wonder the public is still at a loss, in regard to the real situation of their affairs. The account published here by Mr. Bougainville, must, no doubt, greatly contribute to throw a light on the transactions in Paraguay, of which so little is known with any degree of certainty. A few remarks taken from the ingeniousMarquis de Pau’s Recherches sur les Americains, will, we hope, not be disagreeable to the readers.In the year 1731, the Audiença of Chuquisaca, in the province oflos Charcas, found it necessary to empower theProtector of the Indians, i. e. the solicitor general for them, and a member of their body, to visit the famous Paraguay missions, and to inquire into the truth of the various unfavourable reports spread about them.Don Joseph de Antequera, a man of abilities, great integrity, and superior courage, was then invested with the dignity of Protector of the Indians. Accompanied only by oneAlguazil Mayor, calledJoseph de Mena; and with the deed, impowering him with the visitation of the missions, he went with spirit on his business; and after his arrival at the city of Assumption, he acquainted the Jesuits with the commission. The reverend fathers told him, that he had taken in vain the pains of coming to their missions, where he would never get admittance; and if he should attempt to force his way, he would repent of it. Antequera did neither know the bad character of these people, nor did he fear their threats, and went therefore on his intended journey. But he was soon surrounded by a large detachment of armed Indians, with Jesuits at their head, who fell upon him; and he escaped by a sudden flight only.The unfortunate Alguazil, being willing to encounter a German Jesuit, was dangerously wounded. The Jesuits, not contented with this inconsiderate step, accused Antequera, as an adventurer, who had attempted to assume the dignity of a king of Paraguay, at the city of Assumption; but that the reverend fathers, as faithful subjects to his Catholic Majesty, had driven him out by main force; and they requested, therefore, to be recompensed for this signal service to their sovereign.Don Armendariz, Marquis de Castel Fuerte, thirty-third viceroy of Peru, entirely devoted to the Jesuits, sent Don Joseph de Antequera, in consequence of this accusation, immediately to a dungeon. He was examined; and though his counsellors had written five thousand sheets in his defence, he was, however, hanged for the crime of revolting against his sovereign, the fifth of June, together with his assistant Joseph de Mena, who was still very ill from the wound received at Assumption.Lima and all Peru revolted against their viceroy, on the account of so shocking and tyrannical an action. The troops were sent to quell the riots. The blood of thousands flowed in the streets of Lima, and stained the vallies of Peru. All the men of integrity and honour at Lima, Cusco, Cuença, and Chuquisaca took up mourning for Antequera, the innocent victim of the revenge of the pious fathers, and of the despotism of the arbitrary viceroy, their tool. This transaction ruined the credit of the Jesuits in Peru.The reverend missionaries found means to settle extensive establishments on the Uraguay, and the interior parts of Paraguay, upon the Pilco Mayo, and other rivers. They collected first, by gentle means, some of the Indian tribes into small settlements, taught them husbandry, and the most necessary arts; and afterwards, music, painting, and sculpture; all were instructed in the use of arms. By the help of these first colonies, they often forced the free rambling tribes of interior America, under the holy yoke of the gospel, and into subjection to these zealous missionaries. The poor wretches were then cloathed with a callico shirt, and got their allowance of meat, maize, and caamini; but they were in return obliged to drudge for the good fathers, in planting the Paraguay tea, cotton, tobacco, and sugar. Every ounce of cotton and caamini raised by these slaves must be delivered into the society’s storehouses, from whence they were transported and sold for the benefit of the missionaries: those who concealed any of the above articles, got twelve lashes, in honour of the twelve apostles, and were confined to fasting during three days in the public work-house. Benedict XIV. the head of the Romish church, a man, whose humanity and extensive learning is so universally known, published two bulls against the Jesuits, wherein he excommunicates them, for the practice of enslaving the poor proselytes, and keeping them no better than animals; (whom men deprive of their liberty, and domesticate them with a view of making use of them in the most laborious employments) and for using religion as a cloak to oppression, despotism, and tyranny; in order to deprive free-born beings and their fellow-creatures of liberty, the first and most precious of all their enjoyments and privileges in this present life. These bulls will be for ever the strongest proofs of the truth of these assertions, and of the specious tyranny of the Jesuits.The iniquitous practices in regard to the trade of the Paraguay-tea, are so well dated, that whole tribes of Indians were brought to the dilemma either to enlist as bondmen to the Jesuits, or to be starved; the complaints of so many Indian plantations of South-Sea tea destroyed by the Jesuits, were always heard, examined, and reported to the court of Spain; but the influence of the Jesuits prevented the council of the Indies from taking any steps for the punishment of the pious fathers; and they would still remain unknown and unpunished, had not this society been so suddenly involved in their ruin, by the precaution of the court of Spain. F.
57. The Jesuits in Paraguay have been so much the object of private conversation, and of public contest, that it is a wonder the public is still at a loss, in regard to the real situation of their affairs. The account published here by Mr. Bougainville, must, no doubt, greatly contribute to throw a light on the transactions in Paraguay, of which so little is known with any degree of certainty. A few remarks taken from the ingeniousMarquis de Pau’s Recherches sur les Americains, will, we hope, not be disagreeable to the readers.
In the year 1731, the Audiença of Chuquisaca, in the province oflos Charcas, found it necessary to empower theProtector of the Indians, i. e. the solicitor general for them, and a member of their body, to visit the famous Paraguay missions, and to inquire into the truth of the various unfavourable reports spread about them.Don Joseph de Antequera, a man of abilities, great integrity, and superior courage, was then invested with the dignity of Protector of the Indians. Accompanied only by oneAlguazil Mayor, calledJoseph de Mena; and with the deed, impowering him with the visitation of the missions, he went with spirit on his business; and after his arrival at the city of Assumption, he acquainted the Jesuits with the commission. The reverend fathers told him, that he had taken in vain the pains of coming to their missions, where he would never get admittance; and if he should attempt to force his way, he would repent of it. Antequera did neither know the bad character of these people, nor did he fear their threats, and went therefore on his intended journey. But he was soon surrounded by a large detachment of armed Indians, with Jesuits at their head, who fell upon him; and he escaped by a sudden flight only.
The unfortunate Alguazil, being willing to encounter a German Jesuit, was dangerously wounded. The Jesuits, not contented with this inconsiderate step, accused Antequera, as an adventurer, who had attempted to assume the dignity of a king of Paraguay, at the city of Assumption; but that the reverend fathers, as faithful subjects to his Catholic Majesty, had driven him out by main force; and they requested, therefore, to be recompensed for this signal service to their sovereign.
Don Armendariz, Marquis de Castel Fuerte, thirty-third viceroy of Peru, entirely devoted to the Jesuits, sent Don Joseph de Antequera, in consequence of this accusation, immediately to a dungeon. He was examined; and though his counsellors had written five thousand sheets in his defence, he was, however, hanged for the crime of revolting against his sovereign, the fifth of June, together with his assistant Joseph de Mena, who was still very ill from the wound received at Assumption.
Lima and all Peru revolted against their viceroy, on the account of so shocking and tyrannical an action. The troops were sent to quell the riots. The blood of thousands flowed in the streets of Lima, and stained the vallies of Peru. All the men of integrity and honour at Lima, Cusco, Cuença, and Chuquisaca took up mourning for Antequera, the innocent victim of the revenge of the pious fathers, and of the despotism of the arbitrary viceroy, their tool. This transaction ruined the credit of the Jesuits in Peru.
The reverend missionaries found means to settle extensive establishments on the Uraguay, and the interior parts of Paraguay, upon the Pilco Mayo, and other rivers. They collected first, by gentle means, some of the Indian tribes into small settlements, taught them husbandry, and the most necessary arts; and afterwards, music, painting, and sculpture; all were instructed in the use of arms. By the help of these first colonies, they often forced the free rambling tribes of interior America, under the holy yoke of the gospel, and into subjection to these zealous missionaries. The poor wretches were then cloathed with a callico shirt, and got their allowance of meat, maize, and caamini; but they were in return obliged to drudge for the good fathers, in planting the Paraguay tea, cotton, tobacco, and sugar. Every ounce of cotton and caamini raised by these slaves must be delivered into the society’s storehouses, from whence they were transported and sold for the benefit of the missionaries: those who concealed any of the above articles, got twelve lashes, in honour of the twelve apostles, and were confined to fasting during three days in the public work-house. Benedict XIV. the head of the Romish church, a man, whose humanity and extensive learning is so universally known, published two bulls against the Jesuits, wherein he excommunicates them, for the practice of enslaving the poor proselytes, and keeping them no better than animals; (whom men deprive of their liberty, and domesticate them with a view of making use of them in the most laborious employments) and for using religion as a cloak to oppression, despotism, and tyranny; in order to deprive free-born beings and their fellow-creatures of liberty, the first and most precious of all their enjoyments and privileges in this present life. These bulls will be for ever the strongest proofs of the truth of these assertions, and of the specious tyranny of the Jesuits.
The iniquitous practices in regard to the trade of the Paraguay-tea, are so well dated, that whole tribes of Indians were brought to the dilemma either to enlist as bondmen to the Jesuits, or to be starved; the complaints of so many Indian plantations of South-Sea tea destroyed by the Jesuits, were always heard, examined, and reported to the court of Spain; but the influence of the Jesuits prevented the council of the Indies from taking any steps for the punishment of the pious fathers; and they would still remain unknown and unpunished, had not this society been so suddenly involved in their ruin, by the precaution of the court of Spain. F.
58. Chaines de haubans.
58. Chaines de haubans.
59. Cap des Vierges, called Cape Virgin Mary by Lord Anson and Sir John Narborough. F.
59. Cap des Vierges, called Cape Virgin Mary by Lord Anson and Sir John Narborough. F.
60. 74° 25′; Paris being 2° 25′ E. from London: vide Ferguson’s Tables. F.
60. 74° 25′; Paris being 2° 25′ E. from London: vide Ferguson’s Tables. F.
61. From Cape Virgin, till to the entrance of the firstgoulet, we may reckon 14 or 15 leagues; and the straits are in every part of this interval, between five and seven leagues wide. The north coast, as far as Cape Possession, is uniform, but little elevated, and very healthy. From this cape onward, one must be careful toavoidavoidthe rocks, which are situated in a part of the bay of the same name. When the hillocks, which I have named theQuatre fils Aymond,[62]only offer two to sight, in form of a gate, you are then opposite the said rocks.
61. From Cape Virgin, till to the entrance of the firstgoulet, we may reckon 14 or 15 leagues; and the straits are in every part of this interval, between five and seven leagues wide. The north coast, as far as Cape Possession, is uniform, but little elevated, and very healthy. From this cape onward, one must be careful toavoidavoidthe rocks, which are situated in a part of the bay of the same name. When the hillocks, which I have named theQuatre fils Aymond,[62]only offer two to sight, in form of a gate, you are then opposite the said rocks.
62. These rocks are calledAss’s Ears, by Sir John Narborough. F.
62. These rocks are calledAss’s Ears, by Sir John Narborough. F.
63. When one intends to enter the first gut, or narrow passage in the straits, it is proper to coast within a league of Cape Possession; then to steer S. by W. taking care not to fall off too much to the south, on account of the rocks which extend N. N. E. and S. S. W. from Cape Orange, more than three leagues.
63. When one intends to enter the first gut, or narrow passage in the straits, it is proper to coast within a league of Cape Possession; then to steer S. by W. taking care not to fall off too much to the south, on account of the rocks which extend N. N. E. and S. S. W. from Cape Orange, more than three leagues.
64. The first gut lies N. N. E. and S. S. W. and is not above three leagues long. Its breadth varies from a league, to a league and a half. I have already given notice of the ledge of rocks at Cape Orange. At coming out of the first gut, you meet with two lesser rocks, extended on each of its extremities. They both project to S. W. There is a great depth of water in the gut.
64. The first gut lies N. N. E. and S. S. W. and is not above three leagues long. Its breadth varies from a league, to a league and a half. I have already given notice of the ledge of rocks at Cape Orange. At coming out of the first gut, you meet with two lesser rocks, extended on each of its extremities. They both project to S. W. There is a great depth of water in the gut.
65. This is to be understood in French measure, in which the French foot exceeds the English by ,788 of an inch; accordingly, in French measure, 5 feet 6 inches = 5 feet, 10,334, inches English; and French 5 feet 10 inches are = 6 feet, 2,5704, inches English. F.
65. This is to be understood in French measure, in which the French foot exceeds the English by ,788 of an inch; accordingly, in French measure, 5 feet 6 inches = 5 feet, 10,334, inches English; and French 5 feet 10 inches are = 6 feet, 2,5704, inches English. F.
66. A mer étale.
66. A mer étale.
67. The distance between the W. point or end of the first gut, and the entrance of the second, is about six or seven leagues, and the breadth of the straits there is likewise about seven leagues. The second gut lies N. E. by E. and S. W. by W. it is about a league and a half broad, and three or four long.
67. The distance between the W. point or end of the first gut, and the entrance of the second, is about six or seven leagues, and the breadth of the straits there is likewise about seven leagues. The second gut lies N. E. by E. and S. W. by W. it is about a league and a half broad, and three or four long.
68. In passing the second gut, it is necessary to keep along the coast of Patagonia, because, when you come out of the gut, the titles run southward, and you must be careful to avoid a low point, projecting below the head-land of St George’s isle, and though this apparent cape is high and steep, the low land advances far to W. N. W.
68. In passing the second gut, it is necessary to keep along the coast of Patagonia, because, when you come out of the gut, the titles run southward, and you must be careful to avoid a low point, projecting below the head-land of St George’s isle, and though this apparent cape is high and steep, the low land advances far to W. N. W.
69. The isle of Elizabeth[70]lies N. N. E. and S. S. W. with the west point of the second gut, on the Patagonian side. The isles of St. Barthelemi (St. Bartholomew) and of Lions likewise, lie N. N. E. and S. S. W. between them and the west point of the second gut on St. George’s island.
69. The isle of Elizabeth[70]lies N. N. E. and S. S. W. with the west point of the second gut, on the Patagonian side. The isles of St. Barthelemi (St. Bartholomew) and of Lions likewise, lie N. N. E. and S. S. W. between them and the west point of the second gut on St. George’s island.
70. The French call it Sainte Elizabeth. F.
70. The French call it Sainte Elizabeth. F.
71. The isles of St. Barthelemi and of Lions, are connected together by a shoal. There are likewise two shoals; one S. S. W. of the isle of Lions, and the other W. N. W. of St. Barthelemi, one or two leagues distant; so that these three shoals, and the two isles form a chain; between which, to E. S. E. and the isle of St. Elizabeth to W. N. W. is the channel through which you advance into the straits. This channel runs N. N. E. and S. S. W.I do not think it practicable to sail on the south side of the isles of St. Barthelemi and of Lions, nor between the isle of Elizabeth and the main land.
71. The isles of St. Barthelemi and of Lions, are connected together by a shoal. There are likewise two shoals; one S. S. W. of the isle of Lions, and the other W. N. W. of St. Barthelemi, one or two leagues distant; so that these three shoals, and the two isles form a chain; between which, to E. S. E. and the isle of St. Elizabeth to W. N. W. is the channel through which you advance into the straits. This channel runs N. N. E. and S. S. W.
I do not think it practicable to sail on the south side of the isles of St. Barthelemi and of Lions, nor between the isle of Elizabeth and the main land.
72. From the end of the second gut, to the N. E. point of the isle of Elizabeth, the distance is about four leagues. Elizabeth island extends S. S. W. and N. N. E. for the length of about three leagues and a half. It is necessary to keep this shore on board, in passing through the above channel.From the S. W. point of Elizabeth island, to Cape Noir, the distance is not above a league[73].
72. From the end of the second gut, to the N. E. point of the isle of Elizabeth, the distance is about four leagues. Elizabeth island extends S. S. W. and N. N. E. for the length of about three leagues and a half. It is necessary to keep this shore on board, in passing through the above channel.
From the S. W. point of Elizabeth island, to Cape Noir, the distance is not above a league[73].
73. This Cape Noir is not mentioned in M. de B’s. map; but should be carefully distinguished fromCape Noir, orCabo Negro, seen by lord Anson upon Terra del Fuego, in about 54° S. lat. F.
73. This Cape Noir is not mentioned in M. de B’s. map; but should be carefully distinguished fromCape Noir, orCabo Negro, seen by lord Anson upon Terra del Fuego, in about 54° S. lat. F.
74. From Cape Noir the coast runs S. S. E. to the northern point of Bay Duclos; which is about seven leagues distant from it.Opposite Bay Duclos, there is a prodigious inlet in Terra del Fuego; which I suspect to be a channel, disemboguing eastward of Cape Horn. Cape Monmouth forms the north point of it.
74. From Cape Noir the coast runs S. S. E. to the northern point of Bay Duclos; which is about seven leagues distant from it.
Opposite Bay Duclos, there is a prodigious inlet in Terra del Fuego; which I suspect to be a channel, disemboguing eastward of Cape Horn. Cape Monmouth forms the north point of it.
75.Perruches, probablysea-parrots, or auks. F.
75.Perruches, probablysea-parrots, or auks. F.
76. The distance from Bay Duclos to Point St. Anne, is about five leagues; and the bearing being S. E. by S. there is nearly the same distance from Point St. Anne to Cape Round, which bear respectively N. N. E. and S. S. W.
76. The distance from Bay Duclos to Point St. Anne, is about five leagues; and the bearing being S. E. by S. there is nearly the same distance from Point St. Anne to Cape Round, which bear respectively N. N. E. and S. S. W.
77. From the second gut to Cape Round, the breadth of the straits varies from seven to five leagues; they grow narrow at Cape Round, where their breadth does not exceed three leagues.
77. From the second gut to Cape Round, the breadth of the straits varies from seven to five leagues; they grow narrow at Cape Round, where their breadth does not exceed three leagues.
78. From Cape Round, to the Isle of the Observatory, the distance is about four leagues; and the coast runs W. S. W. In this distance there are three good anchoring-places.
78. From Cape Round, to the Isle of the Observatory, the distance is about four leagues; and the coast runs W. S. W. In this distance there are three good anchoring-places.
79. A Frenchtoiseis six feet Paris measure. F.
79. A Frenchtoiseis six feet Paris measure. F.
80. A mi-canal.
80. A mi-canal.
81. From the isle of the Observatory, Cape Forward is about six leagues distant, and the coast runs nearly W. S. W. The strait is there between three and four leagues broad.
81. From the isle of the Observatory, Cape Forward is about six leagues distant, and the coast runs nearly W. S. W. The strait is there between three and four leagues broad.
82. In the space of about five leagues, which are between Cape Forward and Cape Holland, there are two other capes, and three creeks, of little depth. I know of no anchorage there. The breadth of the straits varies from three to four leagues.
82. In the space of about five leagues, which are between Cape Forward and Cape Holland, there are two other capes, and three creeks, of little depth. I know of no anchorage there. The breadth of the straits varies from three to four leagues.
83. Cape Holland and Cape Galant bear among themselves E. 2° S. and W. 2° N. and the distance is about eight leagues. Between these two capes there is one, less projecting, called Cape Coventry. They likewise place several bays there, of which we have only seen Bay Verte, or Green Bay, or Bay De Cordes, which has been visited by land. It is great and deep, but there seem to be several shallows in it.
83. Cape Holland and Cape Galant bear among themselves E. 2° S. and W. 2° N. and the distance is about eight leagues. Between these two capes there is one, less projecting, called Cape Coventry. They likewise place several bays there, of which we have only seen Bay Verte, or Green Bay, or Bay De Cordes, which has been visited by land. It is great and deep, but there seem to be several shallows in it.
84. Bay Fortescue is about two miles broad from one point to the other, and not quite so deep, from its entrance, till to a peninsula, which, coming from the west-side of the bay, extends E. S. E. and covers a port, well sheltered from all the winds. This is Port Galant, which is a mile deep towards the W. N. W. Its breadth is from four hundred to five hundred yards. There is a river at the bottom of the port, and two more on the N. E. side. In the middle of the port there is four or five fathoms of water, bottom of ooze and shells.
84. Bay Fortescue is about two miles broad from one point to the other, and not quite so deep, from its entrance, till to a peninsula, which, coming from the west-side of the bay, extends E. S. E. and covers a port, well sheltered from all the winds. This is Port Galant, which is a mile deep towards the W. N. W. Its breadth is from four hundred to five hundred yards. There is a river at the bottom of the port, and two more on the N. E. side. In the middle of the port there is four or five fathoms of water, bottom of ooze and shells.
85. Sir John Narborough. F.
85. Sir John Narborough. F.
86.Laurier-epice, spice-laurel is probably the famousWinters-bark, mentioned by Sir John Narborough, and afterwards well drawn and described by Sir Hans Sloane, in his History of Jamaica, vol. ii. p. 87. t. 19. f. 2. and Plukenet. Almagest. 89. t. 81. f. 1. and t. 160. f. 7. F.
86.Laurier-epice, spice-laurel is probably the famousWinters-bark, mentioned by Sir John Narborough, and afterwards well drawn and described by Sir Hans Sloane, in his History of Jamaica, vol. ii. p. 87. t. 19. f. 2. and Plukenet. Almagest. 89. t. 81. f. 1. and t. 160. f. 7. F.
87. From Cape Galant to Bay Elizabeth, the coast runs nearly W. N. W. and the distance from the one to the other, is about four leagues. In this space there is no anchoring-place on the main-land. The depth is too great, even close to the shore. Bay Elizabeth is open to the S. W. Its breadth between the points is three quarters of a league; and its depth pretty near the same. The shore in the bottom of the bay is sandy; and so is the S. E. shore. In its northern part lies a ledge, stretching a good way to the offing. The good anchoring in this bay is nine fathom, bottom of sand, gravel, and coral; and has the following marks: the E. point of the bay bears S. S. E. ½E. its W. point, W. b. N. The E. point of the isle of Louis le Grand, S.S. W. ½S. the ledge N. W. b. N.
87. From Cape Galant to Bay Elizabeth, the coast runs nearly W. N. W. and the distance from the one to the other, is about four leagues. In this space there is no anchoring-place on the main-land. The depth is too great, even close to the shore. Bay Elizabeth is open to the S. W. Its breadth between the points is three quarters of a league; and its depth pretty near the same. The shore in the bottom of the bay is sandy; and so is the S. E. shore. In its northern part lies a ledge, stretching a good way to the offing. The good anchoring in this bay is nine fathom, bottom of sand, gravel, and coral; and has the following marks: the E. point of the bay bears S. S. E. ½E. its W. point, W. b. N. The E. point of the isle of Louis le Grand, S.S. W. ½S. the ledge N. W. b. N.