CHAP. VIII.

[Decoration]CHAP. VIII.[Decoration]

[Decoration]

[Decoration]

DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLE OF BULAM. — ITS ADVANTAGES AND PRODUCTIONS. — ORIGIN AND FAILURE OF THE ENGLISH ESTABLISHMENT. — RIVERS WHICH FORM THE ARCHIPELAGOS OF THE BISSAGOS, WITH SOME PARTICULARS OF THE PEOPLE WHO RESIDE ON THEIR BANKS. — PARTICULARS OF THE KINGDOM OF CABO, AND ITS SOVEREIGN. — COMMERCIAL ADVANTAGES OF THE VILLAGE OF GESVES, AND THE KINGDOM OF GUENALA.

THE isle of Bulam is situated in 11° 18′ 6″ lat. and 17° 19′ long. It was discovered by the French, who frequented it for a long time, and examined it in every direction, without forming any establishment upon it, though they always intended the contrary. Some of the plans, however, were badly conceived, having originated with men who possessed no knowledge of the country; while others indicated objects of the greatest advantage: amongst the latter were those of M. Brue at the beginning of the last century; of the Abbe Desmance, towards the middle; and of Barber, an Englishman, who resided at Havre, in 1787. All these schemes, however, came to nothing, and are now forgotten.

The island of Bulam is eight or nine leagues long from east to west, about five leagues in breadth from north to south; and between twenty-five and thirty in circumference: it is only separated from the main land by a channel, which forms the harbour at the east end. It is contiguous to many navigable rivers, which ascend to a vast distance in the continent and offer the greatest commercial advantages. The climate is better than that of most of the West India Islands, and is only unhealthy where the rough state of nature is predominant: by cultivation and industry it might be rendered very salubrious.

The shore, which affords an easy landing, is bordered with large and fine trees; the soil rises insensibly during the space of two leagues from the sea to a few hills, serving as the bases of some considerable mountains, which are in the centre of the island. These mountains are neither steep nor barren; they areeasy of access, and might be cultivated without much trouble; their summits are covered with trees; and rivers, which always contain plenty of water, issue from them, and fertilize the whole of the country. It is doubtless to this irrigation that the soil is indebted for its fecundity. Palm-trees of every kind, as well as all those which are indigenous in hot climates, are most abundant. The southern quarter is a natural meadow, in which are herds of oxen and wild horses; the former of a very large size, but the latter smaller than ordinary.

In every part of the island may be found a prodigious number of stags, hinds, goats, buffaloes, and elephants; while tigers, lions, and wolves do not infest this charming retreat. Game and smaller birds breed undisturbed, and are seen in vast flocks all over the island. The shores afford plenty of fish, and amongst them great numbers of turtle; in short, it produces in abundance all the necessaries of life: it is, however, uninhabited, and has been so ever since the Bissagos expelled the Biafares, to whom it belonged, and banished them to the continent. This was the termination of a sanguinary war, in which the Biafares being overcome, were either dispersed, or made slaves, or sold.

The conquerors did not think proper to establish themselves on the territory which they had acquired; but they repair thither every year, to the number of three or four hundred, in the months of February, March, April, and May, and plant fields of rice, millet, and other pulse. After their harvest, which is always plentiful, they return to their own country.

From the known richness of the soil it would doubtlessly produce, without much trouble, sugar, coffee, cocoa, indigo, cotton, tobacco, and in general all the productions of America. The labour might be performed by slaves purchased on the spot, or hired at the rate of three or four bars for each man per month: the bar is a nominal coin of Africa, valued at four livres sixteen sous, about 3s. 8d. English, and costs in Europe little more than half that sum. These slaves would in time have a liking for the island, might become free, purchase land, and finally be civilized. The navy of that country which might first form the establishment would also derive great advantages: the expeditions of Europeans in this part of the world have had commerce exclusively for their object, and the cultivation of land or the building of ships has never been thought of; though in the isle of Bulam almost every thing requisite for this important object might be obtained. The Portuguese who are naturalized in this part of Africa, employ the large trees which grow at Bulam and the neighbouring islands, for making their boats. There is one species, calledmicheiry, of which they construct their decks; it is easy to work, and is never perforatedby worms: specimens of this wood have been sent to Europe and America, where it is deemed preferable to those kinds that are generally used: it must, however, be admitted, that mast-timber is not to be procured; the micheiry is too short, and the palm and most of the other trees are too heavy and brittle. The Portuguese, however, are obliged to make their masts of palm-trees; but on account of their weight they form them very short, and dispense with top-masts.

The marshy spots produce some peculiar trees, the leaves of which are large and thin, the wood is spongy, and the bark thick and supple, insomuch that it is made into tow. To effect this object they peel the inner from the outer rind, and the former makes a kind of tow, which never rots. With respect to cordage, the country furnishes abundance of materials for this purpose, as it is made from a species of reed which abounds in all the marshy spots. This vegetable is cut and left to macerate in water, when, after beating it to deprive it of the outer rind, it is spun and made into good ropes. The cocoa-trees also afford a supply for this purpose; the fibrous substance which covers the shell makes excellent tow; and the ropes which are spun from it, are cheaper and more in use there than those of hemp. The natives understand this sort of manufacture, and the well-informed Negroes convert it to their own use.

We continue to send insignificant expeditions to this part of the world, and trade in slaves, wax, ivory, hides, cotton, ostrich-feathers, and gold; but fortunate will that nation be, which shall establish a powerful colony in the isle of Bulam.

The English, in 1792, were the first who made an attempt at an establishment of this description: they formed an association, and raised by subscription a sum of 9,000l. sterling; each subscriber giving 50l. for 300 acres of arable land in the island. They sent off three ships, which carried nearly 300 colonists, and a variety of articles necessary for their establishment.

The principal objects to this association was the abolition of the slave-trade; the civilization of the Negroes; and the opening of a humane and social intercourse between Europe and Africa, founded on the exchange of useful goods and on pecuniary speculations.

The new colonists were well received by the natives, and particularly by the naturalized Portuguese on the continent, who had long been in the habit of trading for slaves. After their arrival they elected a chief; and their choice fell on Lieutenant Beaver, who proved himself worthy of their confidence[1]. Heagreed with Captain Dalrymple, who commanded the expedition, to buy in the name of the colonists the whole of the isle of Bulam, as well as a great tract of territory on the neighbouring continent.

This project was carried into execution, and the sale was made to them by three negroes, who seemed to have an equal right to the property which they sold; the price of this acquisition was 473 bars.

This transaction put a stop to one of the causes of dissension which had always prevailed amongst the Europeans; it terminated those incessant quarrels which took place amongst the Negro kings about the possession of the island, and which always caused the shedding of blood. The English were wise enough to renounce all ideas of usurpation; they bought and became masters of the island by a written and voluntary convention.

The directors of this benevolent association, however, wanted practical knowledge in such kinds of enterprise. The colonists arrived in the rainy season, which is the most unhealthy period. Several individuals became terrified at the insalubrity of the climate; they supposed that a more extensive degree of cultivation would be necessary to support them in the colony: hence they returned to England with their wives and children.

Another cause of failure was, that they did not pay a sufficient regard to the choice of their colonists: for amongst those whom they took out were several men of bad principles and immoral conduct, who excited divisions in this infant establishment. On the other hand, the leaders neglected to bring with them carcasses and other materials necessary for building houses, which were indispensable to secure them from the rain and sun.

At length the late war was one of the principal causes of the want of success to this undertaking, as it cut off all communication between the colony and Europe. Captain Beaver in his Report on the 19th of January, 1794, said, that the enterprise had not failed, but that it had been unfortunate through unforeseen circumstances: he, however, made the greatest efforts, and his good conduct and perseverance from the 5th of May, 1792, to the 29th of November, 1793, afford the highest idea of his courage and abilities.

Mr. Beaver and the valiant colonists who would not abandon him, braved the climate, and resisted the repeated attacks of the inhabitants of the Bissagos, by whom they were often disturbed, though they always repelled them with loss. These Negroes consider the island of Bulam a part of their domain. It would be difficult to persuade them to the contrary; but their forbearance might be purchased at a trifling rate; and this mode is preferable to a state of war, which otherwise would always disturb the colony.

The first months were employed in cultivating a considerable tract of the island, and in building a large house in the form of a barricade, which was the general magazine, the residence of the colonists, and their citadel. The gardens which they formed, were handsome and agreeable; and different botanical experiments were successfully made, with tropical and European seeds and plants: all the vegetable productions answered their expectations, and arrived at maturity with astonishing quickness. The colonists, however, informed of the declaration of war, while their separation from Europe deprived them of clothes, medicines, and implements of agriculture, induced Captain Beaver to retire to Sierra Leone, to pass the rainy season. He therefore left Bulam under the protection of the neighbouring Negro kings, whose confidence and esteem he had acquire and who promised to keep the island in trust for the colonists till the termination of the war.

These princes, who were sincerely attached to Captain Beaver, had discovered, that commerce and agriculture, which increase mankind and the products of nature, are preferable to speculations which have for their object the depopulation of Africa.

On the 29th November, 1793, Captain Beaver left the island of Bulam, with the extreme regret of not having been seconded in proportion to his zeal and perseverance. It appears, however, that the labours which were begun, were not entirely suspended till after the war. The English will certainly appear again on that island; and I have no doubt, that their generous efforts will be crowned with success.

To return to the archipelago of the Bissagos; it must be stated, that it is formed by a multitude of rivers, which empty themselves into the sea. I have already spoken of the Casamança and Saint Domingo, as well as of the Portuguese establishments, their commerce, and connections with the various tribes of natives who inhabit the banks of those rivers. I have, however, yet to offer some remarks on the kingdom of Cabo, which deserves particular notice.

About one hundred and fifty leagues from the mouth of theriver Casamança is a vast and deep bend of land, which has given the name of Cabo or Cape to a considerable kingdom that occupies it. It is said that this territory was governed at the beginning of the last century by a Negro king named Bizam Mansaré, who lived in greater splendour and magnificence than any of the other Negro sovereigns. He had a numerous court, and more than four thousand marks in table plate; he also kept six or seven thousand soldiers well armed and disciplined. This king knew how to make himself respected by the labouring people, and to maintain good order in his states: he subjected to military punishment such of his subjects as refused to pay him tribute, or who were asked for it twice before they produced it; and he had established such a vigilant police throughout his kingdom, that merchants might leave their goods out on the highway, without any danger of losing them. He enacted severe laws against robbery, which were so rigorously executed that no one dared to break them. His slaves were not chained together; and as soon as the buyers had fixed upon them, they had no fear of their escaping or being carried off, as the guards on the frontiers were inexorable and faithful.

This prince generally supplied the Portuguese in the course of each year with six hundred slaves, besides gold and ivory, in exchange for European merchandize: he used to prefer the fennel-water from the isle of Rhé; cinnamon-water, rosolis, sabres with ornamented hilts, French saddles, easy chairs covered with velvet, and various articles of household furniture.

When a white person came to visit him, he had him conducted to and from his residence, and paid all his expences from the moment he entered till he had left his states: his subjects dared not receive any perquisites from the stranger under penalty of being made slaves. The king always gave him an audience the moment he demanded it; and it was customary on such occasions for the European to make a present to the king equal in value to three slaves. The visits and presents were continued upon the same footing till the merchant perceived some diminution in the generosity of the king; when he treated with him for what remained, and the merchant received payment. When he was about to have his audience of leave, he would ask the king to make him a present for his wife, and the sovereign in general used to give him a slave or a piece of gold.

The prince of whom I have been speaking, died in 1705, generally regretted. But from many private accounts which I received during my government at Senegal, I have reason to know that his successors have continued to imitate his just and equitable conduct.

To the N. N. W. of the Bissaux isle is the river of Gesves, which takes its name from a village sixty-six leagues from its mouth. At the part where it disembogues itself into the sea is another village called the Boat, the inhabitants of which cultivate rice in abundance, and exchange it for merchandize. It is asserted that these people are particularly famous for their talents in taming the most ferocious animals.

The Gesves is extremely rapid, which is attributed to the natural and considerable descent of its bed, as well as to an eddy or irregularity of the tide which is very dangerous, and is known by the name ofmascaret: it arises from the tide being six hours in running down, and only three or less in coming up; while it ascends with such rapidity that the waves seem like mountains of water rolling over one another, and their impulse is so great that they carry off whatever comes in their way. Hence vessels moor in these roads in such a manner as to keep always afloat, or to move on, when they see the mascaret approaching.

The trade of Gesves consists annually of about two hundred slaves, five tons of wax, as much ivory, and four or five hundred common pagnes, or pieces of common Negro-cloth. This last article could not be dispensed with in the trade carried on with the Negro kings and the Bissagos: there are also other kinds of cotton, which are bartered, and are of a superior quality. The most certain method of carrying on trade with advantage, and giving it all the extent of which it is susceptible, is to have a number of boats, which should frequent all the rivers and creeks of the country, for the purpose of procuring merchandize; which might thus be obtained at first hand, and would deprive the Portuguese of the great benefits which they derive from their interference.

On penetrating up the mouth of this river, that is to say, up the curve which it makes to the north-west, we arrive at a village named Gonfode; it is inhabited by the Biafares Negroes, who are tolerably civilized, and attached to commerce. To the south of the Gesves is another, to which they give the name of Goli, which is likewise inhabited by the Biafares, who trade to some extent with the Portuguese. The river in question leads to one of the ordinary residences of the king of Guenala: the trade carried on along its banks is very considerable, but its navigation is very difficult, on account of the numerous shoals and rocks with which it is filled. This obstacle, however, does not prevent the Negroes employed by the Portuguese from trading continually along it with their canoes, though the mascaret attacks them in a very violent manner.

On the shores of this river the Portuguese, and those who pretendto be so, have established themselves in great numbers: they live in the most disgusting idleness, passing the whole day on mats in the vestibule of their houses, smoking and gossiping. They very seldom take a walk, and never hunt; indeed they take no sort of exercise, every thing being done for them by their domestics: the latter are constantly employed in trading for their masters; and the profits which they derive, are sufficient for the subsistence of the Portuguese, many of whom even obtain a small fortune from the industry of their servants. But notwithstanding this, most of them are so indolent, that they live in the manner of the Negroes, and even worse; insomuch that they often want the necessaries of life: they have neither the foresight nor the courage to procure themselves vegetables in such a fertile country, the industry to breed domestic animals, nor the strength to hunt game, with which the whole territory abounds.

One may judge of the apathy of these people by the state of the village of Goli, which contains about four thousand inhabitants, who call themselves Portuguese, though there are not amongst them more than ten or twelve families; all the rest being Mulattoes or Negroes. It is situated on an eminence and in an advantageous position; but it has no wall. The houses are built of wood; and the environs, which were formerly cultivated, are now fallows. The inhabitants get their provisions from the Negroes of the surrounding villages.

About ten or twelve leagues to the south of the river of Gesves, is that to which the Portuguese have given the name of Rio Grande, on account of its extent compared with the others which are near it. From this river they derive ivory, wax, gold, and slaves; the quantity or number of which varies according to the wars which the people make among themselves. On ascending this river to the height of eighty leagues or thereabouts from its mouth, you meet with a nation of Negroes calledAnabous: they are good merchants, and supply much ivory and rice, as well as some slaves.

On proceeding along the coast to the southward, and about sixteen leagues from Rio Grande, you come to the river ofNongne; it is considerable, and extends very far up the country: it furnishes about three hundred quintals of ivory, some slaves, and rice at a very cheap rate. Sugar-canes and indigo grow spontaneously in that quarter, and are very good.

From these districts a salt is derived which is held in much estimation by the Portuguese, who consider it an excellent antidote. The history of the discovery of such a great virtue in this salt is worthy of relation. It appears to have been owing to an elephant, who when wounded by a poisoned arrow, a weapon which the Negroes shoot at those monstrous animals, continued,to the great astonishment of the hunters, to walk and graze without shewing any sign of pain. One of the Negroes asserted that he saw the elephant go to the side of a stream, and convey some sand to its mouth by means of its trunk: he and his companions then went to look at what they supposed to be sand, when they found that it was a white salt, having a slight taste of alum. They then attacked another elephant, which did the same; on which the Negroes communicated their discovery to the Portuguese, who are dreadfully alarmed at poisoned weapons: they made various experiments with this salt, and discovered it to be the best antidote hitherto known. To cure one-self radically of any poison absorbed, it is only necessary to drink a drachm of this salt dissolved in water.

In the river of Nongne, a trade is carried on from the month of March till August, at which time ships must take the advantage of returning with the south winds. Between this river and that of Sierra Leone there are four others, namely those ofPongue,Tafali,Samos, andCassores; they are all navigable, and present great commercial advantages. The people who inhabit the countries through which they run, are theZapes, theFoules, theCocolis, and theNalez.

The Zapes divide themselves into hordes, who go by different names; there are for instance, the vagabond Zapes, who have no settled habitations; the athletic Zapes; the thin Zapes, &c. All these people are idolaters, though they acknowledge a Supreme Being, but do not worship him, though they consider him as the master of all other gods. They are extremely clever in the art of poisoning arrows, and make use of poison in various ways: they also know the antidote lately mentioned, and sell it; so that they circulate both the poison and the cure; their greatest trade, however, is in elephants’ teeth. There is likewise a certain fruit which they dispose of, calledColles, which the Portuguese are very fond of: it has a bitter taste, and imparts an excellent flavour to water.

It is not impossible to spread civilization amongst people who are still savage, nor to render highly valuable those extensive lands which are fertile, and so favourably treated by nature. Our interest, humanity, and love for the arts and sciences, all conspire to render such attempts a duty of morality.

[Decoration]CHAP. IX.[Decoration]

[Decoration]

[Decoration]

OF THE ISLES OF LOS OR IDOLES. — ACCOUNTS OF CERTAIN ANIMALS. — THE CROCODILE OR CAYMAN. — THE ELEPHANT. — THE RIVER-HORSE. — TAMED CROCODILES. — SINGULAR ANECDOTE OF AN ELEPHANT. — A PARTICULAR ACCOUNT OF THE HIPPOPOTAMUS.

ABOUT forty leagues to the south of Bissagos, in lat. 9° 27′ long. 15° 40′ you arrive at the islands of De Los or Idoles: they are seven in number, but only three of them are inhabited. The four others are properly nothing but rocks. On the easternmost of these isles is an English factory. Their isolation from the continent, and the elevation of their soil, render them as healthy as they are agreeable; the natives call themSarotima, that is, the “land of the white man:” we knew them formerly under the name of Tamara.

About sixty years ago these islands were only inhabited by a single family, called Bagos; at present they are overloaded with a mixture of Bagos, and the fugitive slaves of the Suzees and the Mandingos.

The three isles which are inhabited, are called Tamara, Los, and Crafford. Tamara, the greatest and most westerly, is almost semicircular; its shore rises in an amphitheatrical form to such a height, as to be seen twelve leagues at sea. It produces fine trees, which are fit for building: its surface is not properly known, and ships prefer anchoring at the isle of Los. The chief of this isle is called William; he has his village on the low point, which forms a plain about a quarter of a league long, by half a quarter wide. He has always wished for the French to establish themselves there; but the anchorage is not sufficiently convenient, as all goods, &c. are obliged to be landed in canoes or by similar means.

Los is the most eastern island: it is a league long, and it is necessary to pass the south end in order to anchor off it. All dangers can be foreseen in this part; which is not the case at the north-east point, as it runs under water to the extent of a quarter of a league.

Crafford is exactly between the two great isles, and stands amidst two large rocks, about a league in circumference. The surf and breakers reach a league from its northern point: they are occasioned by a large sand-bank below high-water-mark; but this danger is of little consequence, as ships always pass to the south of the isles.

From April to September the storms are frequent, and the winds impetuous; but all accidents may be prevented by coming to an anchor about half a league from the English factory. In case of the breaking of cables, the ships are ready to set sail and make for the offing.

The English establishment prospers, and carries on its trade in a peaceable manner; it always keeps in the road four or five large ships, six coasters, and several shaloops for navigating the river.

The French may be found on these islands, as well as on every part of the coast. About twenty years ago, a sailor from Havre, whose name I regret I do not know, had the courage to establish himself on his own account at the isle of Los; his enterprize was attended with the best success, and afforded a great resource to the French ships which frequented those roads. I do not know whether this establishment still exists, but it would be of great advantage either to support or renew it.

From the isle of Los may be seen Cape Tagrin. The mountains of the interior are very high, and appear to be three or four leagues from the sea-shore. Cape Tagrin is low and covered with trees, as are all the points of the coast.

In this part of Africa may be found, in greater numbers than elsewhere, crocodiles or caymans, elephants, and sea-horses. The first are too well known to need any description; but in these countries they have certain customs which are worth mentioning.

At the lower end of the river of St. Domingo, and at the mouth of that of Gesves, is a village which, as I have already said, is called the Boat, and I have been assured that the inhabitants of this place have succeeded in training crocodiles. These carnivorous animals, which are dreaded in every other part of the world, walk about in the village just mentioned, without doing the least injury to any one. The natives indeed give them food, which renders them mild and tractable; and children may be seen riding on their backs, and even beating them, without any resentment being visible on the part of the crocodiles. This is doubtless, a great proof of what may be effected by patience and benevolence: for in other parts these creatures pursue and destroy men and beasts without distinction. There are nevertheless Negroes rash enough to attack them with poniards, and whogenerally kill them. At Senegal there was a servant who took pleasure in going to fight them; but he often returned severely bitten and lacerated. He was once on the point of falling a prey to an animal of this description, which had rendered himhors de combat; but he was assisted just in time by his comrades.

The elephants are less dangerous towards man, but do equal injury to his property. When they lie down in the mud to cool themselves, they pay no attention to people who pass near them; and it is rare that they seek a quarrel: but when they are fired on and wounded, they begin to be enraged, and it is difficult to escape them. Excepting in this case, and when people wish to frighten them, they retire gravely as soon as they think proper. They look for a long time at those who disturb them; then give two or three roars, and go away. When injured they are very ingenious in their means of vengeance, and uncommonly clever in executing them. It is asserted that the crew of a French vessel, which had arrived in the river of St. Domingo, observed an elephant sticking in the mud in such a manner that he could not disengage himself: the sailors thought that it would be easy to take him, and accordingly fired muskets at him, which did not kill him, but put him in a rage. They could not get near enough to spear him; and being little accustomed to this kind of hunting, they did not know the parts at which he might be wounded with the greatest effect. The elephant could neither run away from, nor get towards his assailants; he therefore in despair took up the mud with his trunk, and threw it in such quantities into the ship, that it was ready to sink, and the sailors were obliged to tow it off. As the tide set in, they observed the elephant disengage himself and swim to shore.

The sea-horses or hippopotami which are found in all the waters of Africa, abound more particularly in the rivers which I have just mentioned: they are easier dispersed than elephants. On seeing men or hearing a noise, they quickly retire to the river from which they issued, and plunge in head-foremost; the next minute they re-appear at the surface, and neigh two or three times so loudly that they may be heard at a very great distance.

This animal, which the ancients called hippopotamus, and of which they have transmitted to us several inaccurate descriptions, is not to be found in any other part of the world. I shall therefore give a complete description of it. It resembles in several respects both the ox and the horse; and its tail is like that of a hog, except that it has no hair at the end. When it has attained its full size, it is higher, longer, and bigger, by about one third, than the largest of the French oxen; and it is not uncommon to find hippopotami which weigh from 12 to 15 cwt: its body is thick, compact, and closely covered with short brown hair, whichgrows grey, and, as the animal gets old, resembles that of a mouse. When in the water, this hair always shines: the head is large and stout, but it appears short or diminutive in proportion to the rest of the body, and it is quite flat. The neck is thick and short, and bears no hair till the animal gets old. This part possesses great strength, as do also the loins. The ears, though large, are small with respect to the size of the head: they are pointed, and the animal can erect or backen them like the common horse. It has a fine sense of hearing, and a penetrating sight. Its eyes are large and particularly projecting; and when it is ever so little enraged, they become red, and glare in a terrible manner. The nose is thick and turned up, and the nostrils are wide. Besides the incisors and grinders, which are very large and rather hollow in the center, the animal has four very large teeth, which serve it for weapons of defence; two being on each side like those of the boar; they are about seven or eight inches long, and nearly five inches in circumference at the root: those of the lower jaw are rather more bent than the others, and the substance of which they are composed, is whiter and infinitely harder than ivory. When the animal is enraged and gnashes its teeth, which emit sparks: this circumstance doubtless gave rise to the opinion amongst the ancients that the sea-horse vomited fire. It is certain that these teeth when struck against a bit of steel, produce sparks, as readily as a flint.

The hippopotamus has no horns, its feet and teeth being the only weapons with which nature has provided it; its legs are thick, fleshy, and of a tolerable size; the foot is cleft like that of oxen; but the pasterns or knees are too weak to support the weight of the body: nature, however, has provided against this defect by supplying the fetlock with two little horny substances, which tend to support the animal while walking; it thus leaves upon the ground, at every step, the impression of the four horns, which must have made the ancients think that its claws were similar to those of the crocodile, as they have depicted it to us. The hippopotamus walks tolerably quick when it is pressed, and if it find a level and rather hard soil; but it can never overtake a horse, nor even a light-made man, as are all the Negroes who hunt it for amusement.

The skin of the river-horse is uncommonly hard, particularly that which covers the neck, the back, the hind part of the thighs, and the rump, insomuch that balls only slip along it, and arrows recoil. It is, however, much thinner, and consequently more easy to perforate, under the belly and between the thighs; in these parts, therefore, the hunters attempt to wound it.

The river-horse is amphibious: it is frequently seen in the sea; but we know that it does not proceed far from the coast or freshwater, as it requires for its existence to be near meadows and cultivated lands. It has been observed to walk much faster in the water than on land, as the former supports it, and assists the progress of its heavy body; nevertheless, it cannot stay in the fluid for a length of time, or as long as it can remain on land. The time which it has been ascertained to keep under water, is about half or three quarters of an hour; after which it is obliged to come to land for the purpose of free respiration.

It sleeps ashore amongst the rushes and thickets with which the banks of the river are covered; and in such parts the females drop their young, and give them suck. As soon as they see any object or hear the least noise, they throw themselves into the water, and the young ones follow the dam. The female generally bears four at a time, and breeds once a year; so that the number of these animals in the Bissagos and the neighbouring rivers, is not astonishing.

The hippopotamus feeds both on fish and on such land animals as it can take by surprise; because the weight of its body does not enable it to run them down. It has been asserted that it eats human flesh; but all the accounts which I have received, tend to refute this opinion. Besides animals and fish, we know that it eats the grass of the fields, and particularly rice, millet, peas, melons, and other vegetables, as its voracity is not easily satiated. The Negroes keep it away from their grounds by the means of noises and fires: for it makes more devastation with its feet in a piece of cultivated ground than by what it eats; and if it take a fancy to sleep in such a spot, the harvest is thereby entirely destroyed.

It is while the animal thus reposes that the natives most easily destroy it by approaching in a gentle manner; and it betrays itself by its loud snoring. The Negroes take a pleasure in attacking it, on account of their agility; but they take care not to hunt it, except it be at a distance from a river to which they can prevent its return; but if it be wounded and cannot reach the water, which it searches for with more eagerness than it defends itself against the hunters, it becomes furious, and then it would be imprudent to approach it. It is very tenacious of life, and never yields it without much struggle. The hunters endeavour to break its legs with musket-balls; and if they once cause it to fall, they kill it with ease. If, however, on such an occasion, it succeed in gaining a river, it plunges headlong in; and after remaining for an instant at the bottom, it appears again at the surface, pricks up its ears, and looks about in every direction, as if in search of those who had forced it to quit the pasture; it then neighs, and plunges again to the bottom, which it reaches, whatever may beits depth, where it doubtless remains more safe, and perhaps more at its ease than it would be between two bodies of water. There is some danger in attacking it on the rivers: for if the hunters miss their aim, it tries to avenge itself, and often does great injury to the boats which are in pursuit of it.

This animal indeed does not want a certain degree of instinct: for example, it evacuates much blood, and it is asserted that it often bleeds itself; for this purpose it looks out for a sharp point of rock, which is not rare on the banks of rivers, and against this it rubs itself quickly till the friction produces an aperture capable of admitting the passage of the blood; and it is said to observe the discharge with attention and pleasure, and even to agitate itself when the stream is not sufficiently copious; but when it thinks that enough has been emitted, it goes to lie down in the mud, and thus closes up the wound.

The Negroes of Angola, Congo, and the eastern coasts of Africa, consider the river-horse, which they callFetiso, as a diminutive of some divinity, notwithstanding which they eat it. The other Negroes also think the flesh excellent. The Portuguese, who are rigid observers of Lent and fast days, pretend that it is a fish, and as such they eat it. They are doubtless in the right, as they find it very palatable. Europeans, on the contrary, have much difficulty in accommodating themselves to such a repast, as they find it to possess a gross taste and strong smell.

The skin and teeth of the river-horse are objects of commerce: of the former, when dried and stretched, they make shields and bucklers, which are proof against arrows and bullets; while the teeth fetch a greater price than those of elephants. The dentists buy them up with avidity, as they have found that teeth made of this substance do not turn yellow like those of ivory; besides which they are much harder. It is also asserted that little plates made of these bones, and fixed by a riband round such parts of the limbs as are attacked by cramp and sciatica, prevent the exacerbation of those disorders, as long as they remain on the skin. This is a recipe which I do not guarantee; but it may be easily tried.

RIVER OF SIERRA LEONE, ITS DISCOVERY &c. — EXPEDITIONS OF THE EUROPEANS, THEIR PARTIAL ESTABLISHMENTS, AND PROJECTS OF COLONISATION. — REVIEW OF THEIR RESOURCES AND PROJECTS. — GENERAL REMARKS ON THE ESTABLISHMENTS WHICH MIGHT BE FORMED, AND THE MEASURES TO BE TAKEN FOR PROMOTING THE PROSPERITY OF COMMERCE IN THAT PART OF THE WORLD.

THE last French establishment on the western coast of Africa is on the river of Sierra Leone, so named on account of the mountains and lions which are found in the country. The river is situated in 8°. 30′. lat. and 15°. 7′. long.; it was first discovered by the French, who were succeeded by the Portuguese; and these people formed several factories upon it, of which there now remain only the ruins, though a great number of their descendants may be found on both their banks, where they are naturalised, and are scarcely distinguishable from the natives.

The other Europeans have confined themselves for a length of time to the making of separate expeditions for the trade of slaves, and this is the market to which the Americans still resort for the same traffic.

Several individuals have established themselves in this quarter, and have resided here for various periods; they all succeeded more or less, and have left striking traits of their industry as well as of their crimes; amongst the rest was an Englishman, named Ormond, who was employed as a cabin-boy about thirty years ago in a ship engaged in the trade, and contrived to remain as an assistant in the factory on the river of Sierra Leone: here he afterwards formed an establishment on his own account in a district more to the northward; and though he could neither read nor write, he became so clever in his own way, that he amassed a fortune of about £30,000 sterling.

This example clearly proves the consequences of private industry; but the history of the man in question shews how dangerous it is to abandon it to itself: for the cruelties which he committed exceed all belief. It is asserted, that to get rid of his slaves for whom he could not find a sale, he tied stones to their necks, and threw them at night into the river. At another time he caused one of his servants to be tied, and gave him with his ownhand four hundred lashes, of which the unfortunate creature died a few days after. He also, on detecting a criminal intercourse between one of his slaves and a Negress, fastened them to a barrel of pitch and set it on fire.

Ormond was as superstitious as he was cruel: he believed, like the Africans, in sorcery. But nothing could prevent the blows with which Providence, after permitting him to continue in his career of wickedness, attacked him. His health declined, and he retired to the isles of Los, leaving the management of his affairs to a mulatto, who was his son. A horde of the Bagos, with whom he had had a quarrel, took that opportunity to avenge themselves, and plundered his factory, in which they were assisted by his slaves. All the buildings were burnt, and twelve or fifteen hundred slaves, worth 30,000l. were set at liberty. Young Ormond was put to death on this occasion, and the father was so afflicted at the news, that he survived only a month.

The French received their possessions on the river of Sierra Leone in consequence of a treaty with Panabouri, proprietor of Gambia, which was signed between the Negro king and M. de Lajaille on the 14th January, 1785. The king gave his son, named Pedro, as a hostage for his performance of the contract; and the youth was conveyed to France, where he received a pension of 1200 livres per annum for two years. On returning to Africa, his father sent him back to France to finish his education. The king himself not being able to read or write, made a cross as his signature to the treaty.

M. de Lajaille has not given us a description of the island in the Gambia which was ceded to the French by this treaty, nor has he said any thing of the manners and religion of the people. From the accounts, however, which I procured, it appears that the island is very small and unhealthy: there are scarcely six acres of soil capable of cultivation; all the rest is a vast swamp. The trade which we carry on consists in slaves and wax. The position of the port was badly chosen; and though water abounds in the place, the garrison have to go a considerable distance to obtain it; in short, the establishment is of trivial advantage. The French who were left on the isle of Gambia, were neglected and abandoned by their countrymen; and after experiencing all the horrors of want, they almost all perished in the month of August, 1793. Two or three individuals only returned, in a state of irritation against the government which ought to have protected them, and so ill in health, that they did not long survive. Notwithstanding this failure, the river of Sierra Leone abounds in favourable spots both for culture and commerce, on which the French or any other nation might establish powerful colonies. The English, who about fifteen years ago had fixed them in variousparts near this river, have since formed settlements far greater and important than those of the French. The latter in their attempts were too parsimonious; while the former were prodigal in their gold.

In the month of May, 1788, Mr. Granville Sharp sent off a vessel laden with provisions, different materials, and about thirty-nine artificers, to establish a colony at Sierra Leone. This colony, whose principal settlement was afterwards at Free-town, had for its basis principles entirely philanthropic. The colonists were to employ themselves in the cultivation of the lands and the civilization of the Africans, while the slave trade was to be totally renounced amongst them.

The fortune of an individual was of course insufficient for such an undertaking. Mr. Sharp, therefore, in 1790 formed a society of twenty-one persons, which in a few months became still more numerous; and an act of parliament was passed, authorising them to make a company, and to enjoy for thirty-one years the privileges granted to them by the act. Messrs. Thornton and Wilberforce were then the directors, and the members who had most influence over the company. The first regulation which it made, excluded every individual who was interested in the slave trade; and it was not only agreed that they should for ever abandon that traffic, but that there should never be slaves in the colony.

In the month of March, 1791, the company caused 1131 Blacks to be brought from Nova Scotia to Sierra Leone: they were engaged for a certain time, and were to be free when their period of servitude expired. Portions of soil were given to them to cultivate for their own advantage; but it was impossible to keep them to the spots which had been assigned to them. Being influenced by a commercial spirit, and wishing to obtain a portion of the money which the company had imprudently introduced into the colony, these new settlers abandoned their fields, and all came to reside in the chief place, called Free-town.

The subscription was closed on the 1st of June, 1792; and the capital of the company then amounted to the vast sum of 242,899l. sterling. This sum was employed in the following manner:

These expences, however, greatly exceeded the idea which had been formed by the company; they were occasioned by a concurrence of circumstances which it was impossible to foresee, but which are all properly explained in the different statements that have been published by the directors.

The colonists arrived in the rainy season, which occasioned a general sickness and many deaths. Several of the principal officers were taken ill, and obliged to return to England; and a great many of the subordinate agents fell sacrifices to the additional labour which they in consequence had to perform. It appeared that the air of Free-town, like that of all the positions on the coast, is bad, and even dangerous during the rainy and stormy season; but that it is good and agreeable for the rest of the year.

The cultivation went on slowly, and experienced many difficulties; nevertheless the directors were of opinion that the soil of Africa might be managed by its native inhabitants. They were of this opinion from the apparent success of the plantations, which they had undertaken; but they adhered to their system of making the future progress of such plantations depend on the abolition of the slave trade.

Under the article of civilization, the directors comprised a form of government for the colony: it is founded on the principles of the English constitution. The trial by jury perfectly succeeded; and the Africans appeared to incline to the measures adopted in the colony to introduce Christianity and civil regulations. But the success of the enterprize was a subordinate consideration compared with the grand object, the abolition of the slave trade. Yet to overcome the first difficulties was far more easy, than what they had afterwards to encounter: for they had some severe misfortunes to try their constancy.

On the 27th of November, 1794, a French squadron entered the river of Sierre Leone, and fired on Free-town. The inhabitants conceiving all resistance useless, begged to capitulate, but in vain: the French landed, plundered the houses and magazines, and conducted themselves with extreme rigour. They were encouraged in their excesses by the captains of two American ships employed in the slave trade. It was impossible to check the animosity of Arnaud, the commander of the expedition: he protested that he would burn all the houses belonging to the English; and he kept his word. The books of the company were seized and destroyed, and all the bibles and prayer-books were trampled under foot. The collection of the botanist Afzelius was ravaged; his plants, seeds, birds, insects, drawings, and memoranda were dispersed and spoiled, and his mathematical instruments and machines broken to pieces. Even the church wasplundered, and the sacred books consumed; nor did the invaders spare the drugs and medicines for the use of the colony. The loss to the company on this occasion was estimated at 40,000l. sterling.

This expedition was condemned by all rational Frenchmen, and was disowned by the government, who caused the commander of the squadron to be thrown into prison. His punishment would have been exemplary, if it had not clearly appeared that he was ignorant of the injury he had committed. It was proved from his journal, that he had been led into the error by two American Negroes, and that he thought he was doing a patriotic action by destroying anestablishment of Pitt, for furnishing slaves. It was evident that he had no other motives for his conduct; but this did not diminish the evil, and the company immediately employed themselves in repairing the injuries which the colony had sustained, with the resources that remained amongst them. It is remarkable that the turbulent colonists were the very Negroes who had been transported from Nova Scotia to Africa, and whom no inducement could attach to the establishment. Although they were free, they complained that they were oppressed; and it is probable that if these refractory beings had found the planters and the remainder of the inhabitants inclined to take part in their project, they would have infallibly attained their object, which was that of a revolution: for the chief officers of the society had neither power nor other means sufficient to keep them in subjection.

To obviate this inconvenience, the directors of the company obtained in 1799 from the British government a letter of licence, on the plan of those which had been granted to the India company at the time of its institution; to which was added a corps of fifty men taken from the garrison of Goree; and the sum of 7,000l. which parliament allowed for the construction of a fort.

In the month of February, 1800, a quarrel broke out between king Tom, who lived in the vicinity of Free-town, and the captain of a slave-ship belonging to Liverpool, relative to certain rights of anchorage which this king had received, from vessels that entered St. George’s bay, and which the English captain refused to pay. The affair was laid before the governor and council; but the discontented persons, and such of the colonists as were in the interest of Tom, would not abide by the decision of the tribunal; but demanded, on the contrary, that the captain should be delivered up to them, or pay a heavy sum as a ransom. The governor and council endeavouring to oppose the violence of the discontented, who appeared determined to support their pretensions, condemned the captain to pay the sum required; promising him, however, a reimbursement from the company.

The affair was thus determined: but the condescension of the council seemed to pave the way for the ruin of the colony;for from this instant the discontented, led by the chiefs of their districts, who were calledHundreders, committed the greatest excesses, refused to submit to any authority, and on the 25th of September, 1800, issued a formal proclamation, in which they forbade the inhabitants, under a penalty of 20l. sterling, from obeying any orders of the governor and council. They then published a new constitution, which vested all the authority in the hands of the hundreders, and established a maximum for the sale of articles of sustenance. Certain crimes, such as the stealing of cattle, adultery, defamation, disobedience towards parents, the destruction of fences, &c. were punished by fines; and the debts contracted by the inhabitants towards the company, were left to the decision of the hundreders, who interdicted not only every kind of reimbursement, but even the paying of the interest, under pain of banishment from the colony.

The revolters, whose numbers amounted to about fifty, were headed by three fellows named Robinson, Anderson, and Zirier. The colony then had at its disposal eighty Negroes and twelve Europeans, who were determined to defend it. Nevertheless, though their force was so much superior, they made no attempts to subdue the insurgents; but chance threw in their way a great assistance: for at this very time a large English ship arrived from Nova Scotia, having on board, under the command of Lieutenants Smith and Tolley, forty-five soldiers, and five hundred and fifty Maroons, besides a number of other men, women, and children. The revolters were therefore attacked on the 2d of October, and easily overcome; thirty-five were made prisoners, three of whom were found guilty of various crimes, and condemned to death; and seven were sent as malefactors to Goree: the remainder were transported to Bulam, on the northern coast of Sierra Leone.

The Maroons who came from Nova Scotia, have assigned to them the town of Granville, where the government watches attentively over them. This measure, however, is unnecessary: for as late as the month of May, 1801, they had not shewn any disposition to offend the laws; and it is expected that great advantages may be derived from their industry.

Hitherto the commerce of the company has not been attended with much success; it has lost one after another, four large ships, the cargoes of which were worth upwards of 30,000l. The French have also taken two other vessels belonging to this establishment, worth about 7,000l. The company has received from the British government a grant of 21,000l.; and at the end of 1799, its capital consisted of about 82,332l. while in December, 1800, it amounted to 122,563l.; and its debts at the last mentioned period were 26,995l. It therefore possessed at that time a capital of 95,567l.

This company sustained a great loss by the death of an alderman of Free-town, named Thomas Cooper, who was of the African race: the Blacks considered him as their common father, and still weep after him.

Every means is adopted to enlarge and accomplish the expectations of the colonists; and with this view different kinds of instruction are given. Amongst other efforts towards civilization, may be mentioned a printing-office, at which is published once a fortnight a newspaper, called the Sierra Leone Gazette.

The principal productions of this colony are sugar-canes, Cayenne pepper, cotton, ginger, and coffee; the last of which is as good as that from the Levant. The animals which they endeavour principally to breed are asses and cows; but there is much difficulty to extend the race of those useful quadrupeds.

Such is the present state of the English company: it has experienced misfortunes foreign and domestic, which have threatened its existence; and it has encountered enormous losses, which have consumed great parts of its fund. From a comparison of the sums already mentioned, it will appear that the money which has been employed or lost amounts to 175,352l. The company, nevertheless, is powerful; its means are more proportionate than its wants, and its enterprise is too great to be ruined by a few injuries; while by gradually proceeding with firmness, it will attain its objects.

All the institutions of this company, and its great exertions to promote the happiness of the Africans, are founded on the abolition of the slave trade. It is evident that without this praise-worthy resource, it promises itself nothing from all the undertakings and sacrifices which it makes to support them; but notwithstanding its wishes, it is surrounded with several establishments entirely devoted to the slave trade, and vessels are continually arriving for the same purpose: so that this trade is carried on under the very eyes of the company, with the same ardour as ever. Yet this society is equally as sanguine as it was at first, respecting the abolition of the slave trade, which it hopes to see accomplished; and therefore continues its labours with unshaken fortitude, and the resolution to do nothing but what it pledged itself to perform. It has, however, shewn us that it cannot attach to the soil the Negroes which have been brought from Nova Scotia, and they have retired to Free-town for the purposes of traffic. Hence the question naturally presents itself—by whom can the company have its grounds cultivated? On this subject it is silent; but I think I can give an answer.

I have said that the population of Africa is composed of one-fourth free men and three-fourths slaves. It is an admitted fact, that the free Negroes never work; it is therefore necessary to employslaves, and to pay their masters for their hire. If, however, the company were to employ them, it would depart from its primitive regulations, which positively stipulate that there shall never be any slaves in the colony. If it were to buy them in order to render them free, and employ them in cultivation, I would ask if it could then be satisfied with their labour, or could hope to attach them to the soil? I should wish that this important question were ascertained beyond all doubt; but I must confess my doubts of its success; and I fear that the Negroes whom the company may render free, will imitate all other Negroes that are their own masters, and who will do nothing, or in other words, that they will prefer slavery to labour. This apprehension is founded on the knowledge which I posses of their natural and invincible indolence. I must, therefore, repeat with freedom my opinion of the rigorous conditions which the company has imposed on itself; and I really think that there will always be an obstacle to the accomplishment of its views. But to attain its wishes, I would propose an opposite mode, which I will point out in a few words.

I would make use of the Africans in their present state, that is to say, slaves, and would pay their masters the price of their labour; I would render them subservient to mild, humane, and benevolent laws; and I would incite them to work, and to like the place of their residence, by the inducement of property and land. Having thus prepared them for the charms of liberty, I should hasten to purchase them and make them free, that they might enjoy it. This method would, in my opinion, produce many cultivators: for even those who have been of no advantage during several years, might be thus dismissed and sent home. In short, I would leave off exactly where the company began; and I should thus hope to see my colony composed of industrious and experienced men. Hence, like the company, I should not only renounce the slave trade, but should deliver the Africans from bondage. I should buy them as formerly, only under the sacred condition of having them for a certain time to cultivate our American colonies, which it is impolitic to abandon; and under a condition equally sacred of making them proprietors at the expiration of their servitude, provided they would reside on the spot. Should they, however, be disinclined to stay in the colonies, I would comply with their wishes, and convey them back to Africa. Those who might turn out bad, or be guilty of crimes, ought to be banished from the colonies, but scrupulously restored to their own countries.

With respect to laws, I think that the colonies ought to be governed not only by a particular code, but that certain regulations should be adopted by each of them; as it appears impossible to me, that general laws can insure the prosperity of all such establishments.

I shall add another reflection, of public utility. The Blacks are a kind of men destined by Nature to inhabit Africa and America; she has created them for burning regions: let us, therefore, take care not to oppose her views, or overthrow the barriers which she has established; but let us preserve their races in their natural purity, and not permit the Negroes to inhabit Europe. This mixture of black and white is dangerous to our population, and in time it may change, corrupt, and even destroy it.


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